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COPYRIGHT,  1887 
Bv  GEORGE  FRANCIS  DAWSON 

[All  rights  reserved] 


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TO 

THE    MEMORY   OF 

JOHN    ALEXANDER    LOGAN 

THE 

EVER-VICTORIOUS   WARRIOR   AND    ILLUSTRIOUS  STATESMAN 

THIS 

BRIEF,  AND   ALL   TOO    INADEQUATE 
RECORD 

OF 

HIS   GREAT   SERVICES    DURING    FORTY   YEARS 
IN    WAR,   AND   IN    PEACE 

TO 

HIS   COUNTRY   AND    ITS   PEOPLE 

is 
REVERENTLY   DEDICATED 

BY 

THE    AUTHOR 


M97078 


PREFACE. 


THE  enthusiasm  kindled  in  the  Chicago  Convention  of 
June,  1884,  by  the  presentation  of  his  name  as  the  candidate 
of  Illinois  for  the  Presidential  nomination,  and  the  extraor 
dinarily  unanimous  vote  by  which  he  was  nominated  for 
the  Vice-Presidency,  showed  plainly  enough  the  estimation 
in  which  General  Logan  was  held  by  Republican  men  of 
affairs.  But  despite  his  admitted  popularity  and  strength 
throughout  the  country — among  the  workingmen  for  whose 
interests  he  had  so  sturdily  worked,  among  the  Union  sol 
diers  of  the  war  whom  he  had  so  often  led  in  battle,  among 
the  colored  people  whose  champion  he  had  been  on  the 
tented  field,  in  the  Congressional  forum,  and  upon  the  stump 
—his  life-work  covered  so  many  fields,  during  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  that  much  of  it  is  unknown  to  the 
younger  men  of  the  present  day.  I  have  therefore  thought 
that  a  biographical  sketch  of  this  remarkable  man  would 
meet  a  public  necessity,  and  help  to  place  the  General  in 
military  and  political  history  in  that  true  light  which  his  own 
modesty  denied  him.  ! !  In  preparing  this  work  I  enjoyed  all 
the  advantages  which  full  access  to  the  General's  scrap- 
books,  private  papers,  and  military  order-books  could  give 
me,  in  addition  to  the  Rebellion  Records  and  other  official 
information  accessible  at  Washington,  and  also  freely  con 
sulted,  and  in  some  instances  quoted  from,  the  military 
works  of  the  Comte  de  Paris,  General  Sherman's  Memoirs, 
and  Badeau's  "  Military  History  of  Grant,"  besides  securing 
authentic  narrations  of  battle-scenes  in  which  the  General 
was  engaged,  from  other  active  participants  in  the  same. 
It  is  to  these  sources  of  information,  therefore,  and  not  to 
any  qualities  of  my  own,  that  I  attribute  whatever  of  dash 

.  r 


xjj  PREFACE. 


and  merit  there  is  in  the  succession  of  graphic  and  stirring 
battle-scenes,  in  which  Logan  is  the  hero,  herewith  pre 
sented  to  the  reader.  But  as  to  the  General  himself,  rarely 
a  word  could  be  got  descriptive  of  anything  in  which  he  was 
an  actor.  Partly  with  a  view  to  establishing  the  authenti 
city  of  certain  incidents  in  the  military  part — like  the  story 
of  the  battle-born  Shell-Anna,  for  instance— I  submitted 
them  to  the  General,  and  all  that  could  be  extorted  from 
him  was,  "Well,  that  is  true."  Hence,  I  may  conscien 
tiously  say  that  this  work,  whatever  its  merits  or  demerits 
otherwise,  is  authentic,  and  as  such  will  be  of  value  for  ref 
erence.  Aside  from  this,  I  can  also  say  with  truth,  that 
while  the  military  part  of  it  is,  as  it  were,  a  panorama  of 
the  great  War  of  the  Rebellion — or  of  that  large  part  of  it 
in  the  West,  Southwest,  and  South  in  which  General  Logan 
prominently  figured — so  the  political  part  of  it,  before,  dur 
ing,  and  since  the  war,  is  a  panorama  of  the  Nation's  politi 
cal  life  during  the  past  quarter-century.  General  Logan 
was  so  active  on  the  stump  and  in  the  halls  of  National 
legislation,  and  his  tongue  so  eloquent  and  impressive,  that 
the  extracts  given  herein  from  some  of  his  many  great 
speeches  are  a  succession  of  word-pictures  luminously  sug 
gestive  of  all  that  has  occurred  during  that  period  involving 
the  National  existence  and  growth.  They  cannot  fail  to  be 
instructive,  entertaining,  and  delightful  to  the  reader,  as  they 
have  been  fascinating  to  myself.  Whatever  of  labor  was 
involved  in  this  work  has  been  a  labor  of  love — of  love  for 
the  man,  for  the  soldier,  for  the  statesman,  for  that  great 
Party  of  Progress  of  which  he  was  so  eminent  a  leader,  and 
especially  of  love  for  those  grand  Anglo-Saxon  principles  of 
freedom  of  speech  and  person,  liberty  of  action,  and  self-gov 
ernment  upon  which  our  great  Republic,  through  the  wis 
dom  of  that  party  and  the  heroism  of  our  Union  soldiers, 
now  securely  rests.  In  offering  it  to  the  public,  my  only 
regret  is  that  it  falls  far  short  of  doing  full  justice  to  the 
invincible  soldier  and  illustrious  citizen  of  whom  it  treats. 

GEO.  FRS.  DAWSON. 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  19,  1887. 


CONTENTS. 


PART  I.— LOGAN  BEFORE  THE  WAR. 


PAGE 

Prelude i 

Logan's  parentage,  birth,  boyhood,  early 
surroundings,  and  education 2 

Marked  characteristics  of  his  parents — His 
father's  wonderful  courage 3 

Logan's  youth — Those  slow-coach  days  — 
The  squirrel's  story 4 

A  born  leader — A  daring  feat — Story  of 
the  flat-boat— Goes  to  college— War 
with  Mexico — He  volunteers 6 

Return  from  Mexico — His  first  public  of 
fice — Reads  law — Graduates  from  Louis 
ville  University — Practising  law — In  the 
State  Legislature 8 

Elected   District  Attorney — His  uniform 


PAGB 

success— Incident  of  his  skill  in  defence 
— His  marriage — Again  in  Legislat 
ure 9 

In  Congress— At  the  Charleston  Conven 
tion — The  slave-pens  of  the  South — His 
efforts  to  avert  war 10 

Lovejoy  threatened  with  violence  in  the 
House— Free-speech  in  peril— Logan 
cows  the  fire-eaters  and  secures  Love- 
joy  a  hearing 12 

The  baseless  charge  that  Logan  was  a 
"Secession  sympathizer" — The  war 
breaks  out — Logan  leaves  the  House, 
shoulders  a  musket,  and  fights  at  Bull 
Run 13 


PART  II.— LOGAN  IN  THE  WAR. 


General  McCook  describes  Logan  at  Bull 
Run — Logan's  return  to  Washington 
and  "Egypt" — The  sacrifices  he  made — 
Magical  effect  of  his  words  on  a  mob — 
He  turns  secessionists  into  Union  sol 
diers  Southern  Illinois  saved  to  the 
Union  15 

Battle  of  Belmont  -  Characteristic  inci 
dent — Colonel  Logan's  bravery  and 
"admirable  tactics" — His  horse  shot 
under  him 19 

Logan  at  Fort  Henry — He  is  the  first  to 
enter  it — His  intrepidity  and  skill  at 
Fort  Donelson — Carried  wounded  from 
the  field,  having  earned  a  Brigadier- 
Generalship — General  Grant's  recom 
mendation  21 

General  Logan  in  command  of  a  brigade 
— His  services  at  Corinth— Sherman's 
appreciation  of  them 25 

Logan  solicited  to  return  to  Congress — 


PACK 

His  grandly  patriotic  refusal:  "I  have 
entered  the  field  to  die,  if  need  be,  for 
this  Government  " — His  only  politics, 
' '  attachment  for  the  Union  " 26 

Northern  Mississippi  Campaign — Logan 
leads  the  advance — Is  made  Major-Gen 
eral — At  Memphis— Assigned  to  com 
mand  of  Third  Division,  Seventeenth 
Corps — Stirring  address  to  his  fellow- 
soldiers  28 

From  Memphis  to  Lake  Providence — 
Canalling — A  bold  proposal— Logan's 
men  "  man  "  the  transports  that  run  the 
terrible  fire  of  Vicksburg's  guns 31 

Logan  at  the  victory  of  Port  Gibson — His 
men  determine  the  battle  of  the  Big 
Black— Logan  flanks  the  enemy  and 
drives  him  again — Consequent  evacua 
tion  of  Grand  Gulf—' '  The  road  to  Vicks- 
burg  now  open  " 32 

Battle  of  Raymond—"  One  of  the  hardest 


XIV 


(  V.V//-.V/X 


small  battles  of  the  war  "—Logan's  di- 
*n  wins  it — The  battle  of  Jackson  . .     34 

•utflanks  the  enemy  at  the  battle  of 
..impion  Hills  and  secures  victory  to 
the  Union  arms — Retreat  and  rout  of 
the  enemy — "  The  most  complete  de 
feat  of  the  Confederates  since  the  com 
mencement  of  the  war  " 35 

Siege  of  Vicksburg— ••  The  Gibraltar  of 
the  South" — Logan  at  the  centre — 
Bombardment  by  land  and  water — The 
two  desperately  bloody  assaults 40 

The  siege-works — Logan  blows  up  the 
11  Malakoff  "  of  Vicksburg— The  fight  in 
the  crater — Logan's  close  approaches — 
He  advises  a  final  assault — Armistice 
and  surrender  -  Logan  leads  the  trium 
phal  entcy — Made  military  governor  of 
Vicksburg  and  receives  a  medal 44 

A  military  interlude— Logan  takes  the 
stump  for  the  Lincoln  administration- 
Attacks  the  enemy  in  the  rear — Elo 
quent  appeals  to  patriotism  to  stand  by 
"  the  cause  " — The  good  they  did 46 

Logan  in  command  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps 
— He  orders  its  corps-badge  to  be  a 
cartridge-box  and  "forty  rounds" — 
The  advance  on  Atlanta — The  stubborn 
battle  of  Resaca— Logan's  victorious 
attack  on  the  enemy's  flank— His  untir 
ing  vigilance 49 

Battle  of  Dallas — Logan's  corps  brilliantly 
repulse  repeated  charges  of  Hardee's 
veteran  corps — Logan's  gallant  bearing 
at  a  critical  moment — He  is  again 
wounded 53 

Battle  of  Big  Kenesaw  Mountain— The 
desperate  assault  upon  the  impregnable 
face  of  Little  Kenesaw  Mountain — Won 
derful  discipline  of  our  soldiers — Un 
paralleled  heroism  of  Logan  and  his 
men— Through  Marietta  and  Decatur 
to  Atlanta 55 

The  great  battle  of  Atlanta — Death  of  the 
brave  McPherson — The  heroic  Logan 
succeeds  him— Taking  command  of  a 
flanked  army,  with  its  idolized  com 
mander  killed  and  panic  impending, 
fighting  in  front  and  rear,  Logan  con 
verts  threatened  disaster  into  a  glorious 
victory — The  bloodiest  battle  of  the 
West — Logan's  personal  prowess — One 
of  the  finest  battle-pictures  of  the  war. .  58 

Another  flank  movement  of  the  Army  of 


the  Tennessee  in  a  pitch-dark  night- 
Logan  all  night  in  the  saddle — His  re 
markable  military  skill 70 

Howard's  appointment  to  the  command — 
Without  a  murmur  Logan  returns  to  his 
brave  Fifteenth  Corps — The  desperate 
battle  of  Ezra  Chapel  —  Logan's  corps 
defeats  the  enemy's  army — Six  gallant 
charges  repelled — The  rebel  army  com 
pletely  repulsed  by  Logan 71 . 

Logan's  corps  still  pressing  the  enemy — 
On  the  right  again — Destruction  of  West 
Point  Railroad — On  to  Jonesboro' 75 

Touching  incident  of  the  Atlanta  cam 
paign — The  fatherless  battle-born  babe 
"  Shell -Anna  "  —The  christening  — 
Logan  the  godfather 76 

Battle  of  Jonesboro' — Logan  whips  Lee's 
and  Hardee's  corps  again — Consequent 
evacuation  of  Atlanta — Logan's  patri 
otic  address  to  his  gallant  corps 80 

Another  interlude — Logan  on  the  stump 
again,  defending  the  party  of  the  Union .  86 

Logan's  rare  magnanimity  —  He  gives 
"Pap"  Thomas  his  chance,  at  Nash 
ville — Logan  rejoins  the  Fifteenth  Corps 
at  Savannah 87 

The  campaign  of  the  Carolinas — Its  rela 
tive  importance  greater  than  "  the 
march  to  the  sea" — The  part  Logan's 
corps  contributed  to  it 88 

Terrible  sufferings  and  difficulties  of  the 
march  —  Advancing  and  fighting  with 
water  up  to  the  middle — Logan  working 
with  his  men  night  and  day  in  the 
swamps — Various  skirmishes  and  en 
gagements  89 

Forcing  the  passage  of  the  Little  Sal- 
kahatchie  and  Congaree. —  Charging 
through  mud  and  water — The  surrender 
of  Columbia — The  city  in  flames — Lo 
gan's  men  stay  the  fire 91 

Passage  of  Lynch's  Creek  Bottom  and 
Black  Creek — Logan's  men  "  up  to  their 
armpits  in  water  "  drive  the  enemy — 
The  terrible  quicksands  and  swamps 
between  Lumber  River  and  Little  Rock 
Fish  Creek 92 

Crossing  the  Cape  Clear  and  South  Rivers 
—The  Battle  of  Bentonville  or  Mill 
Creek  —  Logan's  successive  gallant 
charges  upon  the  enemy,  driving  him 
into  his  works — The  enemy  evacuates 
and  retreats 93 


CONTENTS. 


xv 


Striking  incidents  of  Logan's  humanity 
and  justice 94 

Fall  of  Richmond  and  Petersburg — Lo 
gan's  advance  on  Smithfield — Johnston 
evacuates  it — The  advance  on  Raleigh 
— Johnston  surrenders  and  the  war  ends 
— Logan  organizes  the  Society  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee 95 

Assassination  of  Lincoln  —  Thrilling  in 
stance  of  Logan's  personal  heroism — He 
saves  the  people  of  Raleigh  from  mur 
der,  arson,  and  "  worse  than  death  "...  96 


Logan  again  in  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee— On  the  march  to 
Washington— The  grand  review— He 
musters  out  his  60,000  veterans 
and  resigns — His  affecting  farewell 
address  to  the  Army  of  the  Tennes 
see 

Resume  of  Logan's  remarkable  military 
career — A  tribute  to  the  American  vol 
unteer  soldier— Logan  the  highest  em 
bodiment  of  the  soldier  who  never  for 
got  he  was  a  citizen 


I'AGK 


97 


PART   III.— LOGAN    AFTER   THE   WAR. 


Logan's  personal  appearance  and  some  of 
his  characteristics 104 

Logan  the  statesman — The  Cooper  Union 
meeting  at  New  York — He  frustrates 
the  attempted  capture  of  our  Union 
generals  by  the  Democratic  leaders  . . .  105 

He  suggests  the  pressing  of  the  Alabama 
claims,  retirement  of  Maximilian,  and 
honest  payment  of  our  national  debt. . .  107 

His  great  speech  at  Louisville,  Ky. — On 
slavery,  emancipation,  and  education — 
The  war  and  its  results — He  beards  the 
lion  in  his  den 107 

The  political  campaign  of  1865 — Logan's 
campaign  services — Appointed  minister 
to  Mexico,  but  declines 112 

He  declines  appointment  as  minister  to 
Japan — Nominated  to  Congress  from 
the  State  at  Large — His  extraordinary 
canvass  of  Illinois  in  1866 — Malignant 
vilification 114 

His  magnetic  influence — Denunciation  of 
Andrew  Johnson's  contemplated  treason 
— Logan  carries  his  State  by  60,000  ma 
jority  115 

Congressman  Logan  after  the  war — His 
great  speech  on  reconstruction  —  De 
fence  of  the  Republican  policy — He  rid 
dles  Andrew  Johnson's  policy — Peni 
tence  before  forgiveness — A  "  renewed 
loyalty  "  the  key-note  of  proper  recon 
struction 1 16 

The  reason  why  Democratic  leaders  hated 
Logan — How  Logan  saved  to  the  Gov 
ernment  nearly  one  million  dollars 121 

Logan  elected  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic — Objects 


of  that  order — He  institutes   Memorial 

or  Decoration  Day 123 

Passages  from  one  of  his  Memorial  Day 
orations — A  thrilling  war-picture 125 

Impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson— Logan 
one  of  the  House-managers — His  great 
effort  before  the  High  Court  of  Im 
peachment — What  Sumner  and  others 
said  of  i  t 128 

Pensions  for  the  War  of  1812— Logan 
advocates  the  bill,  and  explains 
the  ground  upon  which  pensions  are 
granted  , 133 

Logan  declines  to  run  for  Governor  of 
Illinois — "The  centre  of  attraction"  in 
the  House — Again  nominated  Repre 
sentative  at  Large — At  the  Chicago 
Convention,  1868,  he  nominates  Grant 
for  President 134 

Logan's  key-note  speech  in  the  House, 
1868 — Scathing  review  of  the  "  Prin 
ciples  of  the  Democratic  Party" — Good 
reading  for  young  men,  even  now 136 

Logan  in  the  campaign  of  1868 — What 
was  said  of  his  efforts  —  His  great 
speeches  at  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. ,  and 
Morris,  111 153 

He  is  re-elected  to  Congress  —  The 
Jenckes  ''Tenure  of  office  "  or  "Civil 
Service"  bill- Logan  attacks  it  and 
shows  its  dangers 159 

His  early  stand  against  money-subsidies 
to  railroads — The  Eastern  Division  Pa 
cific  Railroad  Bill— Logan  calls  a  halt, 
and  defeats  the  bill '. 161 

The  electoral  count  of  1869— Turbulent 
scenes  in  joint  convention— Ben.  But- 


X\  I 


CONTENTS. 


l<-r  s  attempt  to  bully  Congress— Logan 
Mjuelches  him 165 

Ri-inoval  of  the  capital  to  the  Mississippi 
V.dlry  —  A  great  speech  —  Logan's 
powerful  appeal  for  the  readmission  of 
Virginia.^ J66 

il<  secured  the  branding  of  Whittemore 
I  iy  the  House,  for  corruption — His  ap 
peal  to  the  courage  of  the  House 168 

in's   plea  for   struggling   Cuba — He 

asks  for  belligerent  rights 169 

in's  Army  Reduction  Bill — It  effects 
a  saving  of  millions  annually — Its  pas 
sage  "  the  greatest  triumph  of  that 
Congress  " i?2 

His  reply  to  General  Sherman's  letter  op 
posing  army  reduction  and  reform — Lo 
gan  demolishes  it— Eloquent  protest 
against  military  dictation,  and  defence 
of  the  liberties  of  the  people 173 

Logan  the  author  of  the  Fifteenth  Amend 
ment,  as  agreed  to 176 

His  eulogy  on  General  Thomas— A  fitting 
and  eloquent  tribute  to  the  "  Rock  of 
Chickamauga  " 178 

Logan  elected  a  third  time  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Grand  Army— His  last 
general  orders  touching  Decoration  Day 
— Grand  Army  resolutions — A  hand 
some  tribute  to  "  the  soldier's  friend  ".  181 

How  General  Logan  was  at  this  time  re 
garded  in  "  Egypt  " 183 

Another  big  debate  on  Cuba — Logan's 
prominent  part  in  it — He  handles  Ben. 
Butler  without  gloves 184 

Whittemore  again  attempts  to  get  his  seat 
— The  House,  under  Logan's  lead,  ex 
cludes  him,  and  returns  his  credentials.  186 

Logan  rcnominated  by  acclamation  in  1870 
— His  great  services  on  the  stump  in 
Illinois,  Indiana,  and  Iowa — Sensation 
in  Iowa  wherever  he  appears — The 
Senatorship 188 

Pen-portrait  of  General  Logan— Analysis 
of  his  methods  and  manner  in  speech- 
making  191 

Logan  at  Springfield— The  records  of 
the  two  parties  contrasted— A  passage 
of  remarkable  eloquence 194 

Logan  puts  through  the  House  a  bill  to 
abolish  the  offices  of  Admiral  and  Vice- 
Admiral  of  the  navy — He  is  elected  to 

the  U.  S.  Senate 196 

;  re.it  Chicago  fire— Senator  Logan's 


efforts    for    congressional    relief  —  His 
vivid  description  of  the  catastrophe 198 

Sumner's  bitter  attack  on  Grant — Logan's 
withering  rejoinder — A  noble  defence  of 

his  old  commander    200 

!  Logan's  stirring  speech  at  El  Paso — The 
differences  between  Democracy  and 
Republicanism 203 

Senator  Logan  secures  the  prohibition  of 
the  sale  of  arms  to  Indians,  and  defeats 
|      injurious  legislation 206 

General  Logan's  oration  before  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee  at  Toledo,  O.,  1873..  208 

Logan  on  the  stump  in  Indiana,  1874 — His 
"  rousing  "  speech  at  Indianapolis 209 

His  remarkable  oration  at  Clinton,  111. — 
Personal  liberty  traced  to  the  fountain- 
head — Our  own  Government  a  compro 
mise  between  such  liberty  and  cen 
tralism  211 

A  legal  incident  in  Logan's  career — 
Among  the  silver-mines  of  Colorado. . .  217 

Logan  talked  of  for  President  in  1876 218 

What  the  old  soldiers  thought  of  Logan's 
efforts  in  their  behalf  in  Congress 218 

Logan's  tilt  with  Confederate  brigadiers 
in  1876 — His  defence  of  Sheridan  and 
Grant— The  White  League  "  banditti  " 
— Democratic  sympathizers  in  the  Sen 
ate  roughly  handled — The  old  ship 219 

Proposed  transfer  of  the  Indian  Bureau 
to  the  War  Department — Senator  Logan 
eloquently  opposes  it,  and  pleads  for 
Indian  civilization  and  good  faith 223 

Logan's  views  on  finance  —  Non-tax 
ability  of  bonds  and  notes — Necessity 
for  upholding  the  national  credit 227 

The  footprints  of  parties  on  the  avenues 

of  time — Words  of  living  light 229 

The  difference  between  real  and  represen 
tative  money  and  "  fiat  "  money — A  per 
tinent  story 233 

A  coincidence  —  General  Logan  again 
elected  to  the  U.  S.  Senate — Great  re 
joicings  over  it  everywhere — A  poem — 
His  welcome  to  Carbondale — Grand 
welcome  back  to  Washington  —  His 
great  speech  at  the  capital — His  first  act 
on  returning  to  the  Senate  in  behalf  of 
the  old  soldiers 235 

His  great  speech  in  1879,  on  the  Army  Ap 
propriation  Bill — His  brave  words  and 
solemn  warning  to  the  revolutionists. ..  243 

One    of   the    "Confederate    brigadiers  ' 


CONTENTS. 


xv  11 


challenges  him — General  Logan  treats 
his  communications  with  contempt  and 
tells  his  second  to  "  go  to  hell  " 253 

Logan's  domestic  life  at  Washington — 
His  wife  and  children , 260 

General  Schenck  attacked  in  the  Senate 
— Logan  promptly  defends  the  old  pa 
triot 261 

Logan's  speech  on  the  U.  S.  Marshals 
Appropriation  Bill — The  Democratic 
attempt  at  "  Nullification  and  Anarchy  "  263 

On  the  stump  again — The  great  demand 
for  Logan  —  Characteristic  incidents 
touching  the  old  soldiers 268 

Logan's  canvass  of  Ohio  in  1879 — At  Day 
ton,  Springfield,  Van  Wert,  Bellefon- 
taine,  and  elsewhere — Ovations  every 
where  270 

His  campaign  in  Iowa — Ovation  after 
ovation  along  the  whole  line  from  Wat 
erloo  to  Burlington — Logan  excels  in 
a  new  role 273 

His  speech  in  1879,  on  the  reciprocal 
duties  of  the  citizen  to  the  Government 
and  the  Government  to  the  citizen 277 

Logan  secures  the  Republican  National 
Convention  of  1880  for  Chicago  by  a 
flank  movement 278 

His  able  legal  argument  in  the  Senate  on 
the  five-per-cent.  claims  of  Illinois  and 
other  States 279 

The  Fitz  John  Porter  case,  1880 — Logan's 
wonderful  four-days'  speech  before  a  lis 
tening  Senate  and  crowded  galleries. . .  280 


Death  of  Zach.  Chandler— Logan's  im 
pressive  account  of  his  dead  friend's 
last  hours— Eulogy  in  the  Senate 282 

The  Logan  "boom"  in  1880— Garfield 
moved  to  tears  by  his  early  and  hearty 
support — Logan's  wonderful  personal 
campaign  in  1880— He  strives  to  make 
peace  between  Conkling  and  Gar- 
field 285 

Logan's  loyalty  before  the  war— His  tri 
umphant  speech  of  vindication  in  1881 
— Democratic  and  Republican  Senators 
follow  it  with  their  personal  testimony  .  288 

Grant's  defence  of  Fitz  John  Porter— Lo 
gan  shows  it  to  be  founded  on  a  misap 
prehension  of  the  real  facts 292 

Logan's  speech  on  the  bill  to  retire  Gen 
eral  Grant — He  "rattles"  the  Confed 
erate  brigadiers  again — A  fine  tribute 
to  Grant's  military  genius 294 

His  speech  in  the  Senate  on  arrearages  of 
pensions — His  defence  of  the  wounded 
soldiers 296 

Logan's  bill  devoting  internal  revenue  re 
ceipts  to  education — A  great,  statesman- 
ly ,  instructive  speech 298 

Fitz  John  Porter  bill  of  1884 — Logan  again 
assails  the  obnoxious  bill — He  bids  the 
Confederate  brigadiers  beware  ! 305 

Senator  Logan  assailed  as  a  "  land-grab 
ber  "  —  He  proves  the  charge  to  be 
"maliciously  false" — Even  the  Demo 
cratic  Senators  laugh  the  charge  to 
scorn 307 


PART  IV.— LOGAN  ON  THE   PRESIDENTIAL  TICKET. 


General  Logan  again  talked  of  for  the 
Presidency  —  A  train  of  Logan  men 
reaches  Chicago  —  Illinois  decides  to 
present  his  name  to  the  Chicago  Con 
vention  of  1884 309 

His  name  presented  as  the  candidate  of 
Illinois — The  enthusiasm  with  which  it 
was  received 311 

The  four  ballots — How  Logan  secured 
the  nomination  of  Elaine,  and  why  he 
did  it— His  famous  despatch 313 

How  Logan  was  nominated  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency — On  roll-call  he  gets  779 
votes  —  The  nomination  by  acclama 
tion  ;  —  317 


How  the  news  of  Logan's  nomination  was 
received  in  Washington — an  impromptu 
ovation  —  Logan's  congratulations  to 
Blaine — Elaine's  reply  —  Elaine's  ova 
tion  in  Augusta — His  happy  reference 
to  Logan 319 

How  the  press  and  people  throughout  the 
country  hailed  the  nomination  of  Logan  322 

Republicans  at  Washington  preparing 
to  ratify — The  Illinois  Republican  Asso 
ciation  call  and  pay  their  respects 328 

Logan  in  Maine — An  ovation  from  Port 
land  to  Augusta — Grand  reception  in 
Augusta— His  stirring  speech  at  Mr. 
Elaine's  residence 329 


XV111 


CONTENTS. 


Elaine's  speech  at  Bangor  when  present- 
General  Logan  to  its  citizens— Lo- 
handsome  tribute  to  James  G. 
Blaine 33* 

Resolutions  of  the  State  Republican  As 
sociations  at  the  national  capital — Lo- 

I  strength  in  Indiana,  etc 333 

ratification  meeting  at  the  national 
capital — Addresses  of  Sherman,  Hawley, 
Frye.  Harrison,  Raum,  Reed,  Phelps, 
Fred.  Douglass.  Dingley,  Miller,  Milli- 
ken,  Horr,  Smalls,  Pettibone,  Goff.  and 
others  of  note — Good  things  said  of  both 
Blaine  and  Logan 335 

Cirand  serenade  by  the  ex-soldiers  and 
sailors  to  Logan  at  Washington— Ad 
dress  by  General  Green  B.  Raum— Lo 
gan's  reply  —  Speeches  of  Senator 
Plumb  and  others — "  Brains  and  pluck, 
or  pluck  and  brains  " 342 


The  Republican  National  Convention 
Committee  call  upon  and  officially  noti 
fy  Logan  of  his  nomination — General 
Henderson's  address — General  Logan's 
response 347 

The  letter  of  acceptance — Protection— 
Our  financial  system — Interstate  and 
foreign  commerce — Foreign  relations — 
Equal  rights — Immigration — Civil  Ser 
vice,  etc 349 

General  Logan's  journey  to  Minneapolis 
— An  enthusiastic  ovation  all  the  way 
from  Pittsburg  —  Grand  reception  at 
Minneapolis — Meeting  of  the  Grand  Ar 
my — The  greatest  demonstration  of  the 
Northwest 359 

Logan's  reception  elsewhere — His  more 
than  royal  progress  through  the  States 
— His  exhausting  campaign  labors— Re 
sult  of  the  election — How  Logan  bore  it.  361 


PART  V.— LOGAN  SINCE  1884. 


Logan's  memorably  gallant  fight  for  the 
Illinois  senatorship  —  Hopeless  odds 
against  him — He  wins  his  third  senato 
rial  term — His  address  to  the  Legisla 
ture  363 

Public  interest  in  Logan's  victory — Tele 
grams  of  congratulation,  etc 366  { 

Knthusiastic  ovations  from  Springfield  to 
Chicago— Logan's  reception  at  Chicago.  368 

Rinquet  to  Logan  by  the  Chicago  Union 
League  Club— His  modest  speech 370 

Logan's  Presidential  "boom"  for  1888, 
starting  strongly 371  . 

H.>  return  to  Washington— Salute  of  100 
guns  in  honor  of  his  election 372 

Logan  visits  Grant's  sick-chamber — Old 
war-memories  revived 373 

Knthusiastic  reception  of  Logan  at  the 
G.  A.  R.  Encampment,  Portland,  Me. — 
UK  telling  speeches  there 374 

The  Logan  banquet  in  Boston — A  charac 
teristic  incident — His  vigorous  speech 
on  "  Civil  Service  reform  "  and  "offen 
sive  oartisanship" — "  Fair  play"  de 
manded  378 

Fourth  of  July  oration  by  Logan  at  Wood 
stock,  Conn.,  1885 381  ! 

Logan  on  Grant— Address  to  the  G.  A.  R. 


in  the  M.  E.  Memorial  Church,  Wash 
ington — Eloquent  review  of  that  great 
chieftain's  services 385 

Banqueted  by  the  "  Logan  Invincibles  "  at 
Baltimore —  Logan's  "  bloody-saddle  " 
speech — Elkins  gives  Grant's  high  es 
timate  of  Logan 398 

Logan  declines  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States  Senate— His  popularity 
still  extending 40* 

New  Year's  (1886)  reception  by  Logan  at 
his  Washington  residence — A  descrip 
tive  poem '. 403 

Logan  dined  by  the  Philadelphia  "  Clover 
Club  " 406 

He  again  attacks  the  (modified)  Fitz  John 
Porter  bill  in  the  Senate 407 

Speech  on  admission  of  Dakota — Logan 
riddles  the  Democratic  opposition— He 
unhorses  Senator  Butler 408 

Logan's  idea  of  "decorations" — He  de 
clares  against  secret  sessions  of  the 
Senate 409 

The  great  "  Republican  Club"  banquet 
in  Detroit — Logan's  enthusiastic  recep 
tion  and  stirring  speech 410 

His  eloquent  advice  to  the  American  ne 
gro — The  possibilities  of  that  race 412 


CONTENTS. 


xix 


PAGE 

Logan's  grand  Memorial  Day  oration  at 
the  tomb  of  Grant,  Riverside  Park,  New 
York,  1886.; 413 

The  Payne  senatorial  election  case — Hal- 
stead's  attack  on  Logan — His  crushing 
rejoinder .  427 

Logan  goes  to  the  G.  A.  R.  Encampment 
at  San  Francisco — He  is  bombarded 
with  flowers — Is  enthusiastically  re 
ceived  everywhere  on  the  Pacific  coast 
— His  speech  to  the  Mormons 430 

His  return — Public  receptions  at  St.  Paul, 
Minneapolis,  and  Chicago 436 


PAG8 

His  speech  at  the  Soldiers'  Reunion.Cairo, 
September  30,  1886— The  true  theory 
of  pensions — Eloquent  passages 438 

Logan's  last  great  out -door  public  ad 
dress,  at  Marion,  October  4,  1886 

"  The  issues  of  the  day'' — The  Demo 
cratic  Party  a  failure— The  Republican 
Party  vindicated 441 

His  last  camp-fire  speech,  at  Youngstown, 
O. ,  November  18,  1886 443 

Logan's  magazine  work— Book-making— 
u  The  Great  Conspiracy  " 444 

His  Presidential  star  waxing  rapidly 445 


PART  VI.— LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH. 


Logan's  return  to  Washington — His  last 
drive — Attacked  by  rheumatism — His 
last  appearance  in  the  Senate — A  siege 
of  agony 447 

His  graphic  stories — His  estimate  of  Lin 
coln  as  a  joker — Logan's  gallop  along 
the  lines  at  Vicksburg — His  unrecorded 
wound 449 

His  anecdotes  about  Hazen  and  others — 
Logan's  ideas  about  military  discipline 
— How  Mrs.  Logan  "  cut  a  man  down."  454 

Logan  talks  of  Douglas  and  the  war- 
About  General  Sherman 455 

Getting  worse  —  Bad  nights  —  Reading 
Logan  to  sleep — His  opinion  of  the 
memoirs  of  Lee 457 

The  passing  away — Affecting  scenes  in 
the  chamber  of  death 460 

Calumet  Place  in  mourning — The  guard- 


mount — The   question  of  final  resting- 
place  461 

The  Senate  Committee  of  Arrangements 
and  the  pall-bearers— Taking  the  re 
mains  from  Calumet  Place — Logan  ly 
ing  in  state  under  the  great  white  dome  463 

Letters  of  condolence  from  notable  per 
sons  everywhere 465 

The  wonderful  profusion  of  floral  offer 
ings — A  mound  of  flowers 467 

The  obsequies  in  the  Senate  Chamber — 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Newman's  eloquent  fu 
neral  panegyric  on  Logan 468 

The  funeral  procession  to  Rock  Creek 
church-yard — Services  at  the  tomb — 
Sounding  ''  taps  "  (lights  out) 475 

Poem  on  the  "  Death  of  Logan  " 478 

How  the  press  and  people  of  the  land 
mourned  the  sad  loss  of  Logan 482 


PART  VII.— ADDENDA. 


PAGE 

Logan's  influence  upon  our  statute-book 
— The  impress  of  his  thought  on  all 
important  national  legislation  enacted 
since  the  war 493 

Secret  of  Logan's  popularity  with  the 
farmer,  the  laborer,  the  soldier,  the  col 
ored  man,  and  the  Irish  voter 495 

The  charge  that  Logan   "murdered  the 
king's     English"     disposed     of — His. 
speeches  "beds  of  pearls  " — A  random 
string  of  them 499 

Logan's  literary  tastes  and  treasures— Ex 


tent  of  his  classical  and  other  knowl 
edge — How  he  prepared  his  speeches. .  505 
Why  Sherman  displaced  him  from  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  af 
ter  Logan's  great  victory  of  Atlanta— 
The  Sherman-Logan  correspondence — 
Sherman's  oral  and  written  statements 
since  Logan's  death — Hitherto  unpub 
lished  letters  of  Sherman  to  Halleck 
and  to  Logan  himself— Hooker's  letter 
to  Logan — The  real  reasons  for  Sher 
man's  injustice 5°5 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


Lopan  "thrice"  refuses  "the  crown,"  in 
1880— His  wonderful  fortitude  under  a 
reverse — Frye's  denial — Several  bits  of 
unwritten  history 525 

Logan's  last  Christmas-Eve  souvenir — A 
poem 528 

Logan's  brave  Scottish  ancestry — Mean 
ing  of  the  name — Robert  the  Bruce's 
vow  —  Sir  James  Douglas  and  the 
Bruce's  heart  -  Heroic  charge  against 
the  Saracens  in  Spain— Valor  of  Sir 


Robert  and  Sir  Walter  Logan— The 
Logan  estates  forfeited,  and  the  name 
proscribed— The  Logan  armorial  bear 
ings 531 

Logan's  swarthy  complexion  —  How  he 
probably  came  by  it 534 

Mrs.  General  Logan— Her  personal  ap 
pearance  and  ancestry  —  The  stirring 
events  of  her  varied  life — A  brave,  kind, 
devoted,  self-sacrificing,  tactful,  woman 
ly  woman 536 


APPENDIX. 


I'AGB 

Part  I.  —  Logan  eulogies  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate  —  Tributes  of  Senators  Cul- 
lom,  Morgan,  Edmunds,  Manderson, 
Hampton,  Allison,  Hawley,  Spooner, 
Cockrell,  Frye,  Plumb,  Evarts,  Sabin, 
Palmer,  and  Farwell 545 

Part  II. — Logan  eulogies  in  House  of  Rep 
resentatives — Tributes  of  Representa 
tives  Thomas.T.  J.  Henderson,  McKin- 


ley,  Randall,  Cannon,  Butterworth, 
D.  B.  Henderson,  Holman,  Springer, 
George  E.  Adams,  Rogers,  Rowell, 
Daniel,  McComas,  A  J.  Weaver, 
Cutcheon,  Wilson,  Rice,  Caswell, 
O'Hara,  Goff,  Osborne,  Payson,  Brady, 
Hitt,  Symes,  Lawler,  Perkins,  Petti- 
bone,  Haynes,  Buchanan,  J.  H.  Ward, 
Gallinger,  Plumb,  Jackson,  and  C.  M. 
Anderson 556 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 


PART  I. 


LOGAN  BEFORE  THE  WAR. 

PRELUDE. 

It  has  been  well  said  that  the  life  of  General  John  A. 
Logan  was  one  of  such  ceaseless  activity,  rapid  changes,  ear 
nest  endeavor,  and  impressive  situations,  that  it  is  extremely 
difficult  to  do  justice  to  the  man,  his  motives,  his  character, 
to  the  masterly  labors  he  performed,  to  the  exalted  posi 
tion  he  won,  and  the  lasting  benefits  he  conferred  upon  his 
country  in  forensic  arenas,  in  legislative  halls,  and  the 
broader  and  more  stirring  fields  of  battle.  For  most  men 
of  genius  it  is  enough  to  shine  in  one  walk  or  profession  of 
life ;  but  General  Logan's  light  was  prismatic,  as  the  inci 
dents  -of  his  life  were  kaleidoscopic.  He  attained  eminence 
in  many  fields.  As  a  Congressional  Representative  and 
Senator  his  record  was  brilliant,  consistent,  and  statesmanly  ; 
as  a  jurist  his  eminence  was  attested  by  his  long  service  on 
the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  highest  representative  body 
in  the  land  ;  as  a  soldier  he  strode  rapidly  up  from  the  ranks 
of  a  private  to  the  command  of  an  army  ;  as  an  orator  he  was 
second  to  none  in  the  Republic ;  as  a  candidate  for  Vice- 
Presidential  honors  on  the  Republican  ticket  he  was  acknowl- 


2  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

edged  to  be  as  strong  and  generally  popular  as  the  great 
leader  who  .headed  it ;  and  his  rapidly  increasing  popularity 
everywhere,  since  then,  plainly  pointed  to  his  nomination 
and  election,  in  1888,  to  the  Presidency  of  the  Nation,  until 
death  -cut  off  the  prospect. 

LOGAN'S  PARENTAGE,  BIRTH,  BOYHOOD,   EARLY  SURROUNDINGS, 

AND  EDUCATION. 

Early  in  this  century,  Dr.  John  Logan,  the  father  of  Gen 
eral  Logan,  came  with  his  father  from  the  North  of  Ireland 
to  cast  his  fortunes  with  those  of  our  young  Republic.  He 
was  a  physician.  At  first  he  settled  in  Maryland,  and  after 
ward  in  Missouri,  where  he  married  a  French  lady, — one  of 
the  rich  colonists  of  that  early  day, — by  whom  he  had  one 
daughter,  still  living.  Having  lost  his  first  wife,  Dr.  Logan 
removed  to  Illinois,  settling  at  what  was  then  called 
"  Brownsville,"  the  county-seat  of  Jackson  County.  Here  it 
was  that  he  first  met  Miss  Elizabeth  Jenkins,  a  native  of 
North  Carolina,  and  sister  of  Lieutenant-Governor  A.  M. 
Jenkins  of  Illinois,  and  was  soon  thereafter  united  to  her  in 
marriage. 

Upon  his  second  marriage  Dr.  Logan  took  up  his  resi 
dence  near  Brownsville,  on  a  large  farm,  on  which  the  thriv 
ing  town  of  Murphysborough  now  stands.  Here,  in  the 
comfortable  and  capacious  weather-boarded  log  farm-house— 
whose  ruins  were  still  standing  four  years  ago  in  the  out 
skirts  of  that  town,  but  have  since  been  destroyed  -by  an 
accidental  fire, — were  born  to  him  eleven  children,  of  whom 
John  Alexander  Logan,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  who  first 
saw  light  on  February  9,  1826,  was  the  eldest. 

The  primitive  condition  of  the  country  at  that  day  was 
such  as  to  make  great  exactions  upon  the  time  of  any  phy 
sician,  but  doubly  so  in  the  case  of  one  so  skilful  and  suc 
cessful  as  Dr.  Logan.  Hence  it  was  only  at  intervals  that 
he  could  spare  the  time  from  his  practice  and  professional 


LOGAN  BEFORE    THE    WAR.  3 

studies  to  engage  in  the  duties  incident  to  farm-life.  Him 
self  a  studious  man,  he  was  anxious  to  afford  his  children  bet 
ter  educational  facilities  than  were  then  in  that  neighborhood. 
He  therefore  employed  a  tutor,  who  resided  with  the  family 
and  undertook  to  train  young  John,  his  brothers  and  sisters, 
in  branches  not  then  taught  in  the  schools  thereabout — such 
as  the  rudiments  of  Greek  and  Latin  ;  and  it  was  no  doubt 
the  acquaintance  thus  formed  with  the  latter  tongue  that 
enabled  young  Logan  at  a  later  period,  while  in  Mexico,  to 
acquire  the  fluency  in  the  use  of  the  Spanish  language  which 
he  possessed  to  the  end. 

MARKED    CHARACTERISTICS  OF    LOGAN*S    PARENTS AN    INCIDENT 

OF  HIS  FATHER'S  WONDERFUL  COURAGE. 

Those  who  knew  Dr.  Logan  well,  describe  him  not  alone 
as  being  a'  physician  and  surgeon  of  remarkable  skill,  but  a 
man  of  marked  characteristics.  Although  himself  of  good 
family,  he  not  only  believed  in  but  practised  social  democracy. 
He  recognized  no  ranks  in  society — no  such  thing  as  aristoc 
racy.  He  has  been  known  to  keep  such  local  magnates  as 
the  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  and  chief  officers  of  the  Illi 
nois  Central  Railroad  waiting  while  attending  the  wants  of 
some  laboring  man.  It  was  his  creed  that  all  men  who  are 
honest  and  upright  are  equal,  and  deserve  equal  respect. 
He  was  absolutely  sincere  in  this,  as  in  all  things — for  he 
hated  cant.  He  was  a  man  of  the  strictest  integrity,  gener 
ous  and  kind  to  everybody,  and  devoted  to  his  friends.  He 
was  never  known  to  swear  an  oath  nor  indulge  in  dissipa 
tions  of  any  sort.  He  took  much  pride  and  pleasure  in  his 
fine  stock  of  horses  and  hounds,  and,  in  the  days  when  foxes 
were  plentiful,  was  fond  of  the  chase.  His  hospitality  was 
unstinted,  and  it  was  at  his  house  that  the  Wesleyan  Method 
ist  ministers  preached  whenever,  in  travelling  their  circuit, 
they  came  near  him.  They  recognized  in  him  not  only 
"  A  foine  owld  Irish  gintleman,  one  of  the  rale  owld  kind," 


4  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

but  an  honest,  upright,  sincerely  Christian  gentleman.  He 
was,  moreover,  possessed  of  a  dauntless  courage.  As  a 
curious  instance  of  that  and  of  his  surgical  skill,  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  while  on  his  death-bed  in  1851,  suffering 
from  an  abscess  on  the  liver — from  which  he  died — he  strove 
hard  to  persuade  his  family  to  rig  up  a  mirror  and  allow  him 
to  perform  an  operation  on  himself!  The  family,  however, 
would  not  consent. 

His  second  wife — "  Mother  Logan,"  as  she  is  still  affec 
tionately  termed  in  the  General's  family — came  of  Scottish 
ancestry  and  had  strong  Scotch  characteristics.  She  was 
tall,  slender,  and  her  deportment  erect  and  stately  to  the 
period  of  her  death  in  1877.  She  was  very  quiet  in  her 
manner,  very  calm  and  self-possessed,  and  very  strong  in 
her  prejudices.  Her  intuitive  conception  of  the  character  of 
others  was  wonderful.  More  than  once  occasion  arose  to 
demonstrate  her  determined  courage  ;  and  no  woman  ever 
lived  more  remarkable  for  consistency — for,  when  once  a  line 
was  marked  out,  with  her  there  was  no  such  thing  as  turning 
to  right  or  left.  She  was  an  admirable  helpmate  for  such  a 
man  as  her  husband,  and  was  always  greatly  devoted  to  her 
family.  She  lived  long  enough  to  take  pride  in  the  Sena 
torial  as  well  as  Military  honors  won  by  her  gifted  son. 

LOGAN    IN     HIS    YOUTH — AN     INCIDENT    OF     THOSE     SLOW-COACH 
DAYS LOGAN    AND    THE    SQUIRRELS. 

Young  John  grew  up  from  childhood  to  youth  much  as 
would  other  children  with  similar  surroundings  and  oppor 
tunities.  Those  were  slow-coach  days.  One  incident  of  his 
boyhood  will  suffice  to  illustrate  this.  It  was  a  half-day's 
trip  from  the  farm  to  the  grist-mill.  One  day  he  started  off 
with  grain  to  the  mill,  accompanied  by  one  of  the  colored 
boys  employed  by  his  father.  He  reached  the  mill  in  a  ter 
rible  rain-storm,  and  all  took  shelter  under  the  open  shed 


LOGAN  BEFORE    THE    WAR 

which  covered  the  machinery.  This  mill,  like  the  Mexican 
arastra,  was  worked  by  a  horse  harnessed  to  a  horizontal 
shaft  or  pole,  which  was  dragged  round  and  round,  as  a  cap- 
stan-bar  is  pushed,  and  revolved  the  millstones  by  means  of 
hide-belting.  The  rain  beat  in  furiously,  and  the  belting 
stretched  to  such  an  extent  that  it  became  useless,  became 
disconnected  with  the  shafting,  and  fell  down.  The  boys, 
despairing  of  more  comfortable  quarters  for  the  night,  made 
the  best  of  it  and  went  to  sleep,  a  number  of  the  hounds 
which  had  accompanied  them,  at  their  feet.  When  morning 
broke  and  the  miller  arrived,  it  was  discovered  that  the  half- 
famished  dogs  had  scented  out  the  rain-soaked  hide-belting 
and  devoured  it !  The  miller  was  in  despair.  He  had  no 
more  belting,  nor  could  he  get  any.  Nothing  remained  for 
him  but  to  make  it  himself;  and  young  Logan  and  his  col 
ored  companion  were  obliged  to  wait  there  for  a  couple  of 
days  while  the  miller  killed  and  skinned  an  ox  and  dried  its 
hide  for  a  new  belting  !  This  was  one  of  those  events  in 
young  John's  life  which  he  took  philosophically — because 
there  was  nothing  else  that  could  be  done. 

When  he  was  about  ten  years  old,  it  happened  one  day 
that  the  farm-hands  being  all  busy  at  other  work,  his  father, 
having  observed  that  the  squirrels  were  attacking  one  of  his 
corn-fields,  sent  young  John  to  drive  them  off.  A  road  ran 
by  the  field,  and  on  an  adjacent  tree  it  was  customary  to  pin 
with  wooden  tacks  certain  public  notices  so  that  passers-by 
might  read  and  act  accordingly.  The  boy  had  observed  this. 
Whether  it  was  that  he  had  "  other  fish  to  fry  "  just  then, 
or  whether  it  was  that  love  of  fair  play  which  always  pos 
sessed  him,  the  reader  himself  can  judge ;  but  certain  it  is 
that  a  neighbor  riding  by  at  a  later  hour,  seeing  a  notice 
pinned  to  the  tree,  rode  up  to  it,  and  to  his  astonishment  read 
this  notice  in  a  large,  boyish  hand : 

I  give  notice  to  all  the  squirrels  to  keep  out  of  this  cornfield.  If 
they  don't  keep  out  they  will  be  shot. 


6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

And  sure  enough  next  morning  he  was  on  hand  with  a  lot  of 
other  boys  and  some  of  the  farm-hands,  armed  with  shot 
guns  to  exterminate  them. 

Fifty-one  years  have  since  passed  away,  and  to-day  that 
corn-field  is  covered  with  the  houses  of  Murphysborough. 

That  "the  child  is  father  of  the  man"  was  never  more 
evident  than  in  comparing  this  notice  with  one  which  he  sent 
to  some  persons  in  Southern  Illinois,  who  wrote  to  him  both 
coaxing  and  threatening  letters  before  the  war,  urging  him 
to  join  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle.  It  ran  thus  : 

If  you  fellows  don't  keep  out  of  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle, 
some  of  you  will  be  strung  up.  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

LOGAN     A      HORN      LEADER A     DARING     FEAT STORY     OF     THE 

FLAT-BOAT HE    GOES   TO    COLLEGE THE    WAR  WITH    MEXICO 

—HE    JOINS    THE    ARMY    OF    INVASION. 

From  his  earliest  boyhood  young  Logan  was  always  a 
leader — whether  at  the  common-school,  which  for  a  time  he 
attended,  or  at  play  with  other  youths,  or  in  the  various  ex 
peditions  in  which  childhood  loves  to  engage.  His  geniality 
and  capacity  for  anecdote  made  him  much  sought  after,  even 
as  a  youth.  He  always  liked  company,  and  always  had  at 
tentive  auditors,  whether  playing  the  violin  or  indulging  in 
narration  to  a  crowd  of  listeners.  But  whenever  study  or 
other  duties  required  attention  he  went  at  them  with  the 
same  rapid  earnestness  which  always  distinguished  whatever 
he  undertook.  It  was  the  same  with  everything — work  first, 
play  afterward  ;  and,  while  he  loved  play  and  companionship 
as  much  as  any  youth,  he  always  conscientiously  performed 
the  less  palatable  task  first. 

When  he  was  but  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  of  age  young 
John  took  it  into  his  head  to  build  a  flat-boat  for  the  Muddy 
River,  which  ran  near  the  paternal  farm.  The  boat  was  duly 
constructed  and  launched.  But  the  Muddy  was  at  that  time 


LOGAN  BEFORE    THE   WAR. 

a  rapid  and  dangerous  stream,  and  when  it  came  to  a  question 
of  who  could  pilot  it  out,  all  were  afraid  to  venture  the  haz 
ardous  feat.  But  as  in  all  his  subsequent  life  Logan  never 
hesitated  to  accept  responsibilities,  so  now  the  fearless  boy 
jumped  aboard  and  steered  her  out  in  safety.* 

It  was  shortly  after  this  characteristic  incident  that,  at  the 
age  of  sixteen,  the  youth  entered  Shiloh  College,  where  he 
remained  some  three  years. 

Thus  passed  the  years  of  John  A.  Logan's  life,  from 
childhood  to  youth  and  to  young  manhood,  alternating  the 
duties  of  Western  farm-life  with  its  innocent  amusements  and 
sociality,  and  with  such  intervals  of  more  or  less  serious 
study  as  could  be  spared  from  more  pressing  calls — at  times, 
no  doubt,  his  mind  perturbed  by  vague  questionings  whether 
he  were  not  intended  for  more  stirring  work  in  life  than  that, 
and  doubtless  wishing  for  a  change. 

The  change  was  near  at  hand. 

It  was  the  year  1846.  The  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  were  growing  strained.  Then  came  the 
declaration  of  war,  which  stirred  the  martial  blood  in  his 
veins.  At  the  call  for  troops,  fired  with  patriotic  zeal,  young 
Logan,  then  but  twenty  years  of  age,  abandoned  farm  and 
studies  and  entered  the  American  army  as  a  lieutenant  of 
Company  H,  First  Illinois  Volunteer  Infantry.  Young  as 
he  was,  he  served  his  country  in  Mexico  with  distinction 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war— which  found  him 
acting  quartermaster  of  his  regiment. 

His  many  and  varied  experiences  in  this  war,— the  larger 
knowledge  gained  by  him  of  men  and  things,— unquestion 
ably  had  much  influence  in  shaping  Logan's  brilliant  subse 
quent  career. 

*  For  this  and  other  incidents  of  the  General's  boyhood,  together  with  other  valua, 
information,  the  writer  is  indebted  to  Professor  Thomas,  entomologist : 
Institution,  a  companion  of  Logan's  youth,  who  subsequently  marned 
sisters,  now  deceased. 


8  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

HIS    RETURN    FROM  MEXICO  TO  PEACEFUL   PURSUITS — IS  ELECTED 
TO    AND    RESIGNS    HIS    FIRST    PUBLIC     OFFICE READS    LAW- 
GRADUATES    FROM    LOUISVILLE    UNIVERSITY COMMENCES   THE 

PRACTICE  OF   LAW — AN   INCIDENT  OF   HIS   PERSONAL  COURAGE 
—SERVES    IN    THE    STATE    LEGISLATURE. 

Returning  home  after  the  declaration  of  peace,  our  young 
hero  determined  to  embrace  the  profession  of  the  law,  and 
resigning  the  county  clerkship  of  Jackson  County,  to  which 
the  people  had  in  1849  elected  him,  he  became  a  student  in 
the  Law  Department  of  Louisville  University.  Here,  by  his 
rapid  progress,  he  sustained,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the  san 
guine  expectations  of  his  friends.  After  graduating  with  hon 
ors,  he  returned  to  his  old  home  at  Murphysborough,  formed 
a  copartnership  with  his  uncle,  ex-Governor  Jenkins,  and  at 
once  began  to  acquire  a  lucrative  practice,  meeting  at  the  bar 
some  of  the  first  lawyers  of  the  State — men  who  have  since 
made  national  reputations  as  eminent  jurists. 

It  was  about  this  time  occurred  an  instance  of  his  per 
sonal  courage,  which  was  then  much  talked  of  and  made  him 
many  friends.  The  farmers  of  Southern  Illinois  had  been 
much  troubled  by  the  incursions  of  a  desperate  gang  of 
horse-thieves  that  rendezvoused  in  the  swamps  of  Southeast 
ern  Missouri.  They  had  recently  made  a  new  foray,  and 
had  stolen  a  number  of  horses  from  his  neighbors.  The  suf 
ferers  held  the  gang  in  terror,  and  were  afraid  to  follow  and 
attempt  the  recovery  of  their  property.  Young  Logan 
heard  about  this  outrage,  and  taking  two  men  with  him,  fol 
lowed  the  outlaws  into  the  swamps  of  Missouri,  and  soon  re 
turned  with  his  neighbors'  horses.  Acute  rheumatism — the 
seeds  of  which  had  doubtless  been  sown  in  his  system  by  ex 
posure  during  the  war  with  Mexico — seized  him  on  his  re 
turn,  sixteen  miles  from  home ;  but  he  had  accomplished  his 
mission. 

In  1852,  the  people  of  the  legislative  district  comprising 


MRS.    GENERAL    JOHN    A.     LOGAN. 


LOGAN  BEFORE   THE   WAR. 

the  counties  of  Jackson  and  Franklin  determined  to  run 
young  Logan  for  representative  in  the  State  Legislature— a 
position  occupied  years  before  by  his  father ;  and,  although 
his  competitor  was  well  known,  highly  esteemed,  and  of 
great  experience,  Logan  defeated  him,  and  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority. 

ELECTED  DISTRICT  ATTORNEY— HIS  UNIFORM  SUCCESS  IN  PROS 
ECUTION AN  INCIDENT  OF  HIS  REMARKABLE  SKILL  IN  DE 
FENCE — HIS  MARRIAGE AGAIN  IN  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  legislative  term,  Mr.  Logan  re 
sumed  the  active  practice  of  his  profession — one  for  which 
he  was  admirably  fitted,  and  which  he  greatly  enjoyed,  his 
specialty  being  criminal  jurisprudence  ;  and  so  successful 
was  he  in  it  that  he  was  soon  elected  prosecuting  attorney 
for  the  Third  Judicial  District.  During  his  incumbency  of 
that  office  Mr.  Logan  tried  and  convicted  some  of  the  most 
famous  cases  on  the  docket  of  that  district ;  and  it  is  a  re 
markable  fact  that  there  is  not  a  single  instance  in  which  he 
prosecuted  that  the  guilty  escaped  conviction,  nor  was  any 
one  of  his  indictments  ever  quashed. 

On  the  other  hand,  an  instance  may  be  given  of  his  skill 
in  defence.  It  was  while  Mr.  Logan  was  practising  law  at 
the  bar  of  the  same  district.  He  was  defending  a  man  who 
with  a  knife  had  killed  another  in  a  dining-room,  and  who 
was  indicted  for  murder.  There  was  so  strong  a  prejudice 
against  the  prisoner  that  he  had  taken  a  change  of  venue 
from  Union  to  Polk  County.  The  persons  involved  being 
prominent  men,  there  was  immense  excitement  as  the  time  of 
trial  arrived.  The  court-house,  which  stood  in  a  large 
grass-covered  square  upon  which  some  sheep  stood  brows 
ing,  was  crammed  with  eager  spectators.  The  evidence  was 
all  in,  and  the  prosecution  had  finished  its  opening. 
Logan  arose  to  make  his  speech  for  the  defence,  a  dog  got 
among  the  sheep,  and  one  of  them  bolted  away  from  the 


I0  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

flock  into  the  court-house,  and  up  through  the  aisle  to  the 
very  seat  of  justice,  where  it  lay  panting  and  trembling. 
With  wonderful  readiness  and  skill  the  advocate  seized  the 
incident,  and,  likening  it  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  Paschal  Lamb, 
made  an  appeal  to  the  jury  so  powerful  as  to  secure  by  his 
remarkable  and  effective  oratory  not  alone  the  acquittal  of 
the  prisoner,  but  also  the  applause  of  those  who  had  pre 
viously  believed  him  to  be  guilty. 

It  was  on  November  27,  1855,  that  Mr.  Logan  married 
Miss  Mary  S.  Cunningham, — a  daughter  of  Captain  J.  M. 
Cunningham,  his  old  friend  and  companion-in-arms  of  the 
Mexican  war, — and,  removing  to  Benton,  established  there 
his  home  and  law-office. 

In  1856,  the  people  again  insisted  upon  his  represent 
ing  them  in  the  State  Legislature,  to  which  body  he  was 
elected  in  November  during  the  famous  "  Fremont  Cam 
paign."  During  sessions  of  that  Legislature  he  was  con 
spicuous  in  his  advocacy  of  some  of  the  most  important 
measures  devised  for  the  best  interests  of  the  State — the  in 
tervals  between  sessions  being  devoted  to  the  practice  of  his 
profession. 

LOGAN,  THE  CONGRESSMAN,  BEFORE  THE  WAR — AT  THE 
CHARLESTON  CONVENTION — THE  AUCTION-BLOCK  AND  SLAVE- 
PENS  OF  THE  SOUTH — HIS  EFFORTS  TO  AVERT  THE  WAR. 

By  1858,  his  reputation  both  as  lawyer  and  legislator  had 
so  widened  that  he  was  nominated  as  a  Representative  in 
the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  and,  notwithstanding  his  compar 
ative  youth  and  the  fact  that  his  competitors  numbered 
among  them  the  most  prominent  men  of  the  district  (the 
Ninth), — which  at  that  time  comprised  sixteen  counties  of 
Southern  Illinois, — was  triumphantly  elected  by  the  largest 
majority  ever  given  to  a  Congressional  Representative  from 
that  district. 

Congressman   Logan   took  his  seat   December,  1858,  at 


LOGAN  BEFORE    THE    WAR.  ,  l 

what  will  be  remembered  as  the  most  exciting  period  prior 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion.  Stephen  A.  Douglas— 
"The  Little  Giant  "--was  then  the  leading  Democrat  of  the 
Northwest,  and  especially  of  Illinois.  It  was  to  be  expected, 
therefore,  that 'Mr.  Logan  would  defer  to  him,  and,  so  far  as 
he  could  with  consistency,  follow  his  lead  in  all  matters  of 
public  weal.  But  even  then,  his  impetuous  spirit  with  diffi 
culty  brooked  the  insults  daily  heaped  upon  every  man  who 
dared  to  call  a  halt  to  the  rampant  fire-eaters  then  in  Con 
gress,  who  seemed  bent  upon  ruling  or  ruining  the  Union. 
He  worked  incessantly  for  the  welfare  of  his  constituents, 
and  so  well  did  he  succeed  that,  in  November  of  1860,  he 
was  unanimously  renominated  and  re-elected  by  an  increased 
majority  to  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress. 

Mr.  Logan  attended  the  National  Convention  at  Charles 
ton,  S.  C.,  and  for  the  first  time  beheld  the  veritable  auction- 
block  and  slave-pens  of  the  South.     His  generous  nature  re 
volted  at  the  barbarity  of  slavery,  thus  in  its  very  nakedness 
brought  right  beneath  his  eyes,  and  his  mind  foresaw  the 
fall   of  that  inhuman   "institution"   at  no  distant  day.     He 
saw  that  the  spirit  of  tyranny  and  oppression  manifested  by 
the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  Party  toward  every  man  north 
of  "Mason  and  Dixon's  line"  boded  ill   for  them.     He  felt, 
as  did  every  free  man,  that  very  soon  must  cease  the  forbear 
ance  that  had  been  shown  to  men  who  knew  no  bounds  to 
their  demands,  and  who  were  ready  to  subordinate  every 
thing  to  their  lust  for  wealth  and  power  and  the  perpetua 
tion  of  human  slavery.     Hence,  when  the  Congress  assem 
bled  in  December,    1860,  he  was  in  no  frame  of  mind 
endure  the  intensified  fanaticism  and  threatening  manner 
the  Southern  Representatives.     His  speeches  made  at 
time,  as  a  Democrat,  are  replete  with  patriotic  fire  and 
of  the  Union.     Imbued  with  this  spirit  he  was  most  act 
striving  to  bring  about  what  was  known  as  the  " 
Compromise  "-believing,  as  did  many  other  patriotic  men, 


12  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

that  that  measure  would  avert  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war. 
But  all  effort  seemed  powerless  before  Fate.  The  tide  was 
too  strong.  Boldly  and  bravely  Mr.  Logan  exerted  himself 
to  breast  it,  urging  moderation  upon  his  party  and  its  older 
leaders  while  eloquently  avowing  his  own  devotion  to  the 
Union  and  his  abhorrence  of  the  meditated  treason. 

THE    ABOLITION    LEADER    LOVEJOY  THREATENED    WITH  VIOLENCE 

IN     THE     HOUSE FREE     SPEECH     ABOUT      TO      BE      CHOKED— 

LOGAN    COWES    THE    BLUSTERING     FIRE-EATERS     AND    SECURES 
LOVEJOY    A    HEARING. 

The  Southern  Democrats  had  at  that  time  full  sway  in 
Congress,  and  choked  down  the  opposition,  or  at  least  at 
tempted  to  prevent  those  from  speaking  who  were  sure  to 
condemn  slavery.  Sumner  was  stricken  down  with  a  blud 
geon  for  daring  to  utter  his  scathing  denunciations  of  the 
crimes  which  were  perpetrated  in  the  name  of  liberty,  and 
other  eloquent  and  determined  champions  of  freedom  nar 
rowly  escaped  similar  violence.  Free-speech  in  the  Halls  of 
Congress  was  imperilled.  It  was  at  this  time  that  a  scene 
occurred  in  the  House,  in  which  Logan  was  a  principal  fig 
ure,  that  not  only  exhibited  the  personal  intrepidity  of  "  the 
gallant  Egyptian,"  as  he  was  then  called,  but  that  superior 
quality  of  moral  courage  which  enables  the  very  few  who 
possess  it  to  rise  above  party  when  that  party  consents  to  in 
justice  or  assumes  a  despotic  spirit.  "  On  one  occasion,"  says 
the  narrator,  "  Mr.  Lovejoy  rose  in  his  place  in  the  House 
and  attempted  to  speak,  when  several  of  the  'fire-eaters' 
thrust  their  clenched  fists  in  his  face,  and  dared  him  to  utter 
a  sentence  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  It  was  one  of  those  ex 
traordinary  scenes  when  members  become  excited,  leave  their 
seats,  and  crowd  around  the  occupant  of  the  floor.  Lovejoy 
—as  brave  a  man  as  ever  lived — expostulated  with  the  furi 
ous  bowie-knife  legislators,  but  they  grew  more  and  more 
fierce  under  his  expostulations  ;  in  fact,  it  looked  as  though 


LOGAN  BEFORE    THE    WAR.  l^ 

free-speech  were  about  to  be  absolutely  and  by  open  violence 
choked  down  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America — the  model  Republic  of  the  West.  Mr. 
Lovejoy  had  a  seat  directly  under  the  Speaker's  desk,  and 
turned  around  to  look  for  aid,  when  a  young  man  at  the  back 
end  of  the  House  rose,  walked  through  the  centre  of  the 
House,  pushed  through  the  excited  members,  reached  Love- 
joy's  side,  pointed  to  him,  and,  turning  to  the  Southern  mem 
bers,  said,  '  He  is  a  representative  from  Illinois,  the  State 
that  I  was  born  in,  and  also  have  the  honor  to  represent ;  he 
must  be  allowed  to  speak  without  interruption,  otherwise  I 
will  meet  the  coward  or  cowards  outside  of  this  House,  and 
hold  them  responsible  for  further  indignities  offered  to  Mr. 
Lovejoy'  This,  of  course,  ended  the  display  of  clinched  fists, 
and  the  lacerated  despots  took  their  seats,  and  Lovejoy  made 
an  able  anti-slavery  speech."  The  young  man  was  Logan. 

THE    BASELESS    CHARGE    THAT    LOGAN    WAS    A    "  SECESSION    SYM 
PATHIZER BREAKING  "  OUT     OF     THE    WAR    OF    REBELLION- 
LOGAN     LEAVES     THE     HOUSE,     SHOULDERS     A     MUSKET,     AND 
FIGHTS    AT    BULL    RUN. 

It  may  be  well  right  here  to  allude  briefly  to  the  base  and 
baseless  charge  made  by  some  of  his  enemies,  that  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  and  prior  to  it,  he  was  a  "  secession 
sympathizer/'  and  to  his  triumphant  refutation  of  the  same, 
which  may  be  found  in  the  Congressional  Record  of  April  20, 
1 88 1.  Senator  Ben  Hill  of  Georgia  had  the  temerity  to  in 
sinuate  this  charge  in  the  United  States  Senate  Chamber 
March  30,  1881.  Logan  instantly  replied,  "Any  man  who 
insinuates  that  I  sympathized  with  it  at  that  time  insinuates 
what  is  false,"  and  Senator  Hill  at  once  retracted  the  cal 
umny.  Subsequently,  April  19,  1881,  a  portion  of  the  press 
having  in  the  meantime  insinuated  further  doubts,  Senator 
Logan  proved  by  the  record,  and  by  voluminous  document 
ary  evidence,  the  utter  falsity  of  the  aspersion.  That  record 


I4  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

shows  that  January  /,  1861, — while  still  a  Douglas  Democrat, 
before  Lincoln's  inauguration  and  before  even  the  first  gun 
of  war  was  fired  upon  Fort  Sumter, — he  declared  in  Con 
gress,  as  he  voted  for  a  resolution  which  approved  the  action 
taken  by  the  President  in  support  of  the  laws  and  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  that  the  resolution  received  his 
"unqualified  approbation."  Prior  to  that  (December  17, 
1860)  he  had  voted  affirmatively  on  a  resolution  offered  by 
Morris  of  Illinois,  which  declared  an  "  immovable  attach 
ment  "  to  "  our  National  Union,"  and  "  that  it  is  our  patriotic 
duty  to  stand  by  it,  as  our  hope  in  peace  and  our  defence  in 
war."  In  a  speech  he  made  February  5,  1861,  on  the  "  Crit- 
tenden  Compromise,"  he  declared  that  "  he  had  always  de 
nied,  and  did  yet  deny,  the  right  of  secession."  And  when 
he  concluded  his  speech  of  vindication  in  the  Senate,  even  the 
Bourbon  Senator  Brown  of  Georgia  declared  it  to  be  "  full, 
complete,  and  conclusive."  In  future,  then,  no  truthful  man 
will  dare  to  say  that  Logan  was  not  true'  to  the  Union  and 
opposed  to  secession  "  before  the  war,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  and  all  through  the  war."  * 

At  last  the  crisis  came  when  every  man  must  take  his 
stand  either  for  or  against  his  country.  The  dreaded  can 
nons'  roar  was  heard  above  Fort  Moultrie,  and,  with  that 
sound,  redoubled  threats  of  a  forcible  dismemberment  of  this 
Union.  Logan  saw  that  the  enemy  could  no  longer  be 
stayed  in  his  wicked  infatuation  ;  that  the  time  for  action  had 
arrived ;  and  hurriedly  leaving  unanswered  a  "  call  of  the 
House,"  he  crossed  the  Potomac  and,  musket  in  hand,  fought 
as  a  private  in  the  ranks  all  day  long  in  the  first  battle  of 
Bull  Run— being  among  the  last  to  leave  the  field. 

*  For  fuller  evidence  on  this  point  see  pp.  288-292. 


PART  II. 


LOGAN  IN  THE  WAR. 

GENERAL    McCOOK  DESCRIBES    LOGAN    AT    BULL  RUN — LOGAN    RE 
TURNS    TO    WASHINGTON  AND    TO    "EGYPT" THE    SACRIFICES 

HE    MADE    FOR    THE    UNION    CAUSE THE   MAGICAL   EFFECT    OF 

HIS    PATRIOTIC    ELOQUENCE    UPON   A    HOWLING    MOB — HOW  HE 

TURNED    SECESSION     SYMPATHIZERS     INTO     UNION     SOLDIERS 

HOW    SOUTHERN    ILLINOIS     WAS    SAVED    TO     THE    UNION — THE 
EFFECT    OF    HIS    GREAT    INFLUENCE    THERE. 

Touching  the  first  Bull  Run,  General  Anson  G.  McCook, 
now  Secretary  of  the  United  States  Senate,  himself  a  gallant 
soldier  in  the  war  and  a  participant,  as  captain  of  the  Second 
Ohio,  in  that  battle,  narrated  to  the  writer  the  following 
characteristic  incident.  Said  he  : 

It  was,  I  think,  on  July  i8th,  three  days  before  the  battle  proper. 
We  were  making  a  reconnoissance  at  Blackburn's  Ford,  when  I  heard 
artillery-firing,  and  went  to  the  front  to  see  what  was  going  on.  Shortly 
after,  musketry-firing  began  in  the  valley,  and  our  men  commenced  to 
fall  back,  when  I  noticed  two  men  in  citizen's  dress  among  the  soldiers. 
One  was  my  uncle,  Daniel  McCook  ;  the  other,  a  man  I  had  never  be 
fore  seen,  but  whose  striking  personal  appearance  and  actions  at  once 
arrested  my  attention.  He  wore  a  silk  hat,  which  seemed  strangely  in 
congruous  on  a  battlefield  in  a  crowd  of  soldiers.  He  was  a  man  of 
alert  and  vigorous  frame,  swarthy  complexion,  long  and  heavy  black 
mustache  and  black  eyes.  His  hands  were  bloody,  a  rifle  was  on  his 
shoulder,  and  while  at  one  moment  he  was  helping  to  carry  off  some 
wounded  man,  at  another,  with  blazing  eyes  and  language  more  forci 
ble  than  polite,  he  strove  to  rally  the  men.  I  afterward  asked  my  uncle 
who  that  man  was,  and  he  told  me  it  was  John  A.  Logan,  the  Illinois 
Congressman. 


!6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

/ 

Returning  to  Washington,   Mr.    Logan  telegraphed  and 

wrote  home  to  Colonel  White  and  others  to  raise  troops  in 
defence  of  the  Union,  and  hurried  back  to  his  district  at  the 
close  of  the  session  to  tell  his  people  of  his  intention  to  fol 
low  the  flag  of  his  country,  and,  if  need  be,  "  hew  his  way 
to  the  Gulf."  * 

No  man  in  the  nation  made  greater  sacrifices  at  this  su 
preme  moment  than  did  Logan.  Resolutions  favoring  seces 
sion  had  already  been  adopted  by  his  constituents.  At  his 
own  home,  excitement  ran  high,  and  all  one  way.  Almost 
every  tie  he  had,  save  that  of  his  patriotic  wife,  was  arrayed 
against  him.  He  had  been  the  pride  and  the  idol  of  his  peo 
ple,  but  now  they  spurned  him,  and  heaped  upon  him  the 
bitterest  denunciation.  Party  ties  were  rent  asunder,  and 
persecution  and  abuse  followed  him  everywhere.  Threats 
of  personal  violence  were  made.  So  inflamed  indeed  was 
the  public  mind,  that  deeds  of  open  defiance  to  the  Govern 
ment  were  imminent.  There  are  persons  now  living  who 
witnessed  and  will  never  forget  the  wonderful  magnetic  influ 
ence  of  Mr.  Logan  over  men  as  exhibited  at  that  stormy 
time,  when,f  mounting  a  wagon  in  the  public  square  at 


*  It  was  upon  the  occasion  of  a  presentation  of  a  flag  to  his  regiment,  the  Thirty-first 
Illinois,  by  the  citizens  of  his  native  county,  that  Colonel  Logan  made  use  of  the  following 
emphatic  language  :  "  Should  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River  be  obstructed  by 
force,  the  men  of  the  West  will  hew  their  way  through  human  gore  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico." 

f  Another  instance  of  the  remarkable  effect  of  Mr.  Logan's  patriotic  fervor,  which  oc 
curred  shortly  before  this,  is  narrated  by  General  Grant  in  his  Personal  Memoirs.  It 
seems  that  when  Grant  "was  appointed  colonel"  of  the  Twenty-first  Illinois  Regiment, 
it  was  "still  in  the  State  service,"  and  in  camp,  at  "Camp  Dick  Yates,''  near  Springfield. 
The  time  arrived  for  such  of  his  "ninety  days"  regiment  as  would  volunteer  "for  three 
years  or  the  war"  to  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Congressmen 
McClernand  and  Logan  being  at  Springfield,  111.,  met  Grant,  and  then  addressed  his  doubt 
ful  regiment.  Says  Grant :  '•  McClernand  spoke  first ;  and  Logan  followed  in  a  speech 
which  he  has  hardly  equalled  since  for  force  and  eloquence.  It  breathed  a  loyalty  and  de 
votion  to  the  Union  which  inspired  my  men  to  such  a  point  that  they  would  have  volun 
teered  to  remain  in  the  army  as  long  as  an  enemy  of  the  country  continued  to  bear  arms 
against  it.  They  entered  the  United  States  service  almost  to  a  man."  Grant  adds  this  fur 
ther  tribute  :  "  General  Logan  went  to  his  part  of  the  State  and  gave  his  attention  to  rais 
ing  troops.  The  very  men  who  at  first  made  it  necessary  to  guard  the  roads  in  South- 


1.      GENERAL    LOGAN'S    BIRTHPLACE  2.      C»LUMET    PLACE — GENERAL    LOGAN'S   WASHINGTON    RESIDENCE. 

8.     VIEW    OF    HALL   AND   GRAND    STAIRWAY  4.      LIBRARY. 


LOGAN  IN  THE    WAR.  ^ 

Marion,  Williamson  County, — which  was  now  his  place  of 
residence, — he  addressed  a  vast  multitude  of  infuriated  peo 
ple,  who,  strongly  sympathizing  with  the  South,  were  little 
less  than  a  turbulent,  howling  mob.  When  Logan  com 
menced  to  speak,  it  was  with  difficulty  the  mob-spirit  could 
be  restrained  so  that  he  could  gain  a  hearing  ;  but  before  he 
had  finished  the  vivid  picture  he  painted,  in  words  of  living 
light,  of  the  inevitable  consequences  of  treason  and  disunion 
to  them,  their  children,  and  their  country,  they  stood  abso 
lutely  spellbound,  and  many  were  even  ready  to  enlist  in 
defence  of  that  very  flag  which  but  a  few  moments  before 
they  would  have  stamped  upon.  And  when  he  closed  his 
glowing  periods  and  told  them  he  was  going  to  enlist  for  the 
war  ("as  a  private,  or  in  any  capacity  in  which  he  could 
serve  his  country  best  in  defending  the  old  blood-stained  flag 
over  every  foot  of  soil  in  the  United  States"),  they  swarmed 
about  him,  and  sent  up  such  a  shout  as  has  rarely  been 
heard.  A  friend  and  fellow-comrade  of  Logan's  in  the  Mexi 
can  War,  having  in  the  meantime  hurriedly  hunted  up  an 
old  fifer  and  drummer,  was  the  first  to  shout,  "  Come  on, 
boys  !  Let's  go  with  Logan.  Where  he  leads,  we  can  fol 
low  !  "  Suiting  action  to  the  words,  the  fife  and  drum  struck 
up  the  familiar  tune  of  "  Yankee  Doodle,"  and  before  they 
had  marched  half-way  around  the  square,  one  hundred  gal 
lant  fellows  were  in  line,  "  keeping  step  to  the  music  of  the 
Union,"  each  pledged  to  serve  his  country  for  three  years, 
unless  sooner  discharged  by  peace  being  declared. 

The  midnight  travelling  and  daily  speaking  and  enlisting 
of  soldiers  for  the   war,   during  the  ensuing  ten   days,  can 

ern  Illinois  became  the  defenders  of  the  Union.  Logan  entered  the  service  himself  as 
colonel  of  a  regiment,  and  rapidly  rose  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  His  district,  which 
had  promised  at  first  to  give  much  trouble  to  the  Government,  filled  every  call  made  upon 
it  for  troops,  without  resorting  to  the  draft.  There  was  no  call  made  when  there  were  not 
more  volunteers  than  were  asked  for.  That  Congressional  District  stands  credited  at  the 
War  Department  to-day  with  furnishing  more  men  for  the  army  than  it  was  called  on  to 
supply." 

2 


xg  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

scarcely  be  described.  The  conversion  of  an  entire  people 
from  sympathy  for  their  kindred  and  friends  in  the  South  into 
patriotic  soldiers  ready  to  fight  against  them,  was  little  short 
of  miraculous.  The  sharp  struggle  between  duty  and  incli 
nation  ;  the  actual  taking  up  of  arms,  and  leaving  loved  ones 
behind  while  on  the  way  to  fight  other  loved  ones  in  front ; 
the  sacrifice  of  all  other  ties  for  the  sake  of  patriotic  principle 
and  the  maintenance  and  preservation  of  the  unity  of  the 
States — how  trying  an  ordeal  !  And  yet,  despite  all  these 
heart-bursting  difficulties  and  struggles,  from  which  none  but 
the  noblest  of  men  could  find  the  true  course,  in  ten  days  the 
grand  old  Thirty-first  Illinois  Volunteer  Infantry  Regiment, 
with  Logan  at  its  head,  was  en  route  for  Cairo,  the  rendez 
vous  of  the  first  soldiers  enlisted  in  Southern  Illinois.  From 
that  hour  the  whole  surrounding  country  seemed  to  catch 
the  infection  of  patriotism,  and  Colonel  Logan's  regiment, 
the  Thirty-first  Illinois  Infantry, — which  was  quickly  fol 
lowed  by  the  Twenty-second,  Twenty-seventh,  and  Thir 
tieth  Regiments, — was  at  once  organized  with  others  into 
McClernand's  First  Brigade  under  Grant.  Thus  South 
ern  Illinois  was  saved  to  the  Union,  and  the  indescrib 
able  calamity  of  guerilla  warfare  averted  from  the  soil  of 
Logan's  native  State.  What  might  have  happened,  had  any 
portion  of  Illinois  lying  south  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
Railroad  joined  in  an  attempt  at  secession,  we  care  not  now 
to  contemplate.  That  Cairo,  as  a  base  for  our  armies,  when 
they  embarked  for  the  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  and  the  whole 
Southern  field,  was  of  inestimable  importance,  none  can  deny. 
Nor  can  it  be  disputed  that  to  Logan,  more  than  to  any  other 
one  man,  is  due  the  gallant  and  patriotic  stand  the  Southern 
Illinoisans  took  ;  nor  that  its  influence  was  felt  in  a  very 
marked  degree  in  Indiana  and  other  adjacent  States,  and 
nerved  the  hearts  of  Union  men  everywhere,  giving  fresh  im 
pulse  to  Northern  courage. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  r~ 


COLONEL  LOGAN  AT  BELMONT — A  CHARACTERISTIC  DESCRIPTION 
OF  HIM  DURING  THAT  BATTLE HIS  BRAVERY  AND  "  ADMIRA 
BLE  TACTICS  "  —HIS  HORSE  SHOT  UNDER  HIM. 

As  a  soldier,  Colonel  Logan  brought  into  play  all  the  en 
thusiasm,  energy,  and  indomitable  will  which  always  char 
acterized  him.  He  drilled  and  disciplined  his  regiment  him 
self,  and  six  weeks  after  the  enlistment  of  his  men  led  them 
into  battle  at  Belmont,  Mo.  There,  the  force  of  General 
Grant  being  landed  from  the  transports  convoyed  by  the  gun 
boats  Tyler  and  Lexington,  the  line  of  battle  was  formed, 
with  Logan  and  his  Thirty-first  Illinois  Infantry  Regiment  on 
the  left. 

The  Hon.  Lewis  Hauback,  now  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  Kansas,  narrated*  in  the  presence  of 
the  writer  an  interesting  characteristic  incident  of  Logan  at 
this  fight.  Said  he  :  "  It  was  at  Belmont  that  I  first  saw 
John  A.  Logan.  There  were  five  regiments  of  us  there— 
among  them  the  Twenty-seventh  Illinois  Infantry,  to  which 
I  belonged,  and  the  Thirty-first  Illinois — Logan's  regi 
ment.  I  remember  the  Twenty-seventh — my  regiment — held 
the  right  of  the  line  of  battle.  I  was  orderly-sergeant,  and 
accordingly  was  on  the  left  of  my  regiment.  On  our  imme 
diate  left,  and  joining  it,  was  the  Thirty-first.  Logan  sat 
his  big  black  horse,  therefore,  nearly  in  front  of  me.  Our 
colonel — a  brave  and  gallant  man  too  he  was — rode  up  to 
Logan  and  said,  rather  pompously  '  Colonel  Logan,  remem 
ber,  if  you  please,  that  /  have  the  position  of  honor  !  '  With 
out  turning  to  right  or  left,  Logan  instantly  replied,  '  /  dorit 
care  a  d — n  where  I  amy  so  long  as  I  get  into  this  fight!* 
And  '  get  into  '  it  he  soon  did,  as  he  fought  his  way  up  to 

*  During  his  eloquent  speech  at  the  ex-soldiers'  and  sailors'  serenade  to  General  Logan 
at  Washington,  June  21,  1884,  after  the  nomination  of  the  latter  for  Vice- President  of  the 
United  States. 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

and  into  the  camp  and  tore  down  the  ensign  of  treason  and 
planted  in  its  stead  the  flag  of  beauty  and  of  glory." 
An  account  of  this  early  battle  says : 

The  advance  was  a  continuous  running  fight.  Every  inch  of  ground 
was  hotly  contested.  The  scene  became  terrific  :  men  grappled  with 
men,  column  charged  upon  column,  musketry  rattled,  cannon  thundered 
and  tore  frightful  gaps  in  the  contending  forces.  But  unable  to  win 
against  such  formidable  odds,  the  command  to  fall  back  was  given  (to 
avoid  being  cut  off  from  the  gunboats),  and  the  soldiers  of  the  North 
fought  their  way  back  even  as  they  had  forward. 

Of  Colonel  Logan  in  this  engagement  the  official  report 
says : 

Colonel  Logan's  admirable  tactics  not  only  foiled  the  frequent  at 
tempts  of  the  enemy  to  flank  him,  but  secured  a  steady  advance  toward 
the  enemy's  camp. 

It  was  on  this  occasion  that,  in  a  moment  of  victory,  Mc- 
Clernand's  command,  being  given  over  to  rejoicing,  was  much 
demoralized,  and  exposed  to  danger  should  the  enemy  rein 
force  and  return.  This  the  enemy  was  doing  when  Colonel 
Logan  discovered  him,  instantly  formed  his  command,  and  re 
pulsing  the  attack,  succeeded  in  getting  the  entire  command 
on  board.  It  was  during  a  successful  bayonet-charge  at  this 
battle  that  Logan's  horse  was  shot  under  him  and  his  pistol 
at  his  side  shattered  to  pieces  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  Gen 
eral  McClernand  complimented  the  regiment  upon  its  unex 
ampled  bravery,  and  Colonel  Logan  for  having  cut  his  way 
three  times  through  an  overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy, 
thus  opening  the  way  for  the  return  of  the  army. 

The  design  of  the  expedition  was  the  breaking  up  of  the 
enemy's  encampment  at  Belmont.  Having  accomplished  it, 
the  Union  troops  returned  to  Cairo  with  many  prisoners. 

The  discomforts  of  the  raw  troops  in  Cairo  at  that  time 
were  very  great,  and  much  harder  to  bear  than  the  greater 
hardships  which  they  subsequently  bore  as  veterans.  They 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  2I 

had  left  their  homes  and  comfortable  surroundings  quite  un 
prepared  for  the  life  of  a  soldier.  Their  equipage  was  poor, 
as  neither  quartermasters  nor  purveyors  had  yet  learned  how 
to  properly  prepare  for  the  needs  of  troops.  Colonel  Logan, 
with  that  solicitude  for  the  well-being  of  his  men  which  always 
distinguished  him,  and  for  which,  together  with  his  military 
skill  and  daring,  they  idolized  him,  finally  went  to  Washing 
ton  and  arranged  for  arms  and  clothing  suitable  for  his  com 
mand,  although,  owing  to  the  confusion  incident  to  the  hurried 
preparations  for  war,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  obtain  much- 
needed  supplies  of  any  character. 

LOGAN    AT    FORT    HENRY HE    IS    THE    FIRST    TO    ENTER    IT HIS 

INTREPIDITY  AND  SKILL  AT  FORT  DONELSON — HE  IS 
WOUNDED  AND  CARRIED  FROM  THE  FIELD,  HAVING  EARNED 
A  BRIGADIER-GENERALSHIP. 

The  plan  for  the  campaign  in  the  Southwest  having  been 
perfected,  the  troops  were  embarked  upon  ordinary  Western 
river  steamboats  to  go  up  the  Ohio  to  the  Tennessee  River,  to 
strike  and  dislodge  the  enemy  at  Fort  Henry — a  work  quickly 
done.  Logan  commanded  his  regiment  through  the  most 
trying  circumstances  in  the  rear  of  Fort  Henry.  He  was  the 
first  of  the  army  to  enter  the  captured  fort,  and,  in  command 
of  two  hundred  cavalry,  pursued  and  captured  eight  of  the 
enemy's  guns.  This  was  the  first  decisive  triumph  of  the 
Union  arms  upon  Western  waters,  and  "on  to  Donelson  !" 
was  the  cry  of  every  tongue.  Colonel  Logan  made  several 
reconnoissances  around  Fort  Donelson  preparatory  to  the 
movement  of  our  forces  on  that  point.  In  the  fiercest  storms 
of  a  severe  winter,  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Henry,  the  Union 
cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery  were  landed  and  marched  across 
the  country  to  Fort  Donelson,  a  much  more  formidable  forti 
fication  on  the  Cumberland  River,  which  had  been  erected 
for  the  defence  of  Nashville  and  the  whole  section  of  country 
thereabout.  The  gunboats  pushed  up  the  river  to  shell  the 


22  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

fort  in  front,  while  the  command  marched  rapidly  to  the  rear 
of  the  works,  despite  sleet,  rain,  almost  impassable  mud,  and 
bitter  cold.  For  three  days  the  Union  forces  besieged  Fort 
Donelson,  doing  some  gallant  fighting  all  along  the  line,  in 
which  Colonel  Logan's  regiment  was  constantly  engaged. 
The  lamented  Ransom  and  Logan,  respectively  with  the 
Eleventh  and  Thirty-first  Illinois  Infantry,  with  inflexible 
courage  held  their  positions  notwithstanding  they  received 
the  heaviest  fire  of  the  enemy  and  sustained  the  sudden  and 
simultaneous  attack  of  an  immense  mass  of  Confederate  in 
fantry  which  had  been  hurled  on  McClernand's  crumbling  di 
vision  at  the  right  of  Grant's  line  of  investment.  It  was  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  third  day,  after  the  naval  attack  by  Foote's 
gunboats  had  been  repulsed,  when  the  Eleventh  and  Thirty- 
first  Illinois,  the  latter  commanded  by  the  intrepid  Logan, 
stood  like  a  wall  of  belching  fire  against  the  enemy,  until  both 
had  nearly  exhausted  their  cartridges  and  had  suffered  greatly 
in  killed  and  wounded,* — among  the  killed  in  the  Thirty-first 
Illinois  being  their  lieutenant-colonel  (White)  and  the  senior 
captain  (Williamson),  and  among  the  wounded  Colonel  Logan 
himself, — that  Logan,  regardless  of  a  severe  wound  in  his  left 
arm  and  shoulder  and  a  flesh  wound  in  the  thigh,  his  left  side 
streaming  with  blood,  maintained  his  seat  on  his  horse,  and  by 
his  bravery  and  daring  and  influence  over  them,  rallied  his  men 
to  fresh  exertion  and  held  them  in  position  t  until  from  ex 
haustion  and  loss  of  blood  he  was  carried  from  the  field.  The 
wounds  were  so  severe  that  for  weeks  his  life  was  despaired 
of. 

*  Of  the  606  men  of  Logan's  regiment  who  went  into  the  fight,  but  303  answered  to 
their  names  the  next  morning. 

f  It  was  about  this  time,  when  Lieutenant-Colonel  White  had  been  killed,  and  officers 
and  men  were  falling,  killed  or  wounded,  by  scores  and  hundreds,  there  came  a  moment 
when  even  the  wonderful  courage  of  the  gallant  Thirty-first  Illinois  seemed  to  waver.  Its 
colonel,  Logan,  saw  the  momentary  hesitation,  and,  with  trumpet  voice,  on  the  instant, 
came  the  words  from  his  lips  :  "Boys  !  give  us  death,  but  not  dishonor!"  These  words, 
and  the  inspiration  of  his  flashing  eye  and  martial  bearing,  steadied  his  lines  at  once,  and 
the  brave  fellows  fought  better  than  ever. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  23 

In  his  official  reports  of  the  battles  of  Fort  Henry  and 
Fort  Donelson,  General  McClernand,  commanding  the  First 
Division,  speaks  highly  of  Colonel  Logan's  conduct  in  them. 
Touching  Fort  Donelson,  McClernand  says  : 

Schwartz's  battery  being  left  unsupported,  by  the  retirement  of  the 
Twenty-ninth,  the  Thirty-first  boldly  rushed  to  its  defence,  and  at  the 
same  moment  received  the  combined  attack  of  the  forces  on  the  right 
[under  Polk]  and  of  others  in  front,  supposed  to  have  been  led  by  Gen 
eral  Buckner.  The  danger  was  imminent,  and  calling  for  a  change  of 
disposition  adapted  to  meet  it,  which  Colonel  Logan  made  by  forming 
the  right  wing  of  his  battalion  at  an  angle  with  the  left.  In  this  order 
he  supported  the  battery,  which  continued  to  play  upon  the  enemy  and 
held  him  in  check  until  his  regiment's  supply  of  ammunition  was  en 
tirely  exhausted. 

The  report  of  Colonel  Oglesby  of  the  eighth  Illinois,  com 
manding  the  First  Brigade,  also  says  : 

Turning  to  the  Thirty-first,  which  yet  held  its  place  in  line,  I  or 
dered  Colonel  Logan  to  throw  back  his  right,  so  as  to  form  a  crotchet 
on  the  right  of  the  Eleventh  Illinois.  In  this  way  Colonel  Logan  held 
in  check  the  advancing  foe  for  some  time,  under  the  most  destructive 
fire,  while  I  endeavored  to  assist  Colonel  Cruft  with  his  brigade  in 
finding  a  position  on  the  right  of  the  Thirty-first.  It  was  now  four 
hours  since  fighting  began  in  the  morning.  The  cartridge-boxes  of 
the  Thirty-first  were  nearly  empty.  The  colonel  had  been  severely 
wounded,  and  the  lieutenant-colonel,  John  H.  White,  had,  with  some 
thirty  others,  fallen  dead  on  the  field,  and  a  large  number  wounded.  In 
this  condition  Colonel  Logan  brought  off  the  remainder  of  his  regiment 
in  good  order. 

Says  another  writer  : 

The  annals  of  the  war  speak  of  General  Logan  as  being  where  dan 
ger  was  the  greatest  and  the  blows  of  death  the  thickest  and  most 
heavy,  and  no  name  is  inscribed  more  brightly  upon  the  roll  of  honor 
of  Donelson. 

The  "  unconditional  surrender  "  of  Fort  Donelson,  Feb 
ruary  16,  1862,  was  a  heavy  shock  to  the  South,  and  corre 
spondingly  swelled  with  joy  the  Northern  heart. 


24  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

At  this  distance  of  time  it  is  hard  to  realize  what  was  en 
dured  by  our  Union  soldiers  at  Donelson.  The  cold  was  of 
such  intensity  that  the  hands  and  feet  of  many  of  them  were 
frozen.  Everything  was  covered  with  a  thick  crust  of  ice, 
and  the  sleet  continued  to  fall  heavily  and  ceaselessly  day 
and  night  during  the  siege.  The  besiegers  were,  moreover, 
so  close  to  the  fortifications  that  no  fires  could  be  lighted,  and 
neither  officers  nor  men  had  anything  to  eat  save  the  insuffi 
cient,  cold  cooked  rations  in  their  haversacks.  Nor  had  they 
anything  to  protect  them  from  the  pitiless  driving  storm  ;  and 
to  keep  their  powder  dry  taxed  their  vigilance  to  the  utmost. 

The  following  letter  exhibits  the  fact  that  Colonel  Logan's 
conduct  at  this  siege  had  attracted  the  personal  attention  of 
General  Grant: 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  WEST  TENNESSEE, 

FORT  HENRY,  March  14,  1862. 
Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  Wart  Washington,  D.  C.  : 

I  have  been  waiting  for  reports  of  sub-commanders  at  the  battle  of 
Fort  Donelson  to  make  some  recommendations  of  officers  for  advance 
ment  for  meritorious  services.  These  reports  are  not  yet  in,  and  as  the 
troops  under  my  command  are  actively  engaged,  may  not  be  for  some 
time.  I  therefore  take  this  occasion  to  make  some  recommendations 
of  officers  who  in  my  opinion  should  not  be  neglected.  I  would  particu 
larly  mention  the  names  of  Colonel  J.  D.  Webster,  First  Illinois  Artil 
lery  ;  Morgan  L.  Smith,  Eighth  Missouri  Volunteers  ;  W.  H.  L.  Wal 
lace,  Eleventh  Illinois  Volunteers ;  and  John  A.  Logan,  Thirty-first 
Illinois  Volunteers.  The  two  former  are  old  soldiers,  and  men  of  de 
cided  merit.  The  two  latter  are  from  civil  pursuits,  but  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  fully  indorsing  them  as  in  every  way  qualified  for  the  po 
sition  of  brigadier-general,  and  think  they  have  fully  earned  the  posi 
tion  on  the  field  of  battle.  There  are  others  who  may  be  equally 
meritorious,  but  I  do  not  happen  to  know  so  well  their  services. 

U.  S.  GRANT, 
Major-  General. 

For  his  gallantry  in  the  reduction  of  Donelson,  Colonel 
Logan  was  accordingly  promoted  to  be  a  brigadier-general 
of  volunteers.  For  some  time  he  was  confined  by  his  wounds 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  2$ 

to  his  bed  ;  but  so  impatient  was  he  to  return  to  his  com 
mand,  that,  with  his  wounds  still  unhealed,  he  essayed  to  do 
so,  although  unable  to  wear  a  coat,  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to 
sit  up.  He  reached  his  command  on  the  evening  of  the  bat 
tle  of  Shiloh,  April  7,  1862,  just  too  late  to  participate  in  the 
engagement — much  to  his  disappointment. 

GENERAL    LOGAN    IN    COMMAND    OF  A  BRIGADE HIS  SERVICES  AT 

AND     ABOUT     CORINTH GENERAL     SHERMAN'S     APPRECIATION 

OF    THEM. 

Being  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  First  Brigade, 
Third  Division  of  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps,  General 
Logan  took  a  distinguished  part  in  the  movement  against 
Corinth  ;  and,  had  his  suggestions  been  acted  upon,  that 
vast  fortified  encampment,  with  the  enemy  encamped  therein, 
would  have  been  captured,  instead  of  being  merely  occupied 
after  the  enemy  had  evacuated  it.*  After  the  occupation  of 
Corinth,  General  Logan  guarded  with  his  brigade  the  rail 
road  communications  with  Jackson,  Tenn.,  of  which  place  he 
was  subsequently  given  the  command,  and  engaged  in  re 
building  the  railroad  to  Jackson  and  Columbus. 

General  Sherman,  in  his  official  report  of  the  siege  of 
Corinth,  dated  "  Camp  near  Corinth,  May  30,  1862,"  says  : 

Colonel  John  A.  Logan's  brigade,  of  General  Judah's  division  of 
McClernand's  reserve  corps,  and  General  Veatch's  brigade,  of  Hurlbut's 
division,  were  placed  subject  to  my  orders,  and  took  an  important  part 

*  The  over-cautious  Halleck,  and  others  of  his  generals,  believed  that  the  noise  of  in 
coming  and  departing  trains  within  the  enemy's  lines  at  Corinth,  coupled  with  the  occasional 
loud  cheering  of  Beauregard's  men,  indicated  the  arrival  of  heavy  reinforcements  of  the 
enemy,  and  expected  him  to  come  out  and  offer  battle  outside  his  lines.  Logan,  however, 
whose  troops  were  on  the  railroad,  was  satisfied  that  an  evacuation  was  going  on,  because, 
by  listening  close  to  the  rails,  the  difference  in  the  sound  caused  by  the  incoming  unloaded 
cars  and  the  outgoing  loaded  ones  was  quite  distinguishable,  and  Beauregard's  ruse  of 
heavy  cheers  when  the  unloaded  cars  steamed  in  did  not  deceive  him.  Logan  therefore 
suggested  an  immediate  attack  on  the  enemy's  position,  and  asked  permission  to  himself 
make  it  with  his  command.  That  permission  was  refused,  and  the  enemy  escaped,  to  the 
intense  chagrin  of  the  "Grand  Army"  of  the  Union. 


26  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

with  my  own  division  in  the  operations  of  the  two  following  days,  viz., 
May  28  and  May  29,  1862  ;  and  I  now  thank  the  officers  and  men  of 
those  brigades,  for  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  they  manifested  and  the 
alacrity  they  displayed  in  the  execution  of  every  order  given.  .  .  . 
And  further,  I  feel  under  special  obligations  to  this  officer,  General 
Logan,  who,  during  the  two  days  he  served  under  me,  held  critical 
ground  on  my  right,  extending  down  to  the  railroad.  All  that  time  he 
had  in  his  front  a  large  force  of  the  enemy,  but  so  dense  was  the  foliage 
that  he  could  not  reckon  their  strength  save  from  what  he  could  see  in 
the  railroad  track. 


LOGAN  SOLICITED  TO  RETURN  TO  CONGRESS — HIS  GRANDLY 
PATRIOTIC  REFUSAL — "  I  HAVE  ENTERED  THE  FIELD  TO  DIE. 
IF  NEED  BE,  FOR  THIS  GOVERNMENT "  —HIS  ONLY  POLITICS, 
HIS  "  ATTACHMENT  FOR  THE  UNION." 

In  the  summer  of  1862,  General  Logan  was  warmly  urged 
by  his  numerous  friends  and  admirers  in  Illinois  to  become  a 
candidate  for  re-election  to  Congress  as  a  Representative-at- 
Large,  but  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
Illinois,  glowing  with  the  fires  of  true  patriotism,  General 
Logan  answered  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  complimentary 
letter  of  the  i8th  inst.,  asking  permission  to  use  my  name  in  connection 
with  that  of  Representative  for  the  Fourteenth  Congressional  District 
of  the  State  of  Illinois. 

In  reply  I  would  most  respectfully  remind  you  that  a  compliance 
with  your  request  on  my  part  would  be  a  departure  from  the  settled 
resolution  with  which  I  resumed  my  sword  in  defence  and  for  the  per 
petuity  of  a  Government,  the  like  and  blessings  of  which  no  other  na 
tion  or  age  shall  enjoy  if  once  suffered  to  be  weakened  or  destroyed. 

In  making  this  reply,  I  feel  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  as  to 
what  were,  are,  or  may  hereafter  be,  my  political  views,  but  would  sim 
ply  state  that  politics  of  every  grade  and  character  whatsoever  are  now 
ignored  by  me,  since  I  am  convinced  that  the  Constitution  and  life  of 
this  Republic,  which  I  shall  never  cease  to  adore,  are  in  danger. 

I  express  all  my  views  and  politics  when  I  assert  my  attachment  for 
the  Union.  I  have  no  other  politics  now,  and  consequently  no  aspira 
tions  for  civil  place  and  power. 


LOGAN  TN   THE    WAR.  27 

No  !  1  am  to-day  a  soldier  of  this  Republic,  so  to  remain,  change 
less  and  immutable,  until  her  last  and  weakest  enemy  shall  have  expired 
and  passed  away. 

Ambitious  men,  who  have  not  a  true  love  for  their  country  at  heart, 
may  bring  forth  crude  and  bootless  questions  to  agitate  the  pulse  of 
our  troubled  nation,  and  thwart  the  preservation  of  this  Union  ;  but 
for  none  of  such  am  I.  I  have  entered  the  field — to  die  if  need  be  — 
for  this  Government,  and  never  expect  to  return  to  peaceful  pursuits 
until  the  object  of  this  war  of  preservation  has  become  a  fact  estab 
lished. 

Whatever  means  it  may  be  necessary  to  adopt,  whatever  local  inter 
est  it  may  affect  or  destroy,  is  no  longer  an  affair  of  mine.  If  any  lo 
cality  or  section  suffers  or  is  wronged  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  I 
am  sorry  for  it  ;  but  I  say  that  it  must  not  be  heeded  now,  for  we  are 
at  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  Let  the  evil  be  rectified 
when  the  present  breach  has  been  cemented  forever. 

If  the  South  by  her  malignant  treachery  has  imperiled  all  that  made 
her  great  and  wealthy,  and  it  has  to  be  lost,  I  would  not  stretch  forth 
my  hand  to  save  her  from  destruction,  if  she  will  not  be  saved  by  a 
restoration  of  the  Union.  Since  the  die  of  her  wretchedness  has  been 
cast  by  her  own  hands,  let  the  coin  of  her  misery  circulate  alone  in  her 
own  dominions,  until  the  peace  of  union  ameliorates  her  forlorn  con 
dition. 

By  these  few  words  you  may  readily  discern  that  my  political  as 
pirations  are  things  of  the  past,  and  I  am  not  the  character  of  man  you 
seek.  No  legislation  in  which  I  might  be  suffered  to  take  a  feeble  part 
will  in  my  opinion  suffice  to  amend  the  injury  already  inflicted  upon 
our  country  by  these  remorseless  traitors.  Their  policy  for  the  disso 
lution  of  the  Government  was  initiated  in  blood,  and  their  seditious 
blood  only  can  suffice  to  make  amends  for  the  evil  done.  This  Govern 
ment  must  be  preserved  for  future  generations  in  the  same  mould  in 
which  it  was  transmitted  to  us,  if  it  takes  the  last  man  and  the  last 
dollar  of  the  present  generation  within  its  borders  to  accomplish  it. 

For  the  flattering  manner  in  which  you  have  seen  fit  to  allude  to 
my  past  services,  I  return  you  my  sincere  thanks  ;  but  if  it  has  been 
my  fortune  to  bleed  and  suffer  for  my  dear  country,  it  is  all  but  too 
little  compared  to  what  I  am  willing  again  and  again  to  endure  :  and 
should  fate  so  ordain  it,  I  will  esteem  it  as  the  highest  privilege  a  Just 
Dispenser  can  award,  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  blood  in  my  veins  for  the 
honor  of  that  flag  whose  emblems  are  justice,  liberty,  and  truth,  and 
which  has  been,  and  as  I  humbly  trust  in  God  ever  will  be,  for  the 
right. 


2g  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  request  that  your  desire  to  associate  my  name 
with  the  high  and  honorable  position  you  would  confer  upon  me  be  at 
once  dismissed,  and  some  more  suitable  and  worthy  person  substituted. 
Meanwhile  I  shall  continue  to  look  with  unfeigned  pride  and  admira 
tion  on  the  continuance  of  the  present  able  conduct  of  our  State  affairs, 
and  feel  that  I  am  sufficiently  honored  while  acknowledged  as  an  hum 
ble  soldier  of  our  own  peerless  State. 

GENERAL      LOGAN      LEADS     THE     ADVANCE     IN     THE      NORTHERN 
MISSISSIPPI     CAMPAIGN — THE    RETURN    TO    MEMPHIS,    TENN.— 
THE  CAMPAIGN  TO,  AND  BEFORE,  VICKSBURG — LOGAN    IN  COM 
MAND     OF     THE     THIRD     DIVISION     OF     McPHERSON's     CORPS- 
PATRIOTIC    ADDRESS    TO    HIS   SOLDIERS    AT   MEMPHIS. 

From  Corinth,  General  Logan  with  his  matchless  men 
pressed  forward,  under  Grant,  to  Vicksburg — that  "  Gibraltar 
of  the  Confederacy."  It  was  during  Grant's  Northern  Mis 
sissippi  Campaign  (1862-63)  that  Logan  was  promoted  to  be 
a  Major-General  of  Volunteers  (his  commission  dating  from 
November  29,  1862).  Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  story 
of  that  campaign  will  remember  that  General  Logan's  com 
mand  led  the  advance  all  the  way,  in  the  toilsome  marches 
and  skirmishes,  from  Corinth  down  through  Holly  Springs 
and  Oxford,  to  the  Yocnapatanfa,  where  the  campaign 
ended. 

In  the  attempt  to  take  Vicksburg  in  the  rear,  made  by 
General  Grant  in  the  fall  of  1862,  General  Logan  commanded 
the  First  Division  of  the  right  wing  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps, 
so  denominated,  which  was  organized  at  Bolivar,  Tenn.  The 
command  of  General  Logan  in  this  campaign  was  the  main 
reliance  of  the  commanding  General  (U.  S.  Grant),  and  to 
him  was  he  indebted  for  the  discipline  and  good  order  in 
which  the  troops  finally  reached  Memphis  on  their  return, 
December  31,  1862. 

Upon  arrival  at  Memphis,  Tenn.,  the  Seventeenth  Corps, 
under  orders  from  the  War  Department,  was  organized,  Gen 
eral  Logan  being  assigned,  January  n,  1863,  to  the  command 


LOGAN  IN    THE    WAR.  2g 

of  its  Third  Division — which  command  he  continued  to  hold 
until  after  the  fall  of  Vicksburg.  Here  it  was  that  he  issued 
the  following  patriotic  address  to  his  fellow-soldiers,  urging 
them  in  a  most  stirring  and  spirited  manner  to  fresh  exertions 
for  their  country,  and  nerving  them  for  the  deeds  of  desperate 
daring  that  were  before  them  : 

HEADQUARTERS  THIRD  DIVISION,  SEVENTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS, 
MEMPHIS,  TENN.,  February  12,  1863. 

MY  FELLOW-SOLDIERS  :  Debility  from  recent  illness  has  prevented 
and  still  prevents  me  from  appearing  among  you,  as  has  been  my 
custom  and  is  my  desire.  It  is  for  this  cause  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  com 
municate  with  you  now,  and  give  you  the  assurance  that  your  general 
still  maintains  unshaken  confidence  in  your  patriotism,  devotion,  and  in 
the  ultimate  success  of  our  glorious  cause. 

I  am  aware  that  influences  of  the  most  discouraging  and  treasonable 
character,  well  calculated  and  designed  to  render  you  dissatisfied,  have 
recently  been  brought  to  bear  upon  some  of  you  by  professed  friends. 
Newspapers,  containing  treasonable  articles,  artfully  falsifying  the 
public  sentiment  at  your  homes,  have  been  circulated  in  your  camps. 
Intriguing  political  tricksters,  demagogues,  and  time-servers,  whose  cor 
rupt  deeds  are  but  a  faint  reflex  of  their  more  corrupt  hearts,  seem 
determined  to  drive  our  people  on  to  anarchy  and  destruction.  They 
have  hoped,  by  magnifying  the  reverses  of  our  arms,  basely  misrepre 
senting  the  conduct  and  slandering  the  character  of  our  soldiers  in  the 
field,  and  boldly  denouncing  the  acts  of  the  constituted  authorities  of 
the  Government  as  unconstitutional  usurpations,  to  produce  general 
demoralization  in  the  army,  and  thereby  reap  their  political  reward, 
weaken  the  cause  we  have  espoused,  and  aid  those  arch-traitors  of  the 
South  to  dismember  our  mighty  Republic,  and  trail  in  the  dust  the  em 
blem  of  our  national  unity,  greatness,  and  glory.  Let  me  remind  you, 
my  countrymen,  that  we  are  Soldiers  of  the  Federal  Union,  armed  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  the  maintenance  of 
its  laws  and  authority.  Upon  your  faithfulness  and  devotion,  heroism 
and  gallantry,  depend  its  perpetuity.  To  us  has  been  committed  this 
sacred  inheritance,  baptized  in  the  blood  of  our  fathers.  We  are  sol 
diers  of  a  Government  that  has  always  blessed  us  with  prosperity  and 
happiness. 

It  has  given  to  every  American  citizen  the  largest  freedom  and  the 
most  perfect  equality  of  rights  and  privileges.  It  has  afforded  us  se- 


,0  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

curity  in  person  and  property,  and  blessed  us  until,  under  its  beneficial 
influence,  we  were  the  proudest  nation  on  earth. 

We  should  be  united  in  our  efforts  to  put  down  a  rebellion  that 
now,  like  an  earthquake,  rocks  the  nation  from  State  to  State  and  from 
centre  to  circumference,  and  threatens  to  ingulf  us  all  in  one  common 
ruin,  the  horrors  of  which  no  pen  can  portray.  We  have  solemnly 
sworn  to  bear  true  faith  to  this  Government,  preserve  its  Constitution, 
and  defend  its  glorious  flag  against  all  its  enemies  and  opposers.  To 
our  hands  has  been  committed  the  liberties,  the  prosperity  and  happi 
ness  of  future  generations.  Shall  we  betray  such  a  trust  ?  Shall  the 
brilliance  of  your  past  achievements  be  dimmed  and  tarnished  by  hesi 
tation,  discord,  and  dissension,  while  armed  traitors  menace  you  in 
front  and  unarmed  traitors  intrigue  against  you  in  the  rear?  We  are 
in  no  way  responsible  for  any  action  of  the  civil  authorities.  We  con 
stitute  the  military  arm  of  the  Government.  That  the  civil  power  is 
threatened  and  attempted  to  be  paralyzed  is  the  reason  for  resort  to  the 
military  power.  To  aid  the  civil  authorities  (not  to  oppose  or  ob 
struct)  in  the  exercise  of  their  authority,  is  our  office  ;  and  shall  we 
forget  this  duty,  and  stop  to  wrangle  and  dispute  over  this  or  that  po 
litical  act  or  measure  while  the  country  is  bleeding  at  every  pore  ; 
while  a  fearful  wail  of  anguish,  wrung  from  the  heart  of  a  distracted 
people,  is  borne  upon  every  breeze,  and  widows  and  orphans  are  ap 
pealing  to  us  to  avenge  the  loss  of  their  loved  ones  who  have  fallen  by 
our  side  in  defence  of  the  old  blood-stained  banner,  and  while  the 
Temple  of  Liberty  itself  is  being  shaken  to  its  very  centre  by  the  ruth 
less  blows  of  traitors,  who  have  desecrated  our  flag,  obstructed  our  na 
tional  highways,  destroyed  our  peace,  desolated  our  firesides,  and 
draped  thousands  of  honies  in  mourning  ? 

Let  us  stand  firm  at  our  posts  of  duty  and  of  honor,  yielding  a 
cheerful  obedience  to  all  orders  from  our  superiors,  until  by  our  united 
efforts  the  Stars  and  Stripes  shall  be  planted  in  every  city,  town,  and 
hamlet  of  the  rebellious  States.  We  can  then  return  to  our  homes, 
and  through  the  ballot-box  peacefully  redress  all  our  wrongs,  if  any  we 
have. 

While  I  rely  upon  you  \\it\i  confidence  and  pride,  I  blush  to  confess 
that  recently  some  of  those  who  were  once  our  comrades-in-arms  have 
so  far  forgotten  their  honor,  their  oaths,  and  their  country  as  to  shame 
fully  desert  us,  and  skulkingly  make  their  way  to  their  homes,  where 
like  culprits  they  dare  not  look  an  honest  man  in  the  face.  Disgrace 
and  ignominy  (if  they  escape  the  penalty  of  the  law)  will  not  only  iol- 
low  them  to  their  dishonored  graves,  but  will  stamp  their  names  and 
lineage  with  infamy  to  the  latest  generation.  The  scorn  and  contempt 


LOGAN  IN    THE    WAR.  3I 

of  every  true  man  will  ever  follow  those  base  men,  who,  forgetful-  of 
their  oaths,  have,  like  cowardly  spaniels,  deserted  their  comrades-in 
arms  in  the  face  of  the  foe,  and  their  country  in  the  hour  of  its  greatest 
peril.  Every  true-hearted  mother  or  father,  brother,  sister,  or  wife, 
will  spurn  the  coward  who  could  thus  not  only  disgrace  himself,  but 
his  name  and  his  kindred.  An  indelible  stamp  of  infamy  should  be 
branded  upon  his  cheek,  that  all  who  look  upon  his  vile  countenance 
may  feel  for  him  the  contempt  his  cowardice  merits.  Could  I  believe 
that  such  conduct  found  either  justification  or  excuse  in  your  hearts,  or 
that  you  would  for  a  moment  falter  in  our  glorious  purpose  of  saving 
the  nation  from  threatened  wreck  and  hopeless  ruin,  I  would  invoke 
from  Deity,  as  the  greatest  boon,  a  common  grave  to  save  us  from  such 
infamy  and  disgrace. 

The  day  is  not  far  distant  when  traitors  and  cowards  North  and 
South  will  cower  before  the  indignation  of  an  outraged  people.  March 
bravely  onward  !  Nerve  your  strong  arms  to  the  task  of  overthrowing 
every  obstacle  in  the  pathway  of  victory,  until  with  shouts  of  triumph 
the  last  gun  is  fired  that  proclaims  us  a  United  People  under  the  old 
flag  and  one  Government !  Patriot  soldiers  !  This  great  work  accom 
plished,  the  reward  for  such  service  as  yours  will  be  realized  ;  the  bless 
ings  and  honors  of  a  grateful  people  will  be  yours. 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 
Brigadier-  General  Commanding. 

CANALLING     AT     LAKE      PROVIDENCE — A      BOLD      PROPOSAL LO- 

GAN'S    MEN   "  MAN  "  THE     TRANSPORTS     THAT     RUN     THE    TER 
RIBLE  FIRE  OF  VICKSBURG'S  GUNS. 

From  Memphis,  General  Logan's  division  was  embarked 
on  transports  and  proceeded  to  Lake  Providence  (near 
Vicksburg),  where,  amid  their  watery  surroundings,  efforts 
were  made  to  construct  the  famous  canal,  until  the  impatient 
spirit  of  leader  and  men  would  no  longer  quietly  await  the 
results  of  the  tedious  experiment  of  canal-digging,  but  boldly 
proposed  to  run  past  the  frowning  cannon  of  Vicksburg,  in 
vessels  shielded  only  by  bales  of  cotton  piled  up  on  either 
side  to  protect  the  brave  fellows  who  volunteered  for  the 
dangerous  service.  General  Logan's  command  moved  from 
Lake  Providence  February  22,  1863,  reaching  Milliken's 


32  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Bend  April  25th,  and  thence  proceeded  by  way  of  Carthage 
and  Perkins'  Plantation  to  Hard  Times  Landing,  below 
Grand  Gulf.  Meanwhile  the  transports, — manned  almost 
exclusively  by  volunteers  *  from  Logan's  division, — with  their 
valuable  freights,  and  crews  of  human  souls,  had,  with  ar 
rowy  speed,  in  the  night,  swept  past  the  belching  batteries 
of  Vicksburg  comparatively  unharmed  by  the  storms  of  shot 
and  shell  that  poured  upon  them.  Having  thus  secured 
transports  with  which  the  troops  could  be  crossed  over  the 
Mississippi  River,  work  was  now  to  commence  in  real  ear 
nest  and  to  some  purpose.  On  the  morning  of  May  ist, 
General  Logan's  division  was  ferried  across  the  river  in  these 
vessels,  and  was  at  once  pushed  toward  Port  Gibson,  where 
General  McClernand  was  engaging  the  enemy,  and  attempt 
ing  without  success  to  drive  him  from  his  position. 

THE  VICTORY    OF    FORT    GIBSON — LOGAN'S    MEN    DETERMINE    THE 

BATTLE    OF    THE     BIG     BLACK LOGAN     FLANKS     THE     ENEMY, 

AND      DRIVES      HIM       AGAIN CONSEQUENT       EVACUATION       OF 

GRAND    GULF THE    ROAD    TO    VICKSBURG    NOW    OPEN. 

The  official  report  of  General  Grant  says  : 

McClernand,  who  was  with  the  right  in  person,  sent  repeated  mes 
sages  to  me  before  the  arrival  of  Logan,  to  send  Logan's  and  Quirnby's 
divisions  to  him.  Osterhaus,  of  McClernand's  corps,  did  not  move  the 
enemy  from  the  position  occupied  by  him  on  our  left  until  Logan's 
division  of  McPherson's  corps  arrived.  However,  as  soon  as  the  ad 
vance  of  McPherson's  corps,  Logan's  division,  arrived,  I  sent  one  bri 
gade  of  the  division  to  the  left.  By  the  judicious  disposition  made  of 
this  brigade,  under  the  immediate  supervision  of  McPherson  and  Lo 
gan,  a  position  was  obtained  giving  us  an  advantage  which  drove  the 
enemy  from  that  part  of  the  field  to  make  no  further  stand  south  of 
Bayou  Pierre,  and  the  enemy  was  here  repulsed  witli  a  heavy  loss  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  He  was  pursued  toward  Fort  Gibson; 


"  Most  of  them  were  from  Logan's  division,  composed  generally  of  men  from  the  South 
ern  part  of  Illinois,  and  from  Missouri.  All  but  two  of  the  steamers  were  commanded  by 
volunteers  from  the  army,  and  all  but  one  so  manned." — GRANT'S  MEMOIRS. 


LOGAN  IN   THE   WAR.  ^ 

but  night  closing  in,  and  the  enemy  making  the  appearance  of  another 
stand,  the  troops  slept  upon  their  arms  until  daylight.  Major  Stol- 
brand,  with  a  section  of  one  of  General  Logan's  batteries,  had  the 
pleasure  of  firing  the  last  shot  at  the  retreating  enemy  across  the  bridge 
on  the  north  fork  of  Bayou  Pierre,  just  at  dusk  on  that  day. 

In  this  battle  the  Union  loss  was  130  killed  and  718 
wounded.  The  Union  army  captured  650  prisoners  and  6 
field-guns.  The  enemy  acknowledged  a  loss  of  448  killed 
and  wounded,  and  384  missing.  The  Confederate  General 
Pemberton  telegraphed  that  night  to  General  Joseph  E. 
Johnston : 

A  furious  battle  has  been  going  on  since  daylight  just  below  Port 
Gibson.  Enemy  can  cross  all  his  army  from  Hard  Times  to  Bruins- 
burg.  I  should  have  large  re-enforcements.  Enemy's  movements 
threaten  Jackson,  and,  if  successful,  cut  off  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hud 
son. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  2d,  it  was  found  that  Port 
Gibson  had  been  evacuated  the  previous  night,  and  that  the 
enemy  had  withdrawn  across  the  two  forks  of  Bayou  Pierre 
and  burned  the  bridges  behind  him.  Badeau,  in  his  "  Mili 
tary  History  of  U.  S.  Grant,"  says: 

Grant  immediately  detached  one  brigade  of  Logan's  division  to  the 
left,  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  rebels  there,  while  a  heavy  detail  of 
McClernand's  troops  were  set  to  work  rebuilding  the  bridge  across  the 
South  Fork.  .  .  .  While  this  was  doing,  two  brigades  of  Logan's  divi 
sion  forded  the  bayou,  and  marched  on.  .  .  .  Meanwhile  another  division 
(Crocker's)  of  McPherson's  corps  had  been  ferried  across  the  Missis 
sippi  and  .  .  .  had  come  up  with  the  command.  .  .  .  Grant 
now  ordered  McPherson  to  push  across  the  bayou  and  attack  the 
enemy  in  flank,  and  in  full  retreat  through  Willow  Springs,  demoral 
ized  and  out  of  ammunition.  McPherson  started  at  once,  and  before 
night  his  two  divisions  had  crossed  the  South  Fork  and  marched  to  the 
North  Fork,  eight  miles  farther  on.  They  found  the  bridge  at  Grind 
stone  Ford  still  burning,  but  the  fire  was  extinguished  and  the  bridge 
repaired  in  the  night,  the  troops  passing  over  as  soon  as  the  last  plank 
was  laid.  This  was  at  5  A.M.  on  the  3d.  Before  one  brigade  had  fin 
ished  crossing,  the  enemy  opened  on  the  head  of  the  column  with  ar- 
3 


34  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

tillery ;  but  the  command  was  at  once  deployed,  and  the  rebels  soon 
fell  back,  their  movement  being  intended  only  to  cover  the  retreating 
force.  McPherson  followed  rapidly,  driving  them  through  Willow 
Springs,  and  gaining  the  cross-roads.  Here  Logan  was  directed  to 
take  the  Grand  Gulf  road,  while  Crocker  continued  the  direct  pursuit 
Skirmishing  was  kept  up  all  day  ;  the  broken  country,  the  narrow, 
tortuous  roads  and  impassable  ravines,  offering  great  facilities  for  this 
species  of  warfare  :  the  enemy  availed  himself  fully  of  every  advantage, 
contesting  the  ground  with  great  tenacity.  This  continued  all  the  way 
to  Hankinson's  Ferry,  on  the  Big  Black  River,  fifteen  miles  from  Port 
Gibson.  Several  hundred  prisoners  were  taken  in  the  pursuit.  At 
four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  McPherson  came  up  with  the  rebels,  and 
Logan  at  the  same  time  appearing  on  their  right  flanky  caused  them  to  move 
precipitously  toivard  the  river*  McPherson  followed  hard,  and  arrived 
just  as  the  last  of  the  rebels  was  crossing,  and  in  time  to  prevent  the 
destruction  of  the  bridge.  It  being  now  dark,  and  the  enemy  driven 
across  the  Big  Black,  the  command  was  rested  for  the  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  it  was  found  that  the  previous 
night  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the  stronghold  of  Grand  Gulf, 
with  its  elaborate  and  extensive  works,  after  burying  or  spik 
ing  his  cannon  and  blowing  up  his  magazines.  Thirteen  heavy 
guns  thus  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Union  army. 

In  a  despatch  to  Sherman,  then  at  Milliken's  Bend,  Gen 
eral  Grant  wrote  on  the  3d : 

Logan  is  now  on  the  main  road  from  here  to  Jackson,  and  McPher 
son,  closely  followed  by  McClernand,  on  the  branch  of  the  same  road 
from  Willow  Springs.  .  .  .  The  road  to  Vicksburg  is  now  open. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    RAYMOND LOGAN*S    DIVISION   WINS    IT "  ONE 

OF    THE    HARDEST    SMALL    BATTLES   OF    THE   WAR  "  —THE    BAT 
TLE    OF    JACKSON. 

On  May  i2th,  General  Logan,  leading  the  advance,  again 
struck  the  enemy,  under  Gregg  and  Walker,  in  a  clump  of 
timber  within  two  miles  of  Raymond,  assaulted  him,  and  after 
four  hours  of  hard  fighting  drove  him  before  the  other  Union 


*  See  also  Grant's  Memoirs. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR. 

00 

troops  could  come  up,  with  heavy  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners — many  throwing  down  their  arms  and  deserting  the 
Confederate  cause.  General  Logan's  division  alone  partici 
pated  in  this  fight.  Here  again  Logan's  horse  was  shot  under 
him  while  gallantly  leading  a  bayonet  charge  of  the  Twenty- 
third  Indiana.  General  Grant  has  described  the  battle  of 
Raymond  as  "  one  of  the  hardest  small  battles  of  the  war."* 
And  in  this  battle  Logan  gained  the  day  by  his  desperate  and 
personal  bravery.  The  enemy's  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners,  was  820.  On  the  14th,  General  Logan's  division 
participated  in  the  battle  of  Jackson,  Miss.,  fought  outside 
the  entrenched  capital  of  the  State,  at  which  McPherson's 
corps  was  engaged,  and  assisted  in  routing  the  bulk  of  the 
Confederate  General  Johnston's  command,  and  capturing  all 
his  artillery, — seventeen  cannon, — the  enemy  losing,  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners,  845  men.  Grant  slept  that  night  in 
the  house  which  the  previous  night  had  been  occupied  by 
Johnston. 

LOGAN  OUTFLANKS  THE  ENEMY  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  CHAMPION 
HILLS  AND  SECURES  VICTORY  TO  THE  UNION  ARMS — RETREAT 

AND  ROUT  OF  THE  ENEMY "  THE  MOST  COMPLETE  DEFEAT 

OF  THE  CONFEDERATES  SINCE  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE 
WAR." 

Historians  agree  that  the  battle  of  Champion  Hills,  fought 
May  1 6th,  was  one  of  the  most  spirited  and  hotly  contested 
battles  of  the  war.  Badeau  thus  describes  the  field  and  the 
battle : 

The  enemy  was  strongly  posted,  with  his  left  on  a  high  wooded 
ridge  called  Champion  Hills,  over  which  the  road  to  Edwards  Station 
makes  a  sharp  turn  to  the  south  as  it  strikes  the  hills.  This  ridge  rises 

*  And,  in  his  Memoirs,  Grant  says  :  "  McPherson  encountered  the  enemy,  five  thousand 
strong  with  two  batteries  under  General  Gregg,  about  two  miles  out  of  Raymond.  This 
was  about  2  P.M.  Logan  was  in  advance  with  one  of  his  brigades.  He  deployed  and  moved 
up  to  engage  the  enemy.  McPherson  ordered  the  road  in  rear  to  be  cleared  of  wagons,  and 
the  balance  of  Logan's  division,  and  Crocker's,  which  was  still  farther  in  rear,  to  come  for- 


36  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

sixty  or  seventy  feet  above  the  surrounding  country,  and  is  the  highest 
land  for  many  miles  round  ;  the  topmost  point  is  bald,  and  gave  the 
rebels  a  commanding  position  for  their  artillery  ;  but  the  remainder  of 
the  crest,  as  well  as  a  precipitous  hill  to  the  cast  of  the  road,  is  covered 
by  a  dense  forest  and  undergrowth,  and  scarred  with  deep  ravines, 
through  whose  entanglements  troops  could  pass  only  with  extreme  dif 
ficulty.  To  the  north  the  timber  extends  a  short  distance  down  the 
hill,  and  then  opens  into  cultivated  fields  on  a  gentle  slope  toward 
Baker's  Creek,  almost  a  mile  away.  The  rebel  line  ran  southward 
along  the  crest,  its  centre  covering  the  middle  road  from  Raymond, 
while  the  extreme  right  was  on  the  direct  or  southern  road.  The  whole 
line  was  about  four  miles  long.  Midway  Hill,  so  called  because  midway 
betwixt  Jackson  and  Vicksburg, — or  Champion  Hills,  so  called  because 
Champion  was  the  name  of  the  principal  land  proprietor  of  the  neigh 
borhood, — on  the  rebel  left,  was  evidently  the  key  to  the  whole  position. 

Continuous  firing  had  been  kept  up  all  the  morning  between  Hovey's 
skirmishers  and  the  rebel  advance  ;  and  by  eleven  o'clock  this  grew  into 
a  battle.  At  this  time  Hovey's  division  was  deployed  to  move  westward, 
against  the  hill,  the  two  brigades  of  Logan  supporting  him.  Logan  was 
formed  in  the  open  field,  facing  the  northern  side  of  the  ridge,  and  only 
about  four  hundred  yards  from  the  enemy  ;  Logan's  front  and  the  main 
front  of  Hovey's  division  being  nearly  at  right  angles  with  each  other. 
As  Hovey  advanced,  his  line  conformed  to  the  shape  of  the  hill  and  be 
came  crescent-like,  the  concave  toward  the  hill.  McPherson  now  posted 
two  batteries  on  his  extreme  right,  and  well  in  advance  ;  these  poured 
a  destructive  enfilading  fire  upon  the  enemy,  under  cover  of  which  the 
National  line  began  to  mount  the  hill.  The  enemy  at  once  replied  with 
a  murderous  discharge  of  musketry  ;  and  the  battle  soon  raged  hotly  all 
along  the  line,  from  Hovey's  extreme  left  to  the  right  of  Logan  ;  but 
Hovey  pushed  steadily  on,  and  drove  the  rebels  back  six  hundred  yards, 
till  eleven  guns  and  three  hundred  prisoners  were  captured,  and  the 
brow  of  the  height  was  gained.  The  road  here  formed  a  natural  forti 
fication,  which  the  rebels  made  haste  to  use.  It  was  cut  through  the 
crest  of  the  ridge  at  the  steepest  part,  the  bank  on  the  upper  side  com 
manding  all  below  ;  so  that  even  where  the  National  troops  had  appar- 


ward  with  all  despatch.  The  order  was  obeyed  with  alacrity.  Logan  got  his  division  in 
position  for  assault  before  Crocker  could  get  up,  and  attacked  with  vigor,  carrying  the  ene- 
•ny's  position  easily,  sending  Gregg  flying  from  the  field  not  to  appear  against  our  front 
again  until  we  met  at  Jackson.  ...  I  regarded  Logan  and  Crocker  as  being  as  com- 
1 1  tent  division  commanders  as  could  be  found  in  or  out  of  the  army,  and  botli  equal  to 
a  much  higher  command." 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR. 

o/ 

ently  gained  the  road,  the  rebels  stood  behind  this  novel  breastwork, 
covered  from  every  fire,  and  masters  still  of  the  whole  declivity.  These 
were  the  only  fortifications  at  Champion  Hills,  but  they  answered  the 
rebels  well. 

For  a  while,  Hovey  bore  the  whole  brunt  of  the  battle,  and  after  a 
desperate  resistance  was  compelled  to  fall  back,  though  slowly  and  stub 
bornly,  losing  several  of  the  guns  he  had  taken  an  hour  before.  But 
Grant  .  .  .  sent  in  a  brigade  of  Crocker's  division,  which  had  just 
arrived.  Those  fresh  troops  gave  Hovey  confidence,  and  the  height, 
that  had  been  gained  with  fearful  loss,  was  still  retained. 

Meanwhile,  the  rebels  had  made  a  desperate  attempt  on  their  left  to 
capture  the  battery  in  McPherson's  corps  which  was  doing  them  so 
much  damage  ;  they  were,  however,  promptly  repelled  by  Smith's  bri 
gade  of  Logan's  division,  which  drove  them  back  with  great  slaughter, 
capturing  many  prisoners.  Discovering  now  that  his  own  left  was 
nearly  turned,  the  enemy  made  a  determined  effort  to  turn  the  left  of 
Hovey,  precipitating  on  that  commander  all  his  available  force  ;  and, 
while  Logan  was  carrying  everything  before  him,  the  closely-pressed 
and  nearly  exhausted  troops  of  Hovey  were  again  compelled  to  re 
tire.  They  had  been  fighting  nearly  three  hours,  and  were  fatigued, 
and  out  of  ammunition  ;  but  fell  back  doggedly,  and  not  far.  The  tide 
of  battle  at  this  point  seemed  turning  against  the  National  forces,  and 
Hovey  sent  back  repeatedly  for  support.  Grant,  however,  was  momen 
tarily  expecting  the  advance  of  McClernand's  four  divisions,  and  never 
doubted  the  result.  .  .  .  That  commander,  however,  did  not  arrive  ; 
and  Grant,  seeing  the  critical  condition  of  affairs,  now  directed  McPher- 
son  to  move  what  troops  he  could,  by  a  left  flank,  around  to  the  enemy's 
right  front,  on  the  crest  of  the  ridge.  The  prolongation  of  Logan  to  the 
right  had  left  a  gap  between  him  and  Hovey,  and  into  this  the  two 
remaining  brigades  of  Crocker  were  thrown.  The  movement  was 
promptly  executed.  Boomer's  brigade  went  at  once  into  the  fight,  and 
checked  the  rebel  advance  till  Holmes's  brigade  came  up,  when  a  dash 
ing  charge  was  made,  and  Hovey  and  Crocker  were  hotly  engaged  for 
forty  minutes,  Hovey  recapturing  five  of  the  guns  he  had  already  taken 
and  lost.  But  the  enemy  had  massed  his  forces  on  this  point,  and  the 
irregularity  of  the  ground  prevented  the  use  of  artillery  in  enfilading 
him.  Though  baffled  and  enraged,  he  still  fought  with  courage  and 
obstinacy,  and  it  was  apparent  that  the  National  line  was  in  dire  need 
of  assistance.  In  fact  the  position  was  in  danger. 

At  this  crisis  Stevenson's  brigade   of  Logan's  division  was  moved 


3g  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

forward  at  a  double  quick  into  a  piece  of  wood  on  the  extreme  right  of 
the  command  ;  the  brigade  moved  parallel  with  Logan's  general  line  of 
battle,  charged  across  the  ravines,  up  the  hill,  and  through  an  open 
field,  driving  the  enemy  from  an  important  position,  where  he  was 
about  to  establish  his  batteries,  capturing  seven  guns  and  several  hun 
dred  prisoners.  The  main  Vicksburg  road,  after  following  the  ridge  in 
a  southerly  direction  for  about  a  mile,  to  the  point  of  intersection  with 
the  middle  Raymond  road,  turns  almost  to  the  west  again,  running 
down  the  hill  and  across  the  valley  where  Logan  was  now  operating,  in 
the  rear  of  the  enemy.  Unconscious  of  this  immense  advantage,  Logan 
swept  directly  across  the  road,  and  absolutely  cut  off  the  rebel  line  of 
retreat  to  Edwards  Station  without  being  aware  of  it.  At  this  very 
juncture,  Grant,  finding  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  McClernand's 
reaching  the  field,  and  that  the  scales  were  still  balanced  at  the  critical 
point,  thought  himself  obliged,  in  order  to  still  further  re-enforce 
Ilovey  and  Crocker  in  front,  to  recall  Logan  from  the  right,  where  he 
was  overlapping  and  outflanking  the  rebel  left.  Had  the  National 
commander  been  acquainted  with  the  country,  he  would  of  course  have 
ordered  Logan  to  push  on  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  and  thus  secure 
the  capture  or  annihilation  of  the  whole  rebel  army.  But  the  entire 
region  was  ne\v  to  the  National  troops,  and  this  great  opportunity  un 
known.  As  it  was,  however,  the  moment  Logan  left  the  road,  the 
enemy,  alarmed  for  his  line  of  retreat,  finding  it  indeed  not  only  threat 
ened,  but  almost  gone,  at  once  abandoned  his  position  in  front  ;  at  this 
crisis  a  National  battery  opened  from  the  right,  pouring  a  well-directed 
fire,  and  the  victorious  troops  of  Hovey  and  Crocker  pressing  on,  the 
enemy  once  more  gave  way  ;  the  rebel  line  was  rolled  back  for  the  third 
time,  and  the  battle  decided. 

Before  the  result  of  the  final  charge  was  known,  Logan  rode  eagerly 
up  to  Grant,  declaring  that  if  one  more  dash  could  be  made  in  front, 
he  would  advance  in  the  rear,  and  complete  the  capture  of  the  rebel 
army.  Grant  at  once  rode  forward  in  person,  and  found  the  troops  that 
had  been  so  gallantly  engaged  for  hours  withdrawn  from  their  most  ad 
vanced  position,  and  refilling  their  cartridge-boxes.  Explaining  the 
position  of  Logan's  force,  he  directed  them  to  use  all  despatch,  and 
push  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible.  He  proceeded  himself  in  haste  to 
what  had  been  Pemberton's  line,  expecting  every  moment  to  come  up 
with  the  enemy,  but  found  the  rebels  had  already  broken  and  fled  from 
the  field.  Logan's  attack  had  precipitated  the  rout,  and  the  battle  of 
Champion  Hills  was  won. 

The  rout  of  the  rebels  was  complete. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  ^ 

The  enemy's  loss  at  Champion  Hills  was  between  three 
thousand  and  four    thousand    in    killed    and  wounded,  and 
nearly  three  thousand  prisoners  were  captured  on  the  field 
or  in  the  pursuit.      Logan   alone  captured   eleven  guns  and 
one  thousand  three  hundred  prisoners.     Some  thirty  cannon, 
numerous    stands  of  colors,    and  large  quantities    of  small- 
arms  and  ammunition  were  among  the  spoils  of  this  victory. 
And  besides  routing  the   enemy,  one   of  his  divisions  (Lor- 
ing's)  was  entirely  cut  off  from  Pemberton's  army  and  never 
again  rejoined  it.     The  pursuit  was  kept  up  until  night  by  the 
Seventeenth  Corps — Logan's  division  reaching  a  point  within 
three   miles  of  Black  River  bridge  before  going  into  bivouac. 
The  preceding  extract  from  Badeau's  work  has  been  given 
partly  because  of  the  descriptive  interest  of  a  sanguinary  vic 
tory  in  which  General  Logan  was  hotly  engaged,  but  mainly 
to  show  that  he  and  his  command  deserve  the  credit  of  it. 
For  brilliant  charges  and  deeds  of  desperate  daring  no  battle 
of  the  war  excelled  it.     But  it  was  by  Logan's  movement  on 
the  right  that  the  battle  of  Champion  Hills  was  won,  and  the 
enemy,  with   Pemberton  at  the   head,   so  completely  routed 
and  demoralized   that  he  hardly  stopped  in  his  retreat  until 
he    had    reached  the  protecting  walls  of  his    stronghold  in 
Vicksburg.      It    was    a    terribly    bloody  battle.     When    our 
troops  halted   along   the   slopes  of  Champion  Hills,  says  the 
Comte  de  Paris  in  his  "  History  of  the  Civil  War  in  America," 
"  the  dead  and  wounded  were  piled  together  in  such  vast 
numbers,  that  these  soldiers,  although  tried  on  many  a  battle 
field,  called  the  place  '  The  Hill  of  Death.' '      The  same  emi 
nent  and  impartial  authority  says  : 

The  battle  of  Champion  Hills,  considering  the  number  of  troops 
engaged,  could  not  compare  with  the  great  conflicts  we  have  already 
mentioned,  but  it  produced  results  far  more  important  than  most  of  those 
great  hecatombs,  like  Shiloh,  Fair  Oaks,  Murfreesborough,  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  Chancellorsville,  which  left  the  two  adversaries  fronting  each 
other,  both  unable  to  resume  the  fight.  It  was  the  most  complete  defeat 


40  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  Confederates  had  sustained  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.  They  left 
on  the  field  of  battle  from  three  to  four  thousand  killed  and  wounded, 
three  thousand  able-bodied  prisoners,  and  thirty  pieces  of  artillery. 
But  these  figures  can  convey  no  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the  check 
experienced  by  Pemberton,  from  which  he  could  not  again  recover. 
.  .  This  battle  was  the  crowning  work  of  the  operations  conducted  by 
Grant  with  equal  audacity  and  skill  since  his  landing  at  Bruinsburg. 
In  outflanking  Pemberton's  left  along  the  slopes  of  Champion  Hills  lie 
had  completely  cut  off  the  latter  from  all  retreat  north.  Notwithstand 
ing  the  very  excusable  error  he  had  committed  in  stopping  Logan's 
movement  for  a  short  time,  the  latter  had  through  this  manoeuvre  secured  vic 
tory  to  the  Federal  army. 

General  Grant,  in  his  report  of  this  battle,  uses  the  fol 
lowing  language  : 

Logan  rode  up  at  this  time,  and  told  me  that  if  Hovey  could  make 
another  dash  at  the  enemy  he  could  come  up  from  where  he  then  was  and 
capture  the  greater  part  of  their  force,  which  suggestions  were  acted  upon  and 
fully  realized. 

Thus,  as  we  have  seen,  the  enemy  was  driven  in  confu 
sion  and  rout  from  Champion  Hills  and  across  the  Big  Black 
River,  until  he  found  a  brief  respite  within  his  intrenchments 
around  the  city  of  Vicksburg,  with  the  besieging  lines  of  the 
Union  army  around  him. 

THE    SIEGE    OF  VICKSBURG,   "  THE  GIBRALTAR  OF    THE  SOUTH  " 
LOGAN  AT  THE  CENTRE — BOMBARDMENT    BY  LAND  AND  WATER 
—THE  TWO  DESPERATE  AND  BLOODY  ASSAULTS. 

When  we  consider  the  wonderful  natural  strength  of  that 
position — truly  one  of  Nature's  fastnesses — fortified  by  a 
horseshoe-like  line  of  hills,  the  points  of  the  shoe  touching 
the  Mississippi  River  above  and  below  the  city,  and  remem 
ber  that  every  available  means  at  the  command  of  the  Con 
federacy  had  been  brought  to  bear  to  make  it  invulnerable  ; 
that  their  most  powerful  cannon  bristled  from  every  hill-top  ; 
that  the  frowning  bluffs  were  "  studded  with  batteries  and 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR  4I 

seamed  with  rifle-pits ; "  that  their  best  soldiery  manned 
their  guns  ;  and  when  we  remember  further  that  the  country 
immediately  outside  and  for  miles  around  was  one  vast 
swamp,  heavily  forested  with  trees,  interwoven  with  semi- 
tropical  vines  and  rank  parasitic  vegetation,  not  unlike  the 
tropical  growth  along  the  Amazon  and  other  South  Ameri 
can  rivers,  we  are  amazed  at  the  result  of  this  famous  siege, 
and  feel  that  our  soldiers  must  have  been  aided  by  some 
supernatural  power. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  i8th,"  says  the  Comte  de  Paris, 
in  his  History,  "  Pemberton,  with  all  his  troops,  shut  himself 
up  inside  of  the  vast  fortifications  constructed  around  Vicks- 
burg.  His  forces,  including  the  sick  and  a  very  small  num 
ber  of  wounded — for  those  of  Champion  Hills  had  all 
remained  on  the  battlefield — amounted  to  thirty-three  thou 
sand  men.  .  .  .  On  the  morning  of  the  I9th  the  invest 
ment  of  Vicksburg  was  complete.  McClernand  on  the  left, 
McPherson  on  the  centre,  and  Sherman  on  the  right  sur 
rounded  the  place  from  the  Mississippi  on  the  south,  to  the 
Yazoo  at  the  north.  Pemberton  had  abandoned  all  the 
outer  works  without  a  fight.  .  .  .  Grant's  army,  reduced 
by  fighting  and  rapid  marching,  did  not  reach  forty  thousand 


men." 


Says  Badeau  :  "  The  ground  on  which  the  city  of  Vicks 
burg  stands  is  supposed  by  some  to  have  been  originally  a 
plateau,  four  or  five  miles  long  and  about  two  miles  wide, 
and  two  or  three  hundred  feet  above  the  Mississippi  River. 
This  plateau  has  been  gradually  washed  away  by  rains  and 
storms,  until  it  is  transformed  into  a  labyrinth  of  sharp  edges 
and  deep  irregular  ravines.  The  soil  is  fine,  and  when  cut 
vertically  by  the  action  of  the  water  remains  in  a  perpendicu 
lar  position  for  years  ;  and  the  smaller  and  newer  ravines  are 
often  so  deep  that  their  ascent  is  difficult  to  a  footman,  unless 
he  aids  himself  with  his  hands.  The  sides  of  the  declivities 
are  thickly  wooded,  and  the  bottoms  of  the  ravines  nearly 


42  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

level,  except  when  the  streams  that   formed  them  have  been 
unusually  large." 

"The  whole  line  was  between  seven  and  eight  miles 
long,  exclusive  of  the  four  miles  of  rifle-trench  and  heavy 
batteries  on  the  water-front.  It  consisted  of  a  series  of  de 
tached  works,  on  prominent  and  commanding  points,  con 
nected  by  a  continuous  line  of  trench  or  rifle-pit.  The  works 
were  necessarily  irregular,  from  the  shape  of  the  ridges  on 
which  they  were  situated,  and  in  only  one  instance  closed  at 
the  gorge.  They  were  placed  at  distances  of  from  seventy- 
five  to  five  hundred  yards  from  one  another.  The  connect 
ing  rifle-pit  was  simple,  and  generally  about  breast-high.  The 
ravines  were  the  only  ditches,  except  in  front  of  the  detached 
works,  but  no  others  were  needed,  trees  being  felled  in  front 
of  the  whole  line,  and  forming  in  many  places  entanglements, 
which  under  fire  were  absolutely  impassable.  .  .  .  The 
whole  aspect  of  the  rugged  fastness,  bristling  with  bayonets 
and  crowned  with  artillery  that  swept  the  narrow  defiles  in 
every  direction,  was  calculated  to  inspire  new  courage  in 
those  who  came  thronging  into  its  recesses  and  behind  its 
bulwarks,  from  their  succession  of  disasters  in  the  open 
field." 

It  was  on  the  morning  of  the  iQth,  as  has  been  seen,  that 
Grant's  forces,  in  the  order  named,  completed  the  investment 
of  Vicksburg,  forming  his  line  across  these  "  wooded  cliffs 
and  rugged  chasms,"  and  it  was  at  2  r.M.  of  that  day  that  a 
concerted  and  simultaneous  assault  along  the  whole  line  was 
made  upon  the  enemy's  fortifications.  In  the  meantime,  the 
enemy  had  recovered  his  spirits,  and  met  the  assault  with 
such  spirit  and  energy  at  all  points,  that  our  troops  failed  to 
get  a  footing  within  his  works.  It  enabled  the  Union  forces, 
however,  to  take  and  hold  advanced  positions,  unveiled  the 
tremendous  difficulties  that  opposed  them,  developed  the  en 
emy's  plan  of  defence,  and  at  the  expense  of  Federal  losses 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  43 

amounting  to  four  or  five  hundred  men,  demonstrated  that  it 
was  a  serious  matter  to  storm  works  so  well  defended  at  all 
points.  However,  both  moral  and  military  reasons  impelled 
General  Grant  to  order  another  general  assault  along  the 
whole  line,  to  take  place  on  the  22d  at  10  A.M.,  to  be  sup 
ported  by  the  concentrated  fire  of  all  the  land  batteries,  and 
of  Porter's  mortar-boats  and  iron-clads  on  the  river  side  of 
Vicksburg.  "At  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  22d," 
says  Badeau,  "the  cannonade  began  from  the  land  side; 
every  available  gun  was  brought  to  bear  on  the  works  ; 
sharp-shooters  at  the  same  time  began  their  part  of  the 
action,  and  nothing  could  be  heard  but  the  continued  shriek 
ing  of  shells,  the  heavy  booming  of  cannon,  and  the  sharp 
whiz  of  the  minie-balls,  as  they  sped  with  fatal  accuracy 
toward  the  devoted  town.  Vicksburg  was  encircled  by  a 
girdle  of  fire  ;  on  river  and  shore  a  line  of  mighty  cannon 
poured  destruction  from  their  fiery  throats,  while  the  mortars 
played  incessantly,  and  made  the  heavens  themselves  seem 
to  drop  down  malignant  meteors  on  the  rebellious  stronghold. 
The  bombardment  was  the  most  terrible  during  the  siege, 
and  continued  without  intermission  until  nearly  eleven  o'clock, 
while  the  sharp  shooters  kept  up  such  a  rapid  and  galling  fire 
that  the  rebel  cannoneers  could  seldom  rise  to  load  their 
pieces ;  the  enemy  was  thus  able  to  make  only  ineffectual  re 
plies,  and  the  formation  of  the  columns  of  attack  was  undis 
turbed."  At  the  appointed  time  to  the  minute,  the  assault 
.was  made — at  the  cost  of  three  thousand  Union  soldiers 
killed  or  wounded — and  failed  completely,  despite  the  hero 
ism  of  all  who  took  part  in  it.  Says  Badeau  :  "  This  assault 
was,  in  some  respects,  unparalleled  in  the  wars  of  modern 
times.  No  attack  on  fortifications  of  such  strength  had  ever 
been  undertaken  by  the  great  European  captains  unless  the 
assaulting  party  outnumbered  the  defenders  by  at  least  three 
to  one." 


44  LIFE   OP  LOGAN. 

THE    SIEGE-WORKS — LOGAN     BLOWS    UP     THE      "  MALAKOFF  "      OF 
VICKSBURG — THE      FIGHT     IN     THE     CRATER — LOGAN'S     CLOSE 

APPROACHES HE      ADVISES       A     FINAL      ASSAULT — ARMISTICE 

AND     SURRENDER LOGAN     LEADS     THE     ENTRY  MILITARY 

GOVERNOR    OF    VICKSBURG,    AND    RECEIVES    A    MEDAL. 

The  assaults  having  failed,  reinforcements  were  sent  for, 
and  the  Union  army,  in  the  order  previously  named,  sat  down 
to  a  regular  siege,  the  details  of  which  would  be  too  tedious 
for  the  purposes  of  this  sketch.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  General 
Logan  was  very  conspicuous  during  this  memorable  siege, 
often  inspiring  his  men  to  greater  valor  by  exposing  his  own 
person  to  the  hot  fire  of  the  enemy.*  He  commanded 
McPherson's  centre  opposite  Fort  Hill,  the  Malakoff  of 
Vicksburg.  It  was  his  command  that  tapped  and  mined 
this  key  to  the  Confederate  Sebastopol.f  It  was  his  com 
mand  that,  after  the  successful  explosion,  stormed  the  gap 
ing  breach  and  fought  the  hand-to-hand  fight  in  the  bloody 
crater.  So  greatly  did  he  distinguish  himself,  that  a  powerful 
battery  was  named  after  him,  "  Battery  Logan,"  and  Grant 
was  often  with  him  at  his  quarters  for  observation  and  consulta 
tion.  Here  he  was  again  wounded  by  a  bullet  in  the  thigh. \ 
He  was  one  of  the  two  Generals,  out  of  the  council  of  thir- 


*  For  one  stirring  instance  of  this  exposure,  see  Part  VI. 

f  "During  the  siege  of  Vicksburg,"  said  a  man  who  served  under  McPherson,  "  Logan 
commanded  a  division  of  McPherson's  corps,  which  formed  the  right  centre  of  the  Union  line. 
Logan's  division  occupied  the  Jackson  road.  The  rebel  line  of  intrenchments  crossed  this 
road  at  an  elevated  point,  which  was  strongly  fortified  and  known  as  Fort  Hill.  Here  a 
mine  had  been  run  under  the  rebel  works,  whose  attempts  to  countermine  were  unsuccessful. 
On  the  afternoon  of  June  25th,  the  mine  was  exploded,  blowing  the  top  of  the  hill  com 
pletely  off  and  leaving  a  crater  where  it  had  stood.  Another  effect  was  to  toss  into  the  air 
a  party  of  men  who  were  at  work  in  the  rebel  countermine.  Some  of  them  came  down 
still  alive,  inside  the  Union  lines.  Among  them  was  a  negro,  who  was  more  badly  scared 
than  hurt.  He  was  brought  to  Logan's  headquarters,  where  somebody  asked  him  how  high 
he  went. 

"  '  I  iiinno.  Ma>.sa,  but  I  specks  'bout  tree  mile.' 

"This  sable  hero  remained  at  headquarters  until  the  end  of  the  siege,  and  proudly 
marched  into  Vicksburg  in  the  wake  of  Logan's  division  when  it  occupied  the  captured 
rebel  stronghold  on  July  4,  1863." — Army  and  Navy  Register,  January  I,  1887. 

\  For  Log.m'.s  own  characterise  description  of  this  incident,  see  Part  VI. 


EXPLOSION   OF  CRATER  AT   FORT    HILL,  VICKSBURG.— PAGE  44. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  45 

teen,  who,  when  the  approaches  at  ten  different  points  had 
reached  so  near  to  the  enemy's  works  that  the  men  of  the  two 
armies  conversed  across  the  lines,  on  July  ist  advised  Gen 
eral  Grant  to  again  assault  the  enemy's  works,  whereupon 
Grant  determined  to  make  the  final  assault  on  July  6th.  But 
in  the  meantime,  July  3d,  Pemberton  proposed  an  armistice 
with  a  view  to  arranging-  terms  for  the  capitulation  of.  the 
great  fortress.  It  was  in  front  of  Logan's  headquarters  that 
the  famous  interview  between  Pemberton  and  Grant  was  had 
at  three  o'clock  that  same  afternoon,  at  which  Logan  was  pres 
ent.  It  was  Logan's  column  also  that,  on  the  Fourth  of  July, 
1863,  was  the  first  to  enter  the  vast  conquered  stronghold. 
Says  the  Comte  de  Paris,  in  his  interesting  history  of  this  ter 
rible  and  bloody  siege  :  "  Logan's  division  was  the  first  to  en 
ter  Vicksburg  ;  "  and  he  adds  :  "  //  had  fully  deserved  this 
honor.  Grant  rode  at  the  head."  Says  Badeau  :  "  Logans 
division  was  one  of  those  which  had  approached  nearest  the 
rebel  works,  and  now  was  the  first  to  enter  the  town.  It  had 
been  heavily  engaged  in  both  assaults,  and  was  fairly  entitled 
to  this  honor.  The  Forty-fifth  Illinois  Infantry  marched  at 
the  head  of  the  column,  and  placed  its  battle-torn  flag  on  the 
court-house  of  Vicksburg.  Grant  rode  into  town,  with  his 
staff,  at  the  head  of  Logan's  division." 

But  no  history  yet  written  has  done  full  justice  to  Logan's 
great  services  during  this  remarkable  siege,  the  result  of 
which  was  the  surrender  to  the  Union  arms  of  31,600  men, 
including  2,153  officers  of  whom  15  were  generals,  and  172 
cannon, — up  to  .that  time  "the  largest  capture  of  men  and 
material  ever  made  in  war"* — the  immediate  fall  of  Port 
Hudson,  and  the  opening  of  the  Mississippi  from  Cairo  to  the 
Gulf.  Grant,  however,  recognized  that  to  him  was  due  the 

*  See  Badeau's  Military  History  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  p.  386,  vol.  iii.  Grant,  in  his  Mem 
oirs,  says:  "Logan's  division,  which  had  approached  nearest  the  rebel  works,  was  the 
first  to  march  in  ;  and  the  flag  of  one  of  the  regiments  of  his  division  was  soon  floating  over 
the  court-house." 


46  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

command  of  the  fallen  city,  and  Logan  was  made  its  Military 
Governor. 

His  valor  was  fitly  recognized  in  the  presentation,  made 
to  him  by  the  Board  of  Honor  of  the  Seventeenth  Army 
Corps,  of  a  gold  medal  inscribed  with  the  names  of  the  nine 
battles  in  which  up  to  this  time  he  had  been  most  distin 
guished  for  heroism  and  generalship. 

A  MILITARY   INTERLUDE LOGAN  TAKES    THE    STUMP  IN    SUPPORT 

OF  THE  LINCOLN  ADMINISTRATION — HE  ATTACKS  "  THE  ENEMY 
IN  THE  REAR  "  —HIS  ELOQUENT  APPEALS  TO  THE  PATRIOTISM 
OF  THE  NORTH  TO  STAND  1JY  THE  GOVERNMENT  AND  ITS 
ARMIES — THE  GOOD  THEY  DID  TO  "  THE  CAUSE." 

Having  inaugurated  and  perfected  the  administration  of 
affairs  at  Vicksburg,  General  Logan,  at  the  suggestion  of  his 
superiors,*  took  a  short  leave  of  absence  for  a  visit  to  the 
North,  where  he  frequently  addressed  large  assemblies  of  his 
fellow-citizens  in  speeches  of  fiery  eloquence  and  burning  zeal 
and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  Union.  That  year  (1863) 
was  one  of  great  importance  to  the  future  of  the  Government 
in  a  civil  as  well  as  a  military  point  of  view.  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  issued  his  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  a  measure 
which  the  Northern  sympathizers  with  the  South  were  slow 
to  indorse.  Hence  it  was  that  it  was  thought  desirable  to 
have  Logan  spend  a  short  time  in  the  canvass  prior  to  the 
elections  of  that  year.  He  accordingly  took  the  stump  in  Illi 
nois  and  advocated  the  election  of  the  Republican  ticket  and 
the  carrying  out  of  the  emancipation  of  every  slave  in  the 
Union.  While  thus  engaged  in  fighting  Copperheads  in  the 
rear,  it  was,  that  in  his  Carbondale  speech  of  July  31,  1863, 
when  accused  by  a  set  of  men,  who  once  claimed  to  be  his 
friends,  with  having  forgotten  his  party,  he  turned  upon  them 
in  all  the  fierceness  of  patriotic  anger,  exclaiming,  "  I  am  not 
a  politician  to-day,  and  I  thank  God  for  it  !  I  am  not  like 

*  President  Lincoln  himself  requested  it 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  47 

those  who  cling  to  party  as  their  only  hope."  In  his  Chi 
cago  speech  of  August  10,  1863,  alluding  to  the  taunt  that 
he  was  an  ''Abolitionist/'  he  said: 

If  every  man  in  this  country  is  called  an  Abolitionist  that  is  willing 
to  fight  for  and  sustain  his  government,  let  him  be  called  so.  If,  be 
longing  to  the  United  States  and  being  true  and  valiant  soldiers,  meet 
ing  the  steel  of  Southern  revolutionists,  marching  to  the  music  of  this 
Union,  loving  the  flag  of  our  country  and  standing  by  it  in  its  severest 
struggles — if  that  makes  us  Abolitionists,  let  all  of  us  be  Abolitionists. 
If  it  makes  a  man  an  Abolitionist  to  love  his  country,  then  I  love  my 
•country,  am  willing  to  live  for  it  and  willing  to  die  for  it.  If  it  makes  a 
man  an  Abolitionist  to  love  and  revere  that  flag,  then,  I  say,  be  it  so. 
If  it  makes  a  man  an  Abolitionist  to  love  to  hear  the  "Star-Spangled 
Banner  "  sung,  and  be  proud  to  hear  that  such  words  were  ever  penned, 
•or  could  ever  be  sung  upon  the  battle-field  by  our  soldiers,  then  I  am 
proud  to  be  an  Abolitionist,  and  I  wish  to  high  Heaven  that  we  had  a 
million  more  :  then  our  rebellion  would  be  at  an  end,  and  peace  would 
again  fold  her  gentle  wings  over  a  united  people,  and  the  old  Union, 
the  old  friendship,  again  make  happy  the  land  where  now  the  rebel  flag 
flaunts  dismally  in  the  sultry  Southern  air. 

Alluding,  in  the  same  great  speech,  to  Northern  Copper 
heads,  he  said : 

Now  I  want  to  ask  you,  how  is  it  possible  for  any  man  in  a  country 
like  this  to  be  disloyal  to  his  Government  ?  How  is  it  possible  that 
any  man  in  this  country  can  conceive  the  thought  or  idea  of  sympathiz 
ing  with  rebellion  against  such  a  government  as  this  ?  .  .  .  Where 
is  the  cause  for  it  ?  Where  is  the  reason  of  it  ;  where  the  justification  ? 
There  is  none  to  be  found — not  one  ;  and  if  any  man  becomes  disloyal, 
it  is  because  there  are  devilish  designs  and  corruptions  at  his  heart. 

My  countrymen,  let  us  look  back  for  a  few  years  and  view  the  pros 
perity  and  happiness  that  blessed  all  our  land  ;  and  then  cast  your  eyes 
around  and  see  the  condition  of  our  country  now.  Do  not  ask  your 
selves  who  is  President,  or  what  may  be  his  politics  ;  but  ask,  Have  we 
not  hitherto  had  a  good  and  beneficent  government  ?  And  if  so,  have 
we  not  the  same  government  yet  ?  Your  answer  must  be  in  the  affirma 
tive  ;  and,  my  friends,  if  we  are  but  true  to  ourselves,  true  to  our  cause, 
true  to  the  principles  we  have  been  educated  in  from  our  earliest  in 
fancy,  we  shall  have  that  government  still. 

Turn,  if  you  please,  your  thoughts  to  the  many  sanguinary  battles 


48  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

of  the  Revolution.  See  what  it  cost  our  sires  to  establish  this  govern 
ment  !  Did  they  not  pour  out  their  blood  freely  as  water  to  accom 
plish  this,  to  give  us  this  priceless  heritage  of  national  liberty  and  in 
dependence,  under  a  form  of  government  that  should  exist  forever  ? 
Consider  these  sacred  remembrances  of  those  illustrious  men,  and  then 
tell  me  whether  it  is  worth  preserving — tell  me  whether  this  rebellion, 
begun  in  infamy,  perjury,  and  crime,  carried  on  by  blood,  pillage,  and 
treason,  and  to  end,  if  successful,  in  destroying  forever  the  last  hope  of 
mankind— tell  me  if  this  shall  succeed  ?  [Cries  of  "  No,  never  !  "] 

In  all  these  facts  we  may  realize  a  !esson  clearly  pointing  out  our 
duty.  It  is  to  lay  fast  hold  of  that  old  flag,  keep  s*-  ^  to  the  music  of 
the  Union,  unfurl  its  ample  folds,  and  with  a  heait  of  courage,  a  will 
that  knows  no  faltering  or  dismay,  let  it  flutter  over  every  burg,  and 
wave  over  every  town  and  hamlet,  until  all  traitors,  like  the  wicked 
prince  of  Babylon,  shall  smite  their  knees  in  terror  and  dismay,  as  if 
the  handwriting  were  upon  the  wall.  Let  them  know  that  they  must 
bow  before  it  or  kiss  its  untarnished  folds,  and  swear,  by  all  that  is 
great  and  good,  never  to  violate  its  sanctity  or  infringe  a  right  it  repre 
sents,— let  this  be  done  and  all  will  be  well.  And  I  appeal  to  and  en 
treat  you  all,  my  countrymen,  by  all  that  you  hold  sacred  ;  by  the 
glorious  memories  of  the  past  ;  by  the  once  bright  hopes  of  the  fut 
ure  ;  by  the  memory  of  the  gallant  ones  who  have  fallen  on  the  gory 
fields  of  the  South  ;  by  the  wounded  and  suffering  who  still  languish 
in  our  midst  ;  by  the  sorrow  and  mourning  that  this  wicked  rebellion 
has  brought  upon  our  once  happy  and  favored  land,  to  be  faithful,  vigi 
lant,  untiring,  unswerving  ;  determined,  come  what  may,  to  dare  to  be 
men  and  do  what  is  right.  Stand  by  your  country  in  all  her  trials,  at 
every  hazard,  or  at  any  cost. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  those  glorious  boys  who  now  sleep  beneath 
the  red  clay  of  the  South  or  the  green  sod  of  our  own  loved  State  have 
died  in  vain.  Let  those  who  are  traducing  the  soldiers  of  the  Govern 
ment  know  the  enormity  of  their  crime  and  their  error — try  to  reclaim 
them  and  bring  them  back  to  duty  and  to  honor.  If  they  heed  not  your 
appeals,  if  they  still  persist  in  their  error  and  heresies,  if  they  will  not 
aid  in  maintaining  the  Government  and  laws  that  protect  them,  and 
continue  in  their  wicked  aid  and  encouragement  to  this  rebellion— send 
them  to  the  other  side  where  they  belong  ;  for  the  man  who  can  live  in 
this  peaceful,  happy,  and  prosperous  land  and  not  be  loyal  and  true  to 
it,  ought,  like  Cain,  to  be  branded  by  an  indelible  mark,  and  banished 
forever  from  his  native  paradise.  No  traitor,  no  sympathizer,  no  man 
who  can  lisp  a  word  in  favor  of  this  rebellion,  or  impair  the  chances  of 
the  Union  cause,  is  fit  for  any  other  ruler  than  Jeff  Davis.  He  should 


LOGAN  IN  THE    WAR.  49 

be  put  in  front  of  the  Union  army,  where  he  will  get  justice.  [Ap 
plause.] 

The  man  that  can  to-day  raise  his  voice  against  the  Constitution, 
the  laws  of  the  Government,  with  the  design  of  injuring  or  in  any  way 
obstructing  their  operation,  should,  if  I  could  pass  sentence  upon  him, 
be  hung  fifty  cubits  higher  than  Haman,  until  his  body  blackened  in 
the  sun  and  his  bones  rattled  in  the  wind. 

In  bidding  you  good-night— I  trust  I  do  so  to  loyal,  good,  .true- 
hearted  citizens  and  patriots,  who  love  their  country— it  is  in  the  hope 
that  you  all  may  reflect  upon  the  duties  of  all  men  to  their  country  in 
the  hour  of  peril,  and  determine  with  renewed  zeal  and  fervor  to  give 
such  aid  and  assistance  to  the  Government  and  army  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  as  will  cause  that  banner  again 
to  float  in  triumph  upon  every  hill  and  mountain  top,  and  in  every  vale, 
from  the  North  to  the  South,  from  the  East  to  the  West. 

The  cogent  effect  of  his  many  eloquent  and  telling 
speeches — some  of  which  were  reported  in  full,  and  largely 
quoted  from,  by  papers  all  over  the  country — was  to  cause 
many  deserters,  who  had  abandoned  the  army  on  account  of 
the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  to  return  to  their  regi 
ments  ;  despondent  people  took  fresh  courage ;  faith  in  the 
final  triumph  of  our  arms  seemed  to  take  possession  of  every 
one;  copperheads  were  dismayed  and  abashed  ;  and  the  re 
turns  of  the  November  elections  removed  all  fears  of  want  of 
support  by  the  people  for  President  Lincoln's  policy. 

LOGAN     IN     COMMAND     OF     THE     FIFTEENTH     ARMY     CORPS HE 

ORDERS  AS  ITS  CORPS-BADGE  A  CARTRIDGE-BOX  AND  "  FORTY 
ROUNDS  " THE  ADVANCE  ON  ATLANTA THE  STUBBORN  BAT 
TLE  OF  RESACA — LOGAN'S  VICTORIOUS  ATTACK  ON  THE  EN 
EMY'S  FLANK. 

In  November,  1863,  General  Logan  succeeded  General 
McPherson  in  the  command  of  the  Fifteenth  Army  Corps  * 
— the  corps  which  Grant  himself,  and  Sherman,  as  well  as 

*  "I  determined,  therefore,  before  I  started  back,  to  have  Sherman  advanced  to  my  late 
position,  McPherson  to  Sherman's  in  command  of  the  department,  and  Logan  to  the  com 
mand  of  McPherson' s  corps.  These  changes  were  all  made  on  my  recommendation  and 
without  hesitation." — GRANT'S  MEMOIRS. 


c0  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

McPherson,  had  successively  commanded — the  corps  which 
subsequently,  by  Logan's  order,  adopted  as  its  corps-badge 
a  cartridge-box,  with  the  significant  legend,  "  Forty  Rounds" 
-and  spent  the  ensuing  winter  at  Huntsville,  Ala.,  preparing 
for  the  campaign  before  Atlanta. 

Who  can  picture  in  their  true  colors  the  scenes,  marches, 
trials,  battles,  and  sufferings  endured  in  the  march  to  and 
during  the  siege  of  and  movements  around  that  rock-root 
ed  stronghold?  Every  approach  to  it  had  been  defended, 
and  on  its  rugged  mountain-walls — to  scale  which  were  like 
climbing  a  precipice  under  a  torrent  of  leaden  hail — frowned 
numberless  guns. 

Early  in  May,  1864,  General  Logan,  with  his  army  corps, 
joined  the  advancing  columns  of  the  Grand  Military  Division 
of  the  Mississippi,  which,  under  General  Sherman,  was  com 
mencing  the  campaign.  It  must  be  understood  at  the  outset 
that  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  under  McPherson — compris-. 
ing  the  Fifteenth,  Sixteenth,  and  Seventeenth  Corps,  respec 
tively  commanded  by  Generals  Logan,  Dodge,  and  Blair- 
was  during  this  entire  campaign  employed,  in  the  language 
of  General  Sherman,  as  "  the  snapper  of  the  whip  with  which 
he  proposed  to  punish  the  enemy ;  "  and  its  movements  to 
the  right  and  left  of  the  other  armies,  constantly  reaching 
and  occupying  the  most  difficult  and  perilous  positions,  en 
tailed  upon  its  several  commanding  officers  the  most  exhaust 
ive,  delicate,  and  arduous  duties. 

While  the  main  army,  under  the  immediate  supervision 
of  General  Sherman,  was  confronting  the  enemy  at  Dalton 
and  Buzzard's  Roost,  the  first  flank  movement  of  the  series 
made  by  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  to  the  right, 
through  Snake  Creek  Gap.  This  attempt  to  break  the  rail 
road  to  Resaca,  and  thus  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  enemy 
failed,  because  the  place  was  found  so  completely  fortified 
that  it  required  finally  the  best  efforts  of  Sherman's  whole 
army  to  dislodge  him  from  that  position. 


LOGAN  IN   THE   WAR.  -{ 

The  combined  movement  against  Resaca  was  made  on 
May  13,  1863,  General  Logan's  corps  leading  the  advance 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  The  scene  and  movement 
are  thus  described  by  an  officer*  of  McPherson's  staff: 

Logan  moved  first,  and  drew  the  first  fire.  In  front  of  his  Sec 
ond  Division  was  an  open  field,  in  which  were  the  enemy's  skirmishers  ; 
across  in  the  woods  his  line  of  battle.  At  the  bugle  the  division  fell 
into  line  of  battle,  deployed  skirmishers,  and  swept  across  the  field, 
driving  the  enemy  in  splendid  style.  General  Logan  accompanied  the 
line.  At  the  same  time,  Garrard,  who  had  fallen  back  of  the  main 
road  to  allow  Morgan  L.  Smith  to  move  to  the  right,  moved  on  the 
double-quick  to  the  left  of  Osterhaus,  the  two  divisions  pushing  into 
the  thick  wood  on  the  left  of  the  Second.  Dodge  moved  his  corps 
from  the  ferry  road  down  through  the  forest  to  fill  up  the  space  be 
tween  the  Fifteenth  Corps  and  the  Oostanaula  River — his  Fourth 
Division,  under  Veatch,  having  the  advance.  After  crossing  the  field, 
General  M.  L.  Smith  entered  the  wood  and  pushed  rapidly  for  the  hills 
in  his  front  ;  and  the  whole  Fifteenth  Corps  then  suddenly  moved  for 
ward,  driving  the  enemy  for  a  mile  and  a  half,  until  the  corps  were  in 
possession  of  the  hills  which  they  had  been  ordered  to  take.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  afternoon  was  occupied  in  intrenching  the  line,  putting 
batteries  in  position,  with  skirmishers  and  pickets  constantly  exchang 
ing  shots  in  the  meantime. 

The  next  day  about  noon  General  Logan  received  orders  to  make 
an  assault  upon  the  rebel  lines  in  his  front.  He  directed  the  assault 
to  be  made  by  one  brigade  from  each  of  the  First  and  Second  Divisions 
— General  Charles  R.  Wood's  brigade  of  the  First,  and  General  Giles 
A.  Smith's  of  the  Second.  The  remainder  of  the  command  were  placed 
in  position  to  give  such  immediate  support  to  the  charging  party  as 
circumstances  might  require.  General  Logan  was  in  front,  busy  along 
the  line.  It  being  very  difficult  to  cross  the  creek  which  ran  between 
the  attacking  column  and  the  enemy,  the  troops  were  carried  to  the 
opposite  bank  on  logs,  and  any  way  they  best  could,  under  cover  of  a 
heavy  fire  from  the  batteries.  It  was  six  o'clock  when  the  skirmishers 
were  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  commenced  driving  the 
enemy.  At  the  order  of  General  Logan,  the  brigade  sprang  up  from 
the  bank  under  which  they  were  covered,  deployed,  and  marched  for 
ward  double-quick.  Very  soon,  strong  Confederate  forces,  displaying 


Colonel  Clark. 


r2  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

seven  regimental  colors,  were  discovered  moving  in  column  by  regi 
ments.  The  whole  force  of  the  two  brigades  of  General  Logan  was 
deployed  in  front.  The  Confederate  column  would  strike  it  in  a  feu- 
minutes.  If  it  broke  our  lines  the  position  was  gone  and  the  brigades 
lost.  At  this  moment  Logan  hurried  along  the  front.  His  command 
reserved  its  fire  until  the  enemy  was  within  sixty  yards.  Then  it  fired. 
The  enemy's  column  staggered,  fell  back,  re-formed,  and  renewed  the 
assault.  Again  he  was  repulsed,  but  again  re-formed  and  made  a  last 
attempt  to  turn  Logan's  flank.  He  was  again  driven  back  with  great 
loss,  and,  under  cover  of  the  night,— for  it  was  then  dark,— left  the 
field  in  possession  of  General  Logan's  troops,  who  advanced  and  placed 
the  flag  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Ohio  on  the  abandoned  redoubt.  At  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  the  enemy  had  abandoned  Resaca.  The  loss 
of  the  Fifteenth  Corps  was  something  over  300  men,  while  the  enemy 
admitted  casualties  of  over  2,500.  Thus  ended  the  first  fight  of  any 
moment  in  the  Atlanta  campaign. 

Another  and  perhaps  more  graphic  account  of  this  fight, 
by  a  participant  in  it,  is  as  follows : 

General  Logan  advanced  against  the  main  works  of  the  enemy  cov 
ering  Resaca  and  the  bridges  across  the  Oostanaula.  The  first  day  of 
the  engagement,  May  i3th,  Logan  came  up  with  the  enemy,  in  consid 
erable  force,  about  two  miles  from  Resaca.  He  steadily  drove  the 
enemy  before  him,  carrying  Camp  Creek  Hills,  a  strong  position  over 
looking  the  town  of  Resaca,  the  railroad,  and  bridges  over  the  river. 
The  main  body  of  the  enemy  fell  back  to  a  low  range  of  fortified  hills, 
about  one-half  mile  distant,  over  a  marshy  bottom,  nearly  clear  of 
standing  timber,  but  full  of  fallen  tree-trunks  and  thickets,  and  inter 
sected  with  miry  sloughs.  The  next  day,  May  i4th,  sharp  skirmishing 
and  heavy  artillery  practice  were  kept  up  from  both  sides.  About  six 
o'clock  P.M.  the  advance  was  sounded,  and  Logan's  gallant  men  waded 
Camp  Creek  with  their  arms  and  equipments  held  above  their  heads, 
and  started  at  a  double-quick  over  the  difficult  ground,  followed  by  the 
cheers  of  their  fellow-soldiers  on  the  Camp  Creek  Hills.  The  rebel 
infantry  poured  in  from  the  hills  in  front  a  destructive  and  well-directed 
fire,  and  the  artillery  from  their  forts  opened  in  one  continuous  roar. 
But  neither  thicket  nor  slough,  nor  shot  nor  shell,  diverted  for  a  mo 
ment  the  attention  of  the  brave  stormers  from  their  objective  point. 
Without  slackening  their  speed  or  firing  a  shot,  they  pressed  resistlessly 
forward  until  they  planted  their  colors  on  the  conquered  hills.  As 
this  position  commanded  the  enemy's  works,  the  bridges  over  the  Oos- 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  53 

tanaula,  a  determined  effort  was  made  to  retake  it.  Heavy  columns, 
with  fixed  bayonets,  advanced  up  to  the  very  crest  of  the  hill  ;  but  they 
were  met  by  a  fire  which  swept  them  entirely  from  the  front,  defeated 
and  disheartened.  The  fighting  did  not  end  until  10  P.M.  General  Lo 
gan  lost  102  killed,  512  wounded,  and  14  missing.  The  enemy  sustained 
a  loss,  in  killed  and  wounded,  estimated  at  1500,  and  92  taken  prisoners. 
During  the  entire  day  of  the  i5th,  skirmishing  and  artillery-firing  was 
kept  up  with  more  or  less  vigor.  Logan  disposed  his  artillery  so  as  to 
command  the  railroad  bridge  and  town  of  Resaca,  and  thus  hold  the 
enemy  entirely  at  his  mercy.  During  the  night  of  the  i5th  of  May  the 
enemy  evacuated  his  entire  line,  retreating  southward.  Logan  entered 
the  town  of  Resaca  at  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  i6th,  pressing 
the  enemy's  rear-guard  so  closely  that  he  did  not  succeed  in  burning 
more  than  one  of  the  bridges  over  the  Oostanaula  behind  him.  During 
the  three  days  and  nights  in  front  of  Resaca,  General  Logan  never  left 
his  men  for  a  moment  either  to  eat  or  sleep. 

This  instance  of  Logan's  untiring"  vigilance  is  but  a  fair 
example  of  his  whole  military  career,  and  may  be  regarded 
as  one  of  the  principal  reasons  of  his  great  and  unvarying 
success  as  a  military  leader. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    DALLAS LOGAN^S  CORPS  BRILLIANTLY  REPULSE 

REPEATED    CHARGES    OF    HARDEE's    VETERAN    CORPS LOGAN'S 

GALLANT     BEARING     AT     A     CRITICAL     MOMENT — HE    IS    AGAIN 
WOUNDED. 

Still  moving  on  the  right,  at  Dallas,  May  27th,  Logan 
came  up  with  the  enemy  in  force,  and  at  4  P.M.  went  into 
position  beyond  the  town,  the  whole  rebel  army  confronting 
him.  No  time  was  lost  in  closing  up  his  line  and  preparing 
for  any  attack  that  might  be  made,  as  the  enemy  was  all  the 
time  endeavoring  to  feel  his  line,  and  not  a  moment  passed 
without  shots  between  the  skirmishers. 

On  May  28th,  Hardee's  corps,  23,000  strong,  moved  upon 
Logan's  front,  and  then  ensued  one  of  the  severest  struggles 
of  the  campaign.  Never  did  men  fight  more  desperately  than 
did  the  enemy  on  this  occasion,  to  drive  Logan  from  his  posi 
tion,  as  the  field  of  battle  after  the  contest  plainly  showed. 


54  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

At  its  close  General  Logan  found  five  color-bearers  dead  in 
their  places.  In  this  battle  Logan  had  no  time  to  get  up  his 
artillery,  and,  in  this  most  brilliant  repulse  of  the  repeated 
attacks  of  the  enemy,  relied  almost  entirely  upon  his  mus 
ketry.  The  report  states  that  he  was  himself  on  that  clay  a 
host,  riding  along  the  entire  line  with  an  electric  word  for 
each  brave  regiment,  swinging  his  hat,  and  cheering  when 
the  bullets  rained  thickest,  his  strong  voice  rising  high  above 
the  roar  of  the  fight.  The  splendid  enthusiasm  of  the  leader 
inspired  the  troops  with  a  like  temper,  if  such  inspiration  were 
needed,  and  insured  their  invincibility  had  it  been  for  a  mo 
ment  doubtful.  "  They  are  more  than  we,"  said  the  General, 

11  but  we  can  whip  them  every  time — every  fifteen  minutes  a 
i      »» 
day. 

One  who  witnessed  this  battle  says  of  it : 

General  Hardee's  veteran  corps  made  five  or  six  assaults  in  column 
of  regiments,  which  were  bravely  met  by  the  Fifteenth  Corps.  Once 
the  enemy  broke  our  line  and  surrounded  two  pieces  of  artillery,  but 
was  not  suffered  to  lay  hands  on  the  coveted  guns.  No  soldier  who 
witnessed  the  battle  of  Dallas  will  ever  forget  how  grandly  Logan  looked, 
as  with  uncovered  head  he  dashed  down  the  line  on  his  black  war-horse, 
amid  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  One  exultant  cheer  went  up  from  the 
soldiers  at  this  daring  act  of  their  chief,  and,  fired  with  the  inspiration 
of  the  moment,  they  retook  the  guns  and  drove  the  enemy  from  the 
field.  The  enemy's  loss  must  have  been  heavy,  as  over  three  hundred 
of  his  dead  were  left  on  the  field.  General  Logan  received  a  wound  in 
the  arm. 

Another, — Staff-Surgeon  Duncan, — recently*  said: 

At  Dallas  we  thought  he  had  an  amulet  which  protected  him  from 
harm.  During  the  fight  at  that  place  General  Logan  mounted  his  horse 
and  rode  down  through  a  perfect  shower  of  bullets  on  a  Confederate 
battery.  It  seemed  certain  death.  As  he  waved  his  sword  in  the  air 
hi>  ranged  shirt  showed  the  red  one  underneath.  The  men  saw  it,  and 
all  along  the  line  the  words  ran,  "  Black  Jack's  wounded."  The  thought 

*  After  tf.irfully  viewing  the  remains  of  his  old  General  as  they  lay  in  state  under  the 
dome  of  the  National  Capitol. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  ~ 

gave  us  strength,  and  with  a  cheer  we  charged,  captured  the  battery, 
and  turned  certain  defeat  into  victory.  He  always  had  that  sort  of  in 
fluence  over  his  men. 

The  enemy's  loss  was  unusually  heavy.  Three  several 
times  he  attacked,  and  was  as  often  repulsed.  Logan's  loss 
was  238,  and  he  took  150  prisoners. 

At  Dallas  also  occurred  a  night  attack,  which  was  very 
brilliant  and  beautiful  to  behold, — a  streaming  line  of  fire 
along  the  whole  front,  which,  belching  from  musketry  and 
artillery,  lit  up  with  a  lurid  glare  the  whole  sky, — but  accom 
plished  nothing  save  loss  of  sleep  to  the  tired  soldiers. 

The  Dallas  fight  was  the  third  of  three  successive  attacks 
of  the  enemy  since  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  south  of 
the  Etowah,  up  to  the  evening  of  May  28th.  On  the  25th, 
Hooker  was  engaged  in  the  centre;  on  the  27th,  Wood  on 
the  left  flank  ;  but  the  only  real  punishment  the  enemy  re 
ceived  was  on  the  28th,  from  General  Logan.  On  the  3Oth, 
while  pointing  out  to  Generals  Sherman  and  McPherson  the 
position  of  the  enemy,  Logan  was  again  wounded  by  a  shot 
through  the  left  arm,  but,  with  his  arm  in  a  sling,  continued 
in  the  field.  The  same  bullet,  after  hitting  Logan,  struck 
Colonel  Taylor  in  the  breast,  disabling  him. 

THE     BATTLE      OF      BIG     KENESAW     MOUNTAIN THE     DESPERATE 

ASSAULT   UPON    THE    IMPREGNABLE    FACE    OF   LITTLE    KENESAW 
MOUNTAIN  —  WONDERFUL  DISCIPLINE    OF  OUR  BRAVE    SOLDIERS 

OF    THE    WEST UNPARALLELED    HEROISM    OF    LOGAN   AND    HIS 

MEN — ON  THROUGH    MARIETTA  AND    DECATUR    TO    THE    FRONT 
OF    ATLANTA. 

In  the  forward  movement  of  our  army  which  followed  the 
battle  of  Dallas,  and  the  consequent  evacuation  of  his  works 
by  and  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  Logan  advanced  on  the  main 
Marietta  road,  coming  up  with  the  enemy  in  full  force  be 
tween  Big  Shanty  and  Kenesaw  Mountain.  Sharp  skirmish 
ing  and  artillery  practice  ensued,  and  was  kept  up  night  and 


56  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

day,  almost  without  interruption,  for  three  weeks,  the  enemy 
falling  back  from  one  line  of  works  to  another,  until  his  line, 
in  Logan's  front,  rested  on  the  crest  of  Big  Kenesaw  Moun 
tain.  During  this  time  the  only  engagement  worthy  of  note 
took  place  on  June  i5th,  when  Logan  charged  against  the 
enemy's  right  flank,  driving  him,  amid  blood  and  sweat  and 
slaughter,  from  his  position,  killing  and  wounding  many,  and 
taking  350  prisoners,  22  of  whom  were  commissioned  officers. 
On  June  26th,  Logan  moved  out  from  his  position  and  relieved 
the  Fourteenth  Corps  in  front  of  Little  Kenesaw  Mountain. 

On  June  27th,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  gave  the 
strongest  proof  exhibited  during  the  campaign,  of  the  thor 
ough  discipline  and  complete  and  unqualified  obedience  to 
orders  which  characterized  its  commanders  and  soldiers.  Or 
dered  by  General  Sherman  to  carry  the  impregnable  position 
of  the  enemy  at  Little  Kenesaw  Mountain,  Logan  here  made 
one  of  the  most  daring,  desperate,  and  heroic  charges  of  the 
War.  Promptly  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  General 
Logan  moved  to  the  attack,  and  after  an  hour  and  a  quarter 
had  cleared  two  lines  of  the  most  obstinate  abatis,  carried  a 
line  of  earthworks  at  a  charge,  followed  the  route  of  the 
enemy  up  his  rugged  stronghold  through  a  murderous  cross 
fire  of  artillery  and  a  perfect  storm  of  bullets,  conquered 
every  obstacle,  planted  the  flag  at  the  foot  of  an  insurmount 
able  array  of  cliffs,  threw  up  defences  of  logs  and  stones,  and 
held  the  line  despite  the  stubborn  efforts  of  the  enemy  to  dis 
lodge  him.*  The  average  perpendicular  height  of  the  preci 
pice  against  which  the  charge  was  made  was  thirty  feet. 
Along  the  verge  of  this  the  enemy  had  drawn  his  line  of  bat 
tle,  and  his  troops,  as  ours  approached,  hurled  down  rocks, 

•  "  I  was  with  General  Logan  all  through  the  war,"  said  a  military-looking  man  on  the 
rear  end  of  a  Madison  Street  car,  last  evening,  "and  in  all  that  time  I  never  saw  him 
shrink  in  battle.  I  used  to  think  Hancock  led  a  charmed  fife,  but  Logan's  contempt  for 
singing  and  screeching  lead  was  even  more  pronounced  than  that  of  the  great  West  Point 
soldier.  While  tin-  battle  of  Kenesaw  Mountain  was  in  progress,  I  saw  Logan  ride  at  full 
speed  in  front  of  our  lines  when  the  bullets  seemed  to  be  falling  thicker  than  hail.  Bare- 


LOGAN     AT    LITTLE     KENESAW     MOUNTAIN  —PAGES  56'  57. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  ^ 

clubs,  and  every  conceivable  sort  of  missile  that  could  do  our 
men  injury.  As  Logan  and  his  brave  followers  attempted  to 
scale  the  heights  of  this  grim  mountain,  under  the  broiling 
sun,  every  step  was  like  walking  into  the  yawning  pits  of 
Dante's  "  Inferno."  Line  after  line  of  his  men  were  swept 
away  by  the  fiery  blast  above  them,  till  it  seemed  that  all 
who  dared  approach  must  be  mowed  down.  When  he 
reached  this  perpendicular  rocky  barrier  and  saw  his  bravest 
and  best  bleeding  and  dying,  and  realized  the  utter  impossi 
bility  of  dislodging  the  enemy  from  his  rocky  fastness,  the 
great  tears  rolled  down  brave  Logan's  face.  Nearly  every 
regimental  commander  of  his  storming  column  was  either 
killed  or  wounded.  Logan's  escape  untouched  on  this  occa 
sion  was  little  short  of  miraculous.  His  loss  in  this  terrible 
assault  was  60  officers  and  400  men  killed  and  wounded.  It 
was  not,  however,  barren  of  results.  During  the  night  of 
July  3d  the  enemy  evacuated  his  entire  line,  and  Logan  en 
tered  Marietta  early  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  capturing 
several  hundred  prisoners.  The  same  day  Logan  moved  his 
command  to  Nicks-jack  Creek,  on  the  right  of  the  army, 
where  the  day  was  celebrated  by  an  artillery  fight  with  John 
ston's  rear-guard  while  that  general  was  safely  and  quietly 
moving  across  the  Chattahoochee  toward  Atlanta.  After 
several  days'  skirmishing  with  the  enemy,  Logan  moved  to 
the  extreme  left,  crossing  the  Chattahoochee,  by  the  bridge, 
at  Roswell,  built  by  Dodge,  and  proceeded  thence  to  the 
Augusta  Railroad,  near  Stone  Mountain,  a  distance  of  fifty 
miles.  After  effectually  destroying  the  railroad  at  this  point, 
Logan  moved  his  command,  by  way  of  Decatur,  to  the  im 
mediate  front  of  the  enemy's  stronghold,  Atlanta,  where, 
after  a  severe  fight,  contesting  with  the  enemy  the  range  of 

headed,  powder-stained,  and  his  long,  black  hair  fluttering  in  the  breeze,  the  General 
looked  like  a  mighty  conqueror  of  mediaeval  days.  He  did  not  know  what  danger  was. 
Standing  upright  in  the  stirrups  of  his  saddle,  I  have  seen  him  plunge  to  the  head  of  a 
charging  column,  and  bury  himself  in  the  smoke  and  flame  of  the  enemy's  guns."—  Chicago 
Herald. 


58  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

hills  overlooking  it,  he  arrived  and  went  into  position  July 
2 ist,  throwing  the  first  Union  shells  into  that  city. 

General  Logan  occupied  on  the  night  of  the  2ist  an  in 
trenched  position,  his  right  being  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  un 
der  General  Schofield,  and  on  his  left  the  Seventeenth  Corps 
under  Blair.  The  left  flank  was  to  have  been  occupied  by 
General  Dodge,  commanding  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  who  had 
been  left  out  on  the  march  of  the  preceding  day  by  the  con 
nection  of  the  Fifteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee.  The  cavalry  command  which  was  cover 
ing  the  flanks  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  reporting  to 
General  McPherson,  had  been,  by  Sherman's  orders,  sent 
off  to  destroy  a  bridge  near  Covington,  thus  leaving  the 
left  flank  "in  air."  The  trains  were  stopped  at  Decatur, 
guarded  by  Sprague  of  Ohio  with  a  brigade. 

The  severe  fighting  for  the  position  which  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  occupied,  and  which  it  did  not  secure  until 
dark  on  the  2ist,  led  the  commanding  officers  of  that  army  to 
believe  that  the  enemy  was  in  force  in  their  immediate  front, 
and  Generals  Logan  and  Blair  made  disposition  of  their 
troops,  under  direction  of  General  McPherson,  accordingly. 

THE  GREAT  BATTLE  OFfATLANTA THE  DEATH   OF    THE  GALLANT 

McPHERSON — THE  HEROIC  LOGAN  SUCCEEDS  HIM — TAKING 
COMMAND  OF  AN  ARMY  FLANKED  IN  FRONT  AND  REAR,  WITH 
ITS  IDOLIZED  COMMANDER  KILLED,  AND  PANIC  IMPENDING, 
LOGAN  CONVERTS  THREATENED  DISASTER  INTO  VICTORY. 

Then  came  the  battle  of  Atlanta,  the  bloodiest  fought  in 
the  West,  and  one  of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  war.  The 
old  soldiers  who  were  there  will  never  forget  it,  nor  Logan, 
their  triumphant  chieftain — that  heroic  soul 

Who  firmly  stood  where  waves  of  blood 

Swept  over  square  and  column, 
And  trnced  his  name  with  bayonet-flame 

In  Glory's  crimson  volume! 


LOGAN  IN    THE    WAR.  59 

On  battle-field  our  nation's  shield, 

His  voice  was  Freedom's  slogan  ! 
And  Victory  leapt  wild,  for  she 

Had  lent  her  sword  to  Logan ! 

It  was  July  22,  1864.  Hood  had  succeeded  Johnston, 
and  McPherson,  finding  himself  flanked,  was  riding  to  the 
left,  when  he  met  his  death.  The  command  of  the  flanked 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  at  once  devolved  on  Logan.  Sur 
geon  Welch,  of  the  Fifty-third  Illinois,  describes  what  fol 
lowed,  thus :  "  General  Logan,  who  then  took  command, 
on  that  famous  black  stallion  of  his,  became  a  flame  of  fire 
and  fury,  yet  keeping  wondrous  method  in  his  inspired  mad 
ness.  He  was  everywhere  ;  his  horse  covered  with  foam, 
and  himself  hatless  and  begrimed  with  dust ;  perfectly  com 
prehending  the  position  ;  giving  sharp  orders  to  officers  as 
he  met  them,  and  planting  himself  firmly  in  front  of  fleeing 
columns,  with  revolver  in  hand,  threatening,  in  tones  not  to 
be  mistaken,  to  fire  into  the  advance  did  they  not  instantly 
halt  and  form  in  order  of  battle.  '  He  spake  and  it  was 
done.'  .  .  .  The  battle  was  resumed  in  order  and  with 
fury — a  tempest  of  thunder  and  fire— a  hail-storm  of  shot  and 
shell.  And  when  night  closed  down  the  battle  was  ended, 
and  we  were  masters  of  the  field.  Some  of  the  regiments 
that  went  into  that  sanguinary  conflict  strong  came  out  with 
but  thirty  men,  and  another  which  went  in  in  the  morning 
with  two  hundred  came  out  with  but  fifteen  !  But  thousands 
of  the  enemy  bit  the  dust  that  day,  and,  though  compelled  to 
fight  in  front  and  rear,  our  arms  were  crowned  with  victory ! 
Such,  in  brief,  was  the  battle  of  Atlanta.  But  its  details  are 
of  such  consuming  interest  that  it  demands  a  more  extended 
description. 

Very  early  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  Lieutenant-Colo 
nel  Willard  Warner,  of  General  Sherman's  staff,  reached  the 
headquarters  of  General  McPherson  and  said  to  the  latter  : 
"  General  Sherman  believes  that  the  enemy  has  evacuated 


60  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

Atlanta,  and  desires  you  to  move  rapidly  forward  beyond  the 
city  toward  East  Point,  leaving  General  Dodge  of  the  Six 
teenth  Corps  upon  the  railroad  to  destroy  it  effectually." 
This  communication  was  received  by  McPherson  with  a  great 
deal  of  surprise,  and  he  expressed,  without  reserve,  his 
doubts  as  to  the  correctness  of  General  Sherman's  informa 
tion.  However,  the  order  was  issued  by  him  to  General 
Logan  to  carry  out  the  instructions  received  from  Sherman, 
in  the  following  words  : 

THREE  AND  A  HALF  MILES  EAST  OF  ATLANTA,  GA., 

July  22,  1864. 
Major-General  John  A.  Logan,  commanding  Fifteenth  Army  Corps  : 

The  enemy  having  evacuated  their  works  in  front  of  our  lines,  the 
supposition  of  Major-General  Sherman  is  that  they  have  given  up 
Atlanta  and  are  retreating  in  the  direction  of  East  Point. 

You  will  immediately  put  your  command  in  pursuit  to  the  south  and 
east  of  Atlanta,  without  entering  the  town.  You  will  take  a  route  to 
the  left  of  that  taken  by  the  enemy,  and  try  to  cut  off  a  portion  of  them 
while  they  are  pressed  in  the  rear  and  on  our  right  by  Generals  Scho- 
field  and  Thomas. 

Major-General  Sherman  desires   and   expects  a  vigorous    pursuit. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  JAMES  B.  MCPHERSON, 

Major-  General. 

To  satisfy  himself,  McPherson  immediately  ordered  his 
horse,  and,  with  his  staff,  rode  down  to  the  headquarters  of 
General  Logan,  and  talked  over  the  instructions  he  had  al 
ready  sent  him  in  writing.  Before  he  reached  Logan's  head 
quarters,  however,  there  was  firing  exchanged  between  the 
pickets  of  our  forces  and  the  enemy.  In  a  moment  Gen 
eral  McPherson  was  convinced  that  General  Sherman  was 
mistaken  in  the  supposition  that  the  enemy  had  evacuated 
Atlanta.  He  therefore  instructed  General  Logan,  who  had 
already  prepared  his  troops  for  march,  to  go  into  position  for 
battle,  regardless  of  the  order  earlier  issued,  which  later  in 
structions  General  Logan  immediately  commenced  to  carry 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  6l 

out,  his  command  going  into  line  under  fire.*  The  order 
was  also  handed  to  General  Blair,  and  General  Dodge  was 
directed  to  leave  the  railroad,  and,  with  all  despatch  possible, 
take  up  his  position  on  the  left  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps  in 
order  to  protect  that  flank,  which  was  even  then  being  turned 
by  the  enemy.  So  completely  had  the  commanding  general 
been  misled  that,  in  the  absence  of  the  cavalry  under  Garrard 
upon  McPherson's  flank,  it  became  necessary  for  the  order 
lies  and  clerks  at  headquarters  to  take  guns  and  form  them 
selves  into  a  picket-guard  to  keep  off  the  enemy's  skirmishers 
until  the  headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  could 
be  removed  to  a  place  of  safety  in  the  front. 

In  the  meantime  McPherson  had  ridden  over  to  Sher 
man's  headquarters  and  reported  to  him  the  disposition  that 
he  had  made  of  his  troops  in  the  morning ;  secured  the  as 
sent  of  Sherman  to  his  course,  and  then  rode  back  to  see 
that  his  own  orders  to  Logan,  Blair,  and  Dodge  were  being 
promptly  and  correctly  carried  out.  The  exposed  position 
of  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  before  referred  to,  had  not  been 
covered,  when  McPherson,  about  noon  (the  firing  along  the 
line  having  become  general),  rode  out  almost  alone,  his  staff 
all  being  occupied  in  executing  his  previous  orders.  In 
passing  through  a  narrow  bridle-path,  McPherson  came  upon 
a  body  of  the  enemy's  troops — a  stray  company  from  Pat 
Claiborne's  division  of  Hardee's  corps — lying  down  in  the 
woods,  who,  upon  seeing  him  approach,  rose  up,  the  captain 
(as  he  afterward  said)  commanding  him  three  times  to  halt. 
McPherson,  at  once  supposing  it  to  be  a  detachment  of  his 

*  The  Chicago  Herald  mentions  the  following  incident  as  occurring  about  this  time  : 
"  A  few  moments  before  the  good  McPherson  fell  at  Atlanta,  a  shell  burst  within  twenty 
feet  of  General  Logan.  Turning  to  McPherson,  who  had  been  slightly  stunned  by  the  ex 
plosion,  Logan  coolly  remarked  : 

"  '  General,  they  seem  to  be  popping  that  corn  for  us.'  " 

"Twenty  minutes  later  McPherson  lay  bleeding  on  the  field,  while  Logan,  who  had  as 
sumed  command  of  the  troops,  was  hurling  his  battalions  against  the  enemy  with  the  skill 
of  a  born  soldier." 


62  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

own  troops,  with  his  usual  courteous  manner  lifted  his  hat, 
but,  perceiving  that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy, 
wheeled  his  horse,  was  fired  upon,  and  killed.  The  com 
pany  was  captured  afterward,  and  the  facts  as  here  stated 
were  given  by  its  officers. 

Colonel  Clark,  McPherson's  chief  of  staff,  hearing  the 
volley,  and  seeing  McPherson's  horse  come  out  riderless, 
being  sure  that  McPherson  was  either  killed  or  a  prisoner, 
gave  orders  for  the  recovery  of  his  body,  rode  to  report  the 
facts  to  General  Sherman,  and  was  directed  by  him  to  place 
General  Logan  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
he  being  the  ranking  officer  present.* 

"  THE  BLOODIEST  BATTLE  OF  THE  WEST  "  — LOGAN'S  PERSONAL 
PROWESS — "ONE  OF  THE  FINEST  BATTLE-PICTURES  OF  THE 
WAR." 

General  Logan  assumed  command  just  as  the  engage 
ment  of  that  day  became  general,  and  in  person  gave  the 
orders,  and  made  disposition  of  the  troops  that  won  the 
greatest  victory,  in  the  hardest-fought  battle,  of  the  Atlanta 
campaign.  In  person  he  recovered  the  position  lost  by  the 
right  of  his  corps,  and  recaptured  the  twenty-pound  Parrott 
battery  of  Captain  De  Grass.  In  person  he  directed  the 
movement  of  the  troops  which  repelled  the  seven  successive 
charges  of  the  enemy  upon  his'line,  and  not  until  twelve  o'clock 
at  night,  when  his  weary  but  victorious  soldiers  were  at  rest, 
did  he  leave  his  command  to  go  and  report  to  General  Sher 
man  the  successes  of  the  day.  He  was  received  at  General 
Sherman's  headquarters  with  enthusiasm,  and,  for  his  noble 
conduct  in  all  the  critical  hours  of  the  day,  complimented  in 
the  highest  terms  by  General  Sherman,  and  was  assured  of 

*  Sherman  was  not  on  the  ground  during  the  battle  of  Atlanta,  nor  did  he  send  to  Logan 
during  its  progress  a  single  order,  save  this,  placing  him  in  command.  The  battle  was 
fought  throughout  without  orders,  and  not  as  Sherman  has,  since  Logan's  death,  intimated. 
See  the  Logan-Sherman  correspondence,  etc.,  in  Part  VII.,  Addenda,  of  this  book. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  6<» 

the  permanent  command  of  the  army  which  he  had  on  that 
day  shown  himself  entitled  to  lead. 

General  Sherman,  referring  to  this  battle,  says  :  "  I  rode 
over  it  (meaning-  the  line)  the  next  day,  and  it  bore  the 
marks  of  a  bloody  conflict.  The  enemy  had  retired  during 
that  night  inside  of  Atlanta,  and  we  remained  masters  of  the 
situation  outside." 

On  the  next  day,  the  23d,  by  direction  of  General  Logan, 
Colonel  Clark,  his  chief  of  staff,  received  a  flag  of  truce  from 
General  Hood,  requesting  permission  to  bury  the  enemy's 
dead. 

General  Logan's  summary  report  of  the  battle  of  Atlanta 
is  in  these  modest  words : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE, 
BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  24,  1864. 

GENERAL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  the  following  summary  of  the 
result  of  the  battle  of  the  22(1  inst.  :  Total  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing,  3,521,  and  10  pieces  of  artillery.  We  have  buried  and  de 
livered  to  the  enemy,  under  a  flag  of  truce  sent  in  by  them,  in  front 
of  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  1,000  of  their  killed.  The  number  of  their 
dead  in  front  of  the  Fourth  Division  of  the  same  corps,  including  those 
on  the  ground  not  now  occupied  by  our  troops,  General  Blair  reports, 
will  swell  the  number  of  their  dead  on  his  front  to  2,000.  The  number 
of  dead  buried  in  front  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  up  to  this  hour,  is  360, 
and  the  commanding  officer  reports  at  least  as  many  more  unburied. 
The  number  of  dead  buried  in  front  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  is  422. 

We  have  over  1,000  of  their  wounded  in  our  hands — a  larger  num 
ber  of  wounded  having  been  carried  off  by  them  during  the  night,  after 
the  engagement. 

We  captured  18  stands  of  colors,  and  have  them  now  ;  also  capt 
ured  5,000  stands  of  arms. 

The  attack  was  made  on  our  line  seven  times,  and  was  seven  times 
repulsed.  Hood's,  Hardee's,  and  Wheeler's  commands  engaged  us. 
We  have  sent  to  the  rear  1,000  prisoners,  including  37  commissioned 
officers  of  high  rank.  We  still  occupy  the  field,  and  the  troops  are  in 
fine  spirits. 

Our  total  loss  is  3,521  ;  the  enemy's  dead  thus  far  reported  buried 
or  delivered  to  them  is  3,220  ;  total  prisoners  sent  North,  1,017  5 


64  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

prisoners  wounded  in  our  hands,  1,000  ;  estimated  loss  of  the  enemy, 
over  10,000. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN,  Major-General. 
Major-General  W.  T.  Sherman, 

Commanding  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi. 

After  describing  the  manner  in  which  the  lamented  Gen 
eral  McPherson  fell,  Surgeon  John  M.  Woodworth  writes : 

Thus  fell  the  noble  McPherson,  just  at  the  first  flush  of  the  battle, 
leaving  the  command  of  the  army  to  the  no  less  brave  and  gallant  Gen 
eral  Logan.  By  i  P.M.  the  contest  had  become  general,  and  the  roll  of 
musketry  and  roar  of  artillery  continued  without  interruption  until 
darkness  closed  the  mad  conflict.  The  battle  throughout  the  day  was 
most  desperate,  our  men  often  fighting  the  enemy  in  front,  then  chang 
ing  fronts  and  from  the  reverse  of  their  works  engaging  the  swarming 
rebels  in  the  rear.  Time  after  time  they  charged  directly  up  to  our  in- 
trenchments,  where  the  conflict  became  fierce  and  deadly.  Regimental 
commanders,  with  their  colors,  and  such  brave  men  as  would  follow 
them,  not  infrequently  occupied  one  side  of  the  works  and  our  own 
men  the  other  ;  the  flags  of  opposing  regiments  met  on  opposite  sides 
of  the  same  embankment,  and  were  flaunted  by  their  respective  bearers 
into  each  other's  faces ;  men  were  bayoneted  across  the  works,  and  offi 
cers  with  their  swords  fought  hand  to  hand  with  men  with  bayonets. 
One  rebel  colonel  (Forty-fifth  Alabama)  was  pulled  by  his  coat-collar 
over  the  works*  and  made  prisoner.  At  one  time  the  enemy  broke 
through  the  line  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  which  had  been  much  weakened 
by  the  withdrawal  of  troops  to  re-enforce  other  portions  of  the  line,  and 
captured  two  batteries  of  artillery.  At  the  moment  when  this  occurred 
General  Logan  was  at  the  extreme  left ;  but  hearing  of  the  disaster,  he 
hastened  to  his  old  corps,  and  calling  upon  the  men  who  had  never 
failed  him  in  the  hour  of  danger,  they  soon  rallied  and  retook  the  guns 
and  their  lost  position.  With  the  darkness  terminated  the  battle  of 
July  22d,  which  cost  us  3,722  patriot  soldiers.  With  men  less  brave,  or 
a  less  determined  and  skilful  leader  than  Logan  proved  himself  to  be, 
the  unexampled  record  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  had  closed  its 
history  with  a  defeat  but  little  short  of  annihilation.  Late  that  night, 
while  the  writer  was  seated  alone  with  General  Logan  under  his  tent- 
fly,  recounting  the  incidents  of  the  day,  Logan  made  use  of  the  follow 
ing  emphatic  language  :  "  I  made  up  my  mind  to  win  the  fight  or  never  come 


*  By  Colonel  (afterward  General)  William  W.  Belknap. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  65 

out  alive,  for,"  said  he,  "  had  our  army  suffered  defeat,  the  people  at 
home  never  would  realize  how  desperate  was  the  strugglp  against  such 
great  odds,  but  would  s.ay,  '  Had  McPherson  lived,  the  result  would 
have  been  different.'  "  The  enemy's  dead  were  computed  by  General 
Logan  at  3,240. 

General  Sherman  in  his  official  report  says  :  "  I  entertain 
no  doubt  that  in  the  battle  of  July  22d  the  enemy  sustained 
an  aggregate  loss  of  full  eight  thousand  men." 

General  Sherman  also,  in  his  report,  alluding  to  the  death 
of  McPherson,  said : 

General  Logan  succeeded  him,  and  commanded  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  through  this  desperate  battle  with  the  same  success  and  ability 
that  had  characterized  him  in  the  command  of  the  corps  or  a  division. 

In  a  letter  of  August  i6th,  addressed  to  General  Halleck, 
General  Sherman  also  said : 

General  Logan  fought  that  battle  out  as  required,  unaided,  save  by 
a  small  brigade  sent  by  my  orders. 

General  Grant  also,  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle  of 
Atlanta,  says : 

About  i  P.M.  of  this  day  (July  22d),  the  brave,  accomplished,  and 
noble-hearted  McPherson  was  killed.  General  Logan  succeeded  him,  and 
commanded  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  through  this  desperate  battle, 
and  until  he  was  superseded  by  Major-General  Howard  on  the  27 'th,  with  the 
same  success  and  ability  that  had  characterized  him  in  the  command  of 
a  corps  or  division. 

Another  writer,  glancing  at  this  terrible  battle,  says : 
Logan,  fighting  at  one  moment  on  one  side  of  his  works  and  the 
next  on  the  other,  was  informed  of  the  death,  in  another  part  of  the 
field,  of  the  beloved  McPherson.  Assuming  the  temporary  command, 
Logan  dashed  impetuously  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  his  hardly 
pressed  lines,  shouting  "  McPherson  and  revenge  !"  His  emotion  com 
municated  itself  to  the  troops  with  the  rapidity  of  electricity,  and  eight 
thousand  rebel  dead  and  wounded  left  upon  the  field  at  nightfall  bore 
mute  witness  to  their  love  for  their  fallen  chief  and  the  bravery  of  his 
successor. 

In  the  course  of  an  interesting  address,  at  Carbondale,  111., 
July  22,  1869,  to   the  surviving  members  of  his  old  Thirty- 
5 


66  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

first  Illinois  Regiment,  General  Logan  himself  briefly  referred 
to  this  sanguinary  battle,  in  the  following  words : 

The  22d  day  of  July  is  the  day  you  have  selected  for  your  annual 
meeting,  and  there  is  an  appropriateness  in  the  selection,  for  it  is  a  day 
you  will  never  forget.  I  well  remember  it,  and  so  do  you.  We  were  in 
the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country,  and  he,  strongly  intrenched.  Early 
in  the  morning,  the  Fifteenth,  Sixteenth,  and  Seventeenth  Corps  were 
ordered  to  move  forward.  I  was  in  command  of  the  Fifteenth,  and  you 
belonged  to  the  Seventeenth,  General  Leggett's.  When  the  advance 
was  ordered,  your  regiment  was  put  in  line  of  battle  ;  and  when  the  at 
tack  was  made,  a  part  of  my  own  command  and  a  part  of  the  division 
you  were  in  was  driven  back,  and  there  McPherson  fell — as  brave  and 
gallant  a  man  as  ever  breathed  a  breath  of  life.  Being  the  second  in 
command,  and  the  next  senior  officer,  I  took  his  place,  and  there,  from 
early  morn  till  late  at  night,  raged  the  bloodiest  battle  in  the  West. 
During  the  day,  I  often  passed  the  line  commanded  by  General  Leggett, 
and  witnessed  the  gallant  stand  your  regiment  made.  You  were  en 
gaged  in  the  very  hottest  of  the  fight,  and  many  of  your  officers  and 
men  fell,  covered  with  glory.  And  when  the  light  of  heaven  began  to 
fade,  I  rode  along  the  shattered  lines.  Some  regiments  that  went  into 
the  battle  strong,  came  out  with  thirty  men.  I  well  remember  the 
Twentieth  Illinois.  Two  hundred  men  went  in  in  the  morning,  and  fif 
teen  stacked  their  arms  at  night.  I  do  not  remember  how  many  of  your 
regiment  fell,  but  I  do  remember  that  it  was  a  terrible  battle.  We  lost 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners  some  four  thousand  gallant  men,  and 
the  enemy  over  eight  thousand  ;  but  it  was  one  of  the  decisive  battles  of 
the  war,  and  more  men  were  killed  than  in  any  other  battle  in  the  West 
during  the  whole  war.  You  have  selected  that  day,  July  22d,  which 
commemorates  the  battle  of  Atlanta,  as  the  day  for  your  annual  reunion, 
and  I  think  it  well,  for  on  that  day  your  regiment  suffered  heavily. 

But  probably  the  most  vivid  description,  both  of  Mc- 
Pherson's  death  and  the  scenes  which  followed  it,  was  that 
which  fell  from  Logan's  own  impassioned  lips,  in  his  oration 
at  the  unveiling  of  the  McPherson  statue  at  Washington, 
D.  C.  On  that  occasion  General  Logan  stated  that  on  the 
morning  of  July  22,  1864, — Hood,  having  relieved  Johnston, 
on  the  i  Qth,  with  a  heavy  force,  and  contested  in  vain  the 
occupation,  by  McPherson,  of  Decatur,  during  the  2ist,— 
McPherson  received  orders  from  Sherman  to  push  forward 


LOGAN  IN    THE    WAR.  ^ 

at  once,  as  the  enemy  had  abandoned  Atlanta ;  that,  after 
giving  orders  to  advance,  McPherson,  accompanied  by  Lo 
gan,  rode  to  the  front,  found  that  Atlanta  had  not  been  evac 
uated,  and,  countermanding  the  orders  for  the  forward  move 
ment,  ordered  Dodge  to  the  left,  and  rode  to  Sherman's 
headquarters  to  explain  to  him  the  real  situation.  General 
Logan  continued  in  these  words  : 

While  doing  so,  firing  was  heard  to  the  left,  and  in  the  direction  of 
Decatur.  The  enemy  had  turned  our  flank.  Hastening  at  once  to  the 
left,  sending  his  staff  in  every  direction  to  bring  up  all  the  available 
forces  to  strengthen  his  lines,  he,  with  a  single  orderly,  rode  into  a  blind 
path  leading  to  General  Giles  A.  Smith's  division.  Here  he  was  met 
by  a  stray  detachment  of  Pat  Claiborne's  command,  who  hailed  him 
and  then  delivered  a  volley,  killing  him.  This  was  a  little  after  twelve 
o'clock.  A  staff  officer  immediately  notified  General  Sherman  of  his 
death,  and  I  was  placed  in  command.  At  once  General  McPherson's 
staff  reported  to  me,  and  aided  me  with  the  ability,  promptness,  and 
courage  which  made  them  so  valuable  in  their  services  to  him. 

Right  and  left,  right  and  left,  like  a  weaver's  shuttle,  went  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee  athwart  the  serried  ways,  amid  heat  and  dust,  shot 
and  shell,  blood  and  tears,  weaving  the  crimson  net-work  of  revenge, 
till  the  field  was  in  the  bloody  toils  and  fairly  won. 

The  news  of  his  death  spread  with  lightning  speed  along  the  lines, 
sending  a  pang  of  deepest  sorrow  to  every  heart  as  it  reached  the  ear  ; 
but  especially  terrible  was  the  effect  on  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 
It  seemed  as  though  a  burning  fiery  dart  had  pierced  every  breast, 
tearing  asunder  the  flood-gates  of  grief,  but  at  the  same  time  heaving 
to  their  very  depths  the  fountains  of  revenge.  The  clinched  hands 
seemed  to  sink  into  the  weapons  they  held,  and  from  the  eyes  gleamed 
forth  flashes  terrible  as  lightning.  The  cry  "  McPherson  !  McPher 
son  ! "  rose  above  the  din  of  battle,  and,  as  it  rang  along  the  line, 
swelled  in  power  until  the  roll  of  musketry  and  booming  of  cannon 
seemed  drowned  by  its  echoes. 

McPherson  again  seemed  to  lead  his  troops — and,  where  McPherson 
leads,  victory  is  sure.  Each  officer  and  soldier,  from  the  succeeding 
commander  to  the  lowest  private,  beheld,  as  it  were,  the  form  of  their 
bleeding  chief  leading  them  onward  to  battle.  "  McPherson  !  "  and 
"  Onward  to  victory  ! "  were  their  only  thoughts  ;  bitter,  terrible  re- 


68  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

venge,  their  only  aim.  There  was  no  such  thought  that  day  as  stopping 
short  of  victory  or  death.  The  firm,  spontaneous  resolve  was  to  win 
the  day  or  perish  with  their  slain  leader  on  the  bloody  field.  Fearfully 
was  his  death  avenged  that  day.  His  army,  maddened  by  his  death, 
and  utterly  reckless  of  life,  rushed  with  savage  delight  into  the  fiercest 
onslaughts,  and  fearlessly  plunged  into  the  very  jaws  of  death.  As 
wave  after  wave  of  Hood's  daring  troops  dashed  with  terrible  fury 
upon  our  lines,  they  were  hurled  back  with  a  fearful  shock,  breaking 
their  columns  into  fragments  as  the  granite  headland  breaks  into  foam 
the  ocean  billows.  Across  the  narrow  line  of  works  raged  the  fierce 
storm  of  battle,  the  hissing  shot  and  bursting  shell  raining  death  on 
every  hand. 

Over  dead  and  dying  friends  and  foes  rushed  the  swaying  hosts, 
the  shout  of  rebels  confident  of  victory  only  drowned  by  the  battle- 
cry  "  McPherson  !  "  which  went  up  from  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 
Twelve  thousand  gallant  men  bit  the  dust  ere  the  night  closed  in,  and 
the  defeated  and  baffled  enemy,  after  failing  in  his  repeated  and  des 
perate  assaults  upon  our  lines,  was  compelled  to  give  up  the  hopeless 
contest.  Though  compelled  to  fight  in  front  and  rear,  victory  crowned 
our  arms. 

The  foe,  angry  and  sullen,  moved  slowly  and  stubbornly  from  the 
well-contested  field,  where  his  high  hopes  of  victory  had  been  so  sadly 
disappointed.  Following  up  the  advantage  gained, — and  many  minor 
contests  ensued  during  our  stay  in  front  of  Atlanta, — the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  moved  on  to  Jonesborough,  where  it  met  the  enemy  on 
August  3ist,  and  routed  him  completely,  effectually  demoralizing  his 
forces.  It  was  then  that  the  roar  of  our  victorious  guns,  mingling  with 
deafening  peals,  announced  that  the  rebel  general,  conquered  and  dis 
mayed,  had  blown  up  his  magazines  and  evacuated  Atlanta,  and  that 
the  last  stronghold  of  the  West  was  ours. 

It  will  be  observed  that,  on  the  rare  occasions  when  Gen 
eral  Logan  was  induced  to  allude  to  or  describe  battle-scenes 
in  which  he  was  the  hero,  he  barely  and  in  the  most  casual 
manner  alluded  to  himself.  With  the  characteristic  modesty 
of  a  chivalric  nature  he  loved  to  dwell  upon  the  services  of 
his  subordinate  officers  and  the  dauntless  valor  of  his  troops. 
We  have  heard,  however,  what  Surgeon  Welch  and  other 
officers  have  said  of  the  inspired  hero  of  Atlanta.  Let  us 
now  hear  the  brief  and  graphic  tribute  (through  another)  of 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR. 


69 


one  of  the  private  soldiers  who  fought  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Union  army  on  that  gory  field : 

One  of  Logan's  "boys"  then  carrying  a  musket,  but  now  handling 
another  kind  of  "shooting-stick,"  said  to  the  writer:  "Never  shall  I 
forget, — never  will  one  of  us  who  survived  that  desperate  fight  forget, 
to  our  dying  day, — the  grand  spectacle  presented  by  Logan  as  he  rode 
up  and  down  in  front  of  the  line,  his  black  eyes  flashing  fire,  his  long 
black  hair  streaming  in  the  wind,  bareheaded,  and  his  service-worn 
slouch  hat  swinging  in  his  bridle-hand  and  his  sword  flashing  in  the 
other,  crying  out  in  stentorian  tones,  ' Boys !  McPherson  and  revenge!' 
Why,"  said  he,  "it  made  my  blood  run  both  hot  and  cold,  and  moved 
every  man  of  us  to  follow  to  the  death  the  brave  and  magnificent  hero- 
ideal  of  a  soldier  who  made  this  resistless  appeal  to  all  that  is  brave 
and  gallant  in  a  soldier's  heart  ;  and  this,  too,  when  the  very  air  was 
alive  with  whistling  bullets  and  howling  shell !  And  if  he  could  only 
have  been  painted,  as  he  swept  up  and  down  the  line  on  a  steed  as  full 
of  fire  as  his  glorious  rider,  it  would  to-day  be  one  of  the  finest  battle- 
pictures  of  the  war." 

Called  to  the  temporary  command,  as  we  have  seen,  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  at  that  supremely  critical  mo 
ment  when,  flanked  and  with  its  idolized  leader  slain,  a  panic 
had  almost  set  in,  which  threatened  the  whole  army,  and  dis 
aster  and  utter  rout  impended,  one  would  naturally  suppose 
that  he  who,  by  the  magic  of  his  presence  and  bearing  and 
almost  superhuman  skill  and  exertion  and  intrepidity,  had  not 
only  saved  the  army  but  snatched  victory  from  the  very  jaws 
of  defeat,  would  have  received  at  once  the  permanent  com 
mand  of  it.  It  strikes  one,  therefore,  with  a  sense  of  injus 
tice  to  learn  that,  after  this  glorious  victory : 

By  order  of    the  President,  General  Howard   assumed    command. 
This  was  upon  the  recommendation  of  General  Sherman. 

Still,  Logan — who  deeply  felt  this  injustice — neither 
sulked  nor  murmured,  but,  resuming  the  immediate  command 
of  his  corps,  marched  on,  to  gather  other  laurels.* 

*  For  Sherman's  attempted  explanations  on  this  subject,  the  "  Sherman-Logan  corre 
spondence,"  and  other  interesting  data  connected  with  it,  see  Addenda  to  this  work. 


LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 


ANOTHER    FLANK    MOVEMENT   OF   THE   ARMY   OF  THE    TENNESSEE 
IN    A    PITCH-DARK    NIGHT,    WITH    LOGAN    ALL    NIGHT    IN    THE 

SADDLE — LOGAN'S  MILITARY  SKILL  DISPLAYED. 

The  men  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  never  recovered 
from  a  severe  battle  with  more  confidence  in  their  leader, 
nor  was  the  esprit  de  corps  more  manifest  at  any  time  than 
in  the  days  succeeding  the  battle  of  Atlanta,  while  Logan 
remained  in  command.  He  was  received  everywhere  among 
them  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  and  with  the  heartiest  con 
gratulations  that  he  was  in  future  to  be  their  leader. 

The  time  was  occupied  until  the  evening  of  July  26th  in  re 
organizing  the  various  commands,  performing  the  last  offices 
to  the  gallant  dead,  and  preparing  for  the  next  movement, 
which  was  as  usual  by  the  flank,  but  this  time  to  the  right. 
It  is  but  fair  to  say  that  a  more  difficult  and  delicate  move 
ment  of  an  army  than  this,  was  not  undertaken  during  the 
war.  The  enemy  was  intrenched  closely  in  Logan's  front, 
almost  within  speaking  distance  on  many  parts  of  the  line, 
when  the  order  came  from  General  Sherman  to  withdraw 
under  cover  of  night  from  that  position,  and  move  the  three 
corps,  past  the  rear  of  Sherman's  other  two  armies,  seven 
miles  to  the  right.  It  was  necessary  to  deceive  the  enemy 
entirely  as  to  this  movement,  and  the  wheels  of  the  gun-car 
riages  and  caissons  were  bound  with  wisps  of  hay  and  straw, 
in  order  that  the  utmost  silence  might  prevail  as  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  moved  out  from  its  position.  General  Logan 
was  in  his  saddle  all  night  long  and,  with  his  staff,  person 
ally  superintended  the  movements  of  every  corps.  They 
moved  without  the  slightest  confusion.  By  daylight  of  the 
2/th,  the  different  corps  of  the  entire  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
were  safely  upon  their  respective  roads,  prepared  to  go  into 
their  new  position,  and  this  without  any  casualty,  leaving  the 
enemy  in  complete  ignorance  of  the  withdrawal.  The  mili- 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  jl 

tary  talent  displayed  by  Logan  on  this  occasion  was  remark 
able,  when  it  is  considered  that  the  darkness  of  the  night  was 
such  that  the  entire  command  was  obliged  almost  to  feel  its 
way — it  being  impracticable  to  use  any  light,  even  that  of  a 
torch,  with  which  to  guide  the  troops. 

HOWARD'S    APPOINTMENT    TO    COMMAND    THE    ARMY    OF    THE 

TENNESSEE WITHOUT    A   WORD,    LOGAN    RETURNS    TO    HIS 

BRAVE  CORPS. 

Overcome  with  fatigue  and  anxiety  resulting  from  the 
sudden  responsibility  of  the  command  of  this  army  in  the  bat 
tle  of  the  22d,  and  this  delicate  movement  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy,  General  Logan,  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  at  the 
White  House,  where  General  Sherman  was  quartered,  was 
informed  that  General  O.  O.  Howard  had  been  appointed  to 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.*  Without  a 
word,  however,  General  Logan  resumed  command  of  his  old 
corps,  the  Fifteenth,  and  during  the  2;th  went  into  position 
on  the  right  of  the  line,  General  Blair,  of  the  Seventeenth 
Corps,  on  his  left,  and  General  Dodge,  of  the  Sixteenth, 
upon  the  left  flank. 

The  rain  poured  in  torrents  as  the  army  took  up  its  posi 
tion  on  that  day,  and  it  was  late  in  the  evening  before  the 
troops  were  all  deployed.  Again  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
was,  by  its  right  flank,  "  in  air."  The  enemy  was  discovered 
late  in  the  day  again  upon  that  flank,  and,  as  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  could  not  reach  so  as  to  secure  a  position 
not  easily  turned,  General  Sherman  ordered  General  Jeff  C. 
Davis,  with  his  division,  to  move  at  once  and  support  the 
right  flank. 

*  Alluding  to  this  appointment  of  Sherman's,  General  Grant,  in  his  Memoirs,  says  :  "I 
doubt  whether  he  had  an  officer  with  him  who  could  have  filled  the  place  as  Logan  would 
have  done."  See  also  Addenda  to  this  work. 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


THE     DESPERATE      BATTLE     OF      EZRA     CHAPEL — LOGAN'S     CORPS 
DEFEATS      THE      ENEMY'S      ARMY,      REPULSING      SIX      GALLANT 

CHARGES THE      REBEL       ARMY      COMPLETELY      REPULSED      BY 

HIM. 

The  morning  of  the  28th,  found  the  Army  of  the  Tennes 
see  again  confronting  the  enemy.  Hardly  had  the  Fifteenth 
Corps,  under  Logan,  thrown  up  their  earthworks,  with  logs 
and  rails  covering  in  their  front,  when  Hood  came  at  him 
again.  By  eleven  o'clock  A.M.  the  fighting  became  general 
along  his  entire  line,  and  then  occurred  another  most  desper 
ate  battle  in  which  General  Logan  with  his  corps  was  exclu 
sively  engaged  on  our  side.  Six  times  did  the  enemy  deploy 
from  the  woods  in  Logan's  front ;  six  times,  with  words  of 
encouragement  and  threats  from  their  commanding  officers, 
they  marched  up  to  receive  the  deadly  fire  of  Logan's  troops  ; 
and  six  times  they  were  repulsed  with  slaughter.  Perhaps 
in  the  history  of  the  war  never  was  such  persistent  and  des 
perate  gallantry  displayed  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  ;  but 
his  defeat  was  complete,  and  the  reports  of  this  battle  of 
Ezra  Chapel  show  that  to  Logan  and  his  brave  corps  alone 
was  due  the  credit  of  the  victory. 

General  Sherman,  in  his  report  of  this  battle,  says : 

General  Logan,  on  this  occasion,  was  conspicuous  as  on  the  22d, 
his  corps  being  chiefly  engaged  ;  but  General  Howard  had  drawn  from 
the  other  corps,  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth,  certain  reserves,  which 
were  near  at  hand,  but  not  used. 

Again  Sherman,  speaking  of  Logan  and  his  corps  and 
this  battle,  says  : 

He  commanded  in  person,  and  that  corps,  as  heretofore  reported,  re 
pulsed  the  rebel  army  completely. 

General  Grant,  in  his  "  Memoirs,"  says  : 

On  the  28th  the  enemy  struck  our  right  flank,  General  Logan  com 
manding,  with  great  vigor.  Logan  intrenched  himself  hastily,  and  by 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  73 

that  means  was  enabled  to  resist  all  assaults  and  inflict  a  great  deal  of 
damage  upon  the  enemy.  These  assaults  were  continued  to  the  middle 
of  the  afternoon,  and  resumed  once  or  twice  still  later  in  the  day.  The 
enemy  s  losses  in  these  unsuccessful  assaults  were  fearful.  During  that  even 
ing  the  enemy  in  Logan's  front  withdrew  into  the  town. 

Another  writer  thus  describes  this  battle  of  Ezra  Chapel : 

The  enemy  had  come  out  from  Atlanta  by  the  Burned  Ferry  Road, 
and  formed  his  men  in  an  open  field  behind  a  swell  of  ground,  and, 
after  the  artillery  firing  I  have  described,  advanced  in  parallel  lines  di 
rectly  against  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  expecting  to  catch  that  flank  "in 
air."  His  advance  was  impulsive,  but  founded  in  an  error  that  cost 
him  sadly,  for  our  men  coolly  and  deliberately  cut  down  his  men,  and, 
despite  the  efforts  of  the  rebel  officers,  his  ranks  broke  and  fled.  But 
they  were  rallied  again  and  again,  as  often  as  six  times,  at  the  same 
point,  and  a  few  of  the  rebel  officers  and  men  reached  our  lines  of  rail- 
piles  only  to  be  killed  or  hauled  over  as  prisoners.  These  assaults 
occurred  from  noon  until  about  four  o'clock  P.M.,  when  the  enemy  dis 
appeared,  leaving  his  dead  and  wounded  in  our  hands.  As  many  as 
642  dead  were  counted  and  buried,  and  still  others  are  known  to  have 
been  buried  that  were  not  counted  by  the  regular  detail  of  burial- 
parties. 

Another  account  of  this  battle  written  by  a  participant 
runs  thus : 

With  hardly  time  for  the  overtaxed  soldiers  to  recover  their  ex 
hausted  energies,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  moved  again  around 
to  the  right  of  the  Union  line,  and  on  the  morning  of  July  28th,  Gen 
eral  Logan,  having  been  relieved  from  the  temporary  command  of  the 
army  by  the  appointment  of  General  Howard,  assumed  command  of  his 
old  corps,  and,  while  moving  it  into  position,  in  line  of  battle,  on  the 
extreme  right  of  our  army,  just  as  he  gained  a  commanding  ridge  upon 
which  was  situated  "  Ezra  Chapel,"  the  whole  corps  became  suddenly 
and  furiously  engaged  with  the  enemy.  Our  troops  had  not  had  a  mo 
ment  to  construct  even  the  rudest  defence,  but  they  held  their  posi 
tion,  and,  after  about  one  hour  of  terrific  fighting,  the  enemy  retired. 
He,  however,  soon  reformed,  and  again  made  a  desperate  assault,  which 
was  subsequently  repeated  four  successive  times,  with  like  results.  The 
temporary  lulls  in  the  fighting  did  not  at  any  time  exceed  five  minutes. 
It  was  an  open-field  fight,  in  which  the  enemy,  consisting  of  Hardee's 
and  Lee's  corps,  greatly  exceeded  us  in  numerical  strength,  but  we  ex- 


74 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


ceeded  him  in  spirit  and  determination.  The  engagement  lasted  from 
11.30  A.M.  until  darkness  compelled  a  cessation.  Logan  captured  5 
battle-flags,  about  2,000  muskets,  and  106  prisoners,  not  including  73 
wounded  left  on  the  field.  Over  600  of  the  enemy's  dead  were  buried 
in  our  front  ;  a  large  number  were  probably  carried  off  during  the 
night,  as  the  enemy  did  not  leave  the  field  until  near  daylight.  Their 
loss  was  not  less  than  5,000.  Logan's  only  reached  562. 

Following  is  General  Logan's  official  report  of  this  obsti 
nately  fought  battle  : 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS, 
BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  29,  1864. 

COLONEL  :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  in  pursuance  of  orders  I 
moved  my  command  in  position  on  the  right  of  the  Seventeenth  Army 
Corps,  which  was  the  extreme  right  of  the  army  in  the  field,  on  the  night 
and  morning  of  the  2jth  and  28th  inst.,  and  during  my  advance  to  a 
more  desirable  position  we  were  met  by  the  rebel  infantry  from  Hood's 
and  Lee's  corps,  who  made  a  desperate  and  determined  attack  at  half- 
past  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  28th. 

My  lines  were  protected  only  by  logs  and  rails  hastily  thrown  in  front 
of  them.  The  first  onset  was  received  and  checked,  and  the  battle  com 
menced,  lasting  until  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  During  that 
time  six  successive  charges  were  made,  which  were  six  times  gallantly 
repulsed,  each  time  with  fearful  loss  to  the  enemy.  Later  in  the  even 
ing  my  lines  were  several  times  assaulted  vigorously,  but  terminated 
with  like  result.  The  most  of  the  fighting  occurred  on  Generals  Gar- 
rard  and  Smith's  fronts,  which  formed  the  centre  and  right  of  the  line. 
The  troops  could  not  have  displayed  more  courage,  nor  greater  deter 
mination  not  to  yield.  Had  they  shown  less,  they  would  have  been 
driven  from  their  position.  Brigadier-Generals  Wood,  Garrard,  and 
Smith's  division-commands  are  entitled  to  great  credit  for  gallant  con 
duct  and  skill  in  repelling  the  assaults.  My  thanks  are  due  to  Major- 
Generals  Blair  and  Dodge  for  sending  me  re-enforcements  at  a  time 
when  they  were  much  needed. 

My  losses  are  50  killed,  439  wounded,  and  83  missing  ;  aggregate, 
572. 

The  division  of  General  Garrard  captured  five  battle-flags.  There 
were  about  fifteen  hundred  or  two  thousand  muskets  captured  ;  106 
prisoners  were  captured,  exclusive  of  73  wounded  who  have  been  re 
moved  to  hospitals  and  are  being  taken  care  of  by  our  surgeons  ;  565 
rebels  up  to  this  time  have  been  buried,  and  about  200  supposed  to  be 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  ^ 

yet  unburied.  Large  numbers  were  undoubtedly  carried  away  during 
the  night,  as  the  enemy  did  not  withdraw  until  nearly  daylight.  The 
enemy's  loss  could  not  have  been,  in  my  judgment,  less  than  six  or  seven 
thousand. 

I  am,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

Major-General,  commanding  Fifteenth  Army  Corps. 
Lieutenant- Colonel  W.  T.  CLARK,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

The  indorsement  upon  the  above  report  is  as  follows : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  ARMY   OF  THE  TENNESSEE, 

BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  29,  1864. 

In  forwarding  the  within  report  I  wish  to  express  my  high  gratifica 
tion  with  the  conduct  of  the  troops  engaged.  I  never  saw  better  con 
duct  in  battle. 

The  General  commanding  the  Fifteenth  Army  Corps,  though  ill  and 
much  worn  out,  was  indefatigable,  and  the  success  of  the  day  is  as 
much  attributable  to  him  as  to  any  one  man.  His  officers,  and  in  fact 
all  the  officers  of  his  army  that  commanded  my  observation,  co-operated 
promptly  and  heartily  with  him. 

O.  O.  HOWARD, 

Major-  General. 

LOGAN'S  CORPS  STILL  PRESSING  THE  ENEMY  ON  OUR  RIGHT- 
DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  WEST  POINT  RAILROAD — THE  MARCH 
TO  JONESBORO'. 

From  July  29th,  to  August  26th,  Logan  continued  to  push 
forward  his  lines,  keeping  up  the  usual  skirmish  and  artillery 
practice  night  and  day,  almost  without  interruption.  On  Au 
gust  3d  and  nth  he  carried  the  entire  intrenched  skirmish- 
lines  of  the  enemy  in  his  front,  capturing  several  hundred 
prisoners.  In  one  engagement  he  lost  sixty  men,  and  in  the 
other  the  killed  and  wounded  numbered  ninety-eight. 

Sherman  having  determined  to  raise  the  siege  of  Atlanta 
and  take  the  field  with  his  whole  force,  and  use  it  against  the 
communications  instead  of  against  the  intrenchments  of  the 
city,  on  the  night  of  August  26th,  Logan  withdrew  his  corps 


76  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

from  its  position  in  front  of  Atlanta,  and,  moving  on  the  right 
of  the  army  to  the  West  Point  Railroad,  he  destroyed  the 
road  for  some  distance,  and,  marching  to  Jonesboro',  drove 
the  enemy  before  him  from  Pond  Creek,  a  distance  of  ten 
miles. 

TOUCHING  INCIDENT  OF    THE  ATLANTA  CAMPAIGN — THE  FATHER 
LESS  BATTLE-BORN    BABE,    "  SHELL-ANNA  "  —THE    CHRISTENING 
—LOGAN   IS  GODFATHER. 

An  affecting  story  of  an  incident  which  happened  about 
this  time  is  graphically  told  in  the  Washington  National 
Tribune, — in  which  a  battle-born  girl  baby  and  General 
Logan  are  the  central  figures, — which,  aside  from  its  interest 
otherwise,  exhibits  the  warm  and  tender  heart  that  beat  in 
the  breast  of  that  superb  soldier.  The  story  runs  thus  : 

It  was  the  summer  of  1864,  and  the  army  under  Sherman  had  fallen 
back  from  its  position  before  Atlanta  and  swept  around  to  Hood's  rear, 
General  Logan  leading  the  advance.  I  remember  that  the  country  was 
densely  wooded,  and  that  magnificent  forests  of  pine,  oak,  and  chest 
nut  towered  on  either  side  of  the  road  over  which  we  marched.  We 
were  not  molested  until  we  neared  Flint  River.  There  the  enemy  had 
planted  a  masked  battery,  and,  as  we  approached,  it  enfiladed  our  line. 
You  could  scarce  encounter  more  disagreeable  travellers  on  a  lonely 
road  than  shot  and  shell,  and  the  boys  were  not  long  in  taking  to  the 
shelter  of  the  timber.  But  General  Logan  at  once  ordered  up  a  field 
battery  of  brass  "  Napoleons,"  and  presently  accepted  this  challenge  to 
an  artillery  duel.  There  was  nothing  to  direct  the  fire  of  our  gunners 
save  the  white  puffs  of  smoke  that  could  be  seen  rising  above  the  foli 
age,  and  the  course  of  the  enemy's  shots,  but  they  nevertheless  soon 
silenced  the  rebel  cannon,  and  once  more  cleared  the  way 'for  the  col 
umn. 

We  then  rode  forward  again,  the  writer  in  company  with  Dr.  Wood 
ward,  the  medical  inspector  of  General  Logan's  staff,  and  until  his 
death,  some  years  ago,  the  head  of  the  Marine  Hospital  Service.  Just 
as  we  turned  a  bend  in  the  road  we  emerged  suddenly  into  a  small 
clearing.  A  rude  log  cabin,  surrounded  by  evergreen  shrubbery,  stood 
in  the  clearing,  and  hanging  from  one  of  the  bushes  we  noticed  a  yel- 
iow  cloth. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR. 


77 


As  medical  officers,  it  naturally  occurred  to  us  at  once  that  this  was 
an  improvised  hospital  of  some  sort,  and  we  rode  up  to  inquire.  At 
the  door  of  the  cabin,  as  we  approached,  an  old  woman,  evidently  of 
the  familiar  "cracker"  type,  presented  herself,  but,  on  seeing  that  we 
were  "  Yankees,"  beat  a  hasty  retreat.  But  we  were  not  disposed  to  be 
so  easily  baffled,  and  calling  her  out  again,  began  to  ply  her  with  ques 
tions. 

She  told  us  "there  wa'n't  no  wounded  men  thar,"  and  when  asked 
why  she  had  put  out  a  yellow  flag  there,  she  replied :  "  Waal,  yer  see, 
my  gal  is  sick,  and  I  reckoned  ef  I  put  out  that  yer  hosp't'l  rag  you'ns 
wouldn't  be  pesterin'  round  so  much." 

"What's  the  matter  with  your  child?"  said  I  ;  "we  are  medical 
officers,  and  perhaps  we  can  do  something  for  her." 

"  Waal,  now,"  she  quickly  responded,  "ef  you'ns  is  real  doctors,  just 
look  in  and  see  what  you'ns  all  done  with  your  shellin'.  Time  my  gal 
was  sickest,  two  of  yourn  shells  come  ci'ar  through  my  cabin,  and,  I  tell 
you,  it  was  right  skeery  for  a  spell." 

We  accepted  the  old  woman's  invitation  and  walked  in.  It  was  as 
she  said.  The  cabin,  built  of  rough  pine  logs,  afforded  but  one  room, 
about  twelve  feet  square.  A  small  log  meat-house  (empty)  was  the 
only  outbuilding, — the  cow-stable  having  been  knocked  to  pieces  by 
our  shells, — except  a  small  bark-thatched  "lean-to"  at  the  rear,  in 
which  we  found  a  loom  of  the  most  primitive  sort  and  constructed  in 
the  roughest  fashion,  containing  a  partially  completed  web  of  coarse- 
cotton  "  homespun."  Aside  from  this  loom,  the  only  household  articles 
visible  were  an  old  skillet,  a  rather  dilapidated  bed,  two  or  three  chairs 
without  backs,  and  a  queer  collection  of  gourds.  The  shells  had  indeed 
played  havoc  with  the  interior.  The  roof  had  been  sadly  shattered, 
and  a  stray  shot  had  pierced  the  walls. 

It  had  cut  one  of  the  logs  entirely  in  two,  and  forcing  one  jagged 
end  out  into  the  room  so  far  that  it  hung  threateningly  over  the  bed, 
upon  which,  to  our  astonishment,  we  saw  lying  a  young  girl,  by  whose 
side  was  a  new-born  babe  with  the  prints  of  the  Creator's  fingers  fresh 
upon  it.  It  was  a  strange  yet  touching  spectacle.  Here,  in  this  lonely 
cabin,  stripped  by  lawless  stragglers  of  both  armies,  of  food  and  cloth 
ing,  and  shattered  by  the  flying  shells  of  our  artillery,  in  the  storm  and 
fury  of  the  battle  had  been  born  this  sweet  innocent.  The  mother, 
we  learned,  was  the  wife  of  a  Confederate  soldier  whose  blood  had 
stained  the  "  sacred  soil "  of  Virginia  but  a  few  months  after  his  marri 
age  and  conscription  into  the  service,  and  the  child  was  fatherless. 
The  babe  was  still  clad  only  in  its  own  innocence,  but  the  writer  with 
his  handy  jack-knife  cut  from  the  unfinished  web  in  the  old  loom  a 


;8  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

piece  of  coarse  homespun,  in  which  it  was  soon  deftly  swaddled.  Fort 
unately  we  had  our  hospital  knapsacks  with  us,  and  our  orderlies  car 
ried  a  little  brandy,  with  a  few  medicines  and  a  can  of  beef-extract,  and 
we  at  once  did  all  that  our  limited  stores  permitted,  to  relieve  the  wants 
of  the  young  mother  and  child. 

But  by  this  time  quite  a  number  of  officers  and  men,  attracted  by 
the  sight  of  the  yellow  flag  and  our  horses  waiting  at  the  door,  had 
gathered  about  the  cabin,  and,  while  we  were  inside,  they  amused 
themselves  by  listening  to  the  old  lady's  account  of  this  stirring  inci 
dent.  One  of  the  officers  had  given  her  some  "  store  terbacker,"  with 
which  she  had  filled  a  cob-pipe,  and  the  fact  that  she  was  spitting 
through  her  teeth  with  such  accuracy  as  to  hit  a  fly  at  ten  paces  nine 
times  out  of  ten,  showed  that  she  was  enjoying  herself  after  the  true 
"cracker"  style.  Presently  someone  suggested  that  the  baby  ought 
to  be  christened  with  full  military  honors,  and  it  being  duly  explained 
to  her  that  to  "  christen  "  was  all  the  same  as  to  "  baptize,"  she  replied 
with  alacrity,  "  Oh,  yes  !  baptized,  I  reckon,  if  you'ns  has  got  any 
preacher  along." 

This  was  all  the  boys  wanted,  and  an  orderly  was  at  once  sent  back 
to  the  general  commanding,  with  the  compliments  of  the  surgeon  and 
a  request  that  a  chaplain  belonging  to  one  of  the  regiments  in  the  ad 
vance  brigade  might  be  allowed  to  return  with  the  messenger  to  the 
cabin. 

The  general  asked  the  orderly  for  what  purpose  a  chaplain  was 
wanted,  and  the  orderly  replied  that  the  doctors  (mentioning  our  names) 
were  going  to  have  a  baptism. 

Upon  this,  General  Logan  (for  he  it  was)  significantly  remarked 
that  the  names  mentioned  were  in  themselves  sufficient  to  satisfy  him 
that  some  deviltry  was  on  hand,  but  that,  nevertheless,  the  chaplain 
might  go.  Then,  inviting  the  colonel,  who  happened  to  be  riding  with 
him  at  the  time,  he  set  out  himself  for  the  scene,  spurring  "  Old  John  " 
to  a  gallop,  and  soon  had  joined  the  party  at  the  cabin. 

"  General,"  said  the  doctor,  as  the  former  dismounted,  "you  are 
just  the  man  we're  after." 

"  For  what  ?  " 

"  For  a  godfather,"  replied  the  doctor. 

"  Godfather  to  what  ?"  demanded  the  General. 

The  matter  was  explained  to  him,  and  as  the  doctor  led  the  way  into 
the  house,  the  boys,  who  had  gathered  around  the  General  in  the  ex 
pectation  that  the  event  would  furnish  an  occasion  for  a  display  of  his 
characteristic  humor,  noticed  there  was  something  in  Black  Jack's  face 
that  they  were  not  wont  to  see  there,  and  that  in  his  eyes  there  was  a  cer 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  ~9 

tain  humid  tenderness  far  different  from  their  usual  flashing  brightness. 
He  stood  for  a  moment  silent,  gazing  at  the  unhappy  mother  and 
fatherless  child,  and  their  pitiful  surroundings,  and  then  turning  to 
those  about  him,  said  tersely, 

"  That  looks rough." 

Then  glancing  around  at  the  ruins  wrought  by  our  shells,  and  ad 
dressing  the  men  in  the  cabin,  he  called  out,  "  I  say,  boys,  can't  you 
straighten  this  up  a  little  ?  Fix  up  that  roof.  There  are  plenty  of 
*  stakes '  around  that  old  stable — and  push  back  that  log  into  p-1  ace, 
and  help  the  old  lady  to  clear  out  the  litter,  and — I  don't  think  it  would 
hurt  you  any  to  leave  a  part  of  your  rations  ! " 

Prompt  to  heed  the  suggestion,  the  boys  leaned  their  muskets 
against  the  logs,  and,  while  some  of  them  cut  brush,  others  swept  up 
the  splinters  and  pine-knots  that  the  shot  and  shell  had  strewn  over  the 
floor,  and  not  one  of  them  forgot  to  go  to  the  corner  of  the  cabin  and 
empty  his  haversack!  It  made  a  pile  of  commissary  stores,  consisting 
of  meat,  coffee,  sugar,  hard-tack,  and  chickens  (probably  foraged  from 
her  next-door  neighbor)  surpassing  any  that  this  poor  "  cracker"  woman 
had  probably  ever  seen  or  possessed  at  one  time. 

This  done,  the  next  thing  in  order  was  the  christening,  and  the 
chaplain  now  came  forward  to  perform  his  sacred  office. 

"  What  are  you  going  to  give  her  for  a  name  ?  I  want  suthin'  right 
pert,  now,"  said  grandmother. 

She  was  told  that  the  name  should  be  satisfactory,  and  forthwith 
she  brought  out  the  baptismal  bowl — which  on  this  occasion  consisted 
of  a  gourd — full  of  water  fresh  from  the  spring. 

General  Logan  now  took  the  baby,  wrapped  in  its  swaddling-clothes 
of  coarse  homespun,  and  held  it  while  the  chaplain  went  through  with 
the  ceremony.  The  latter  was  brief  and  characterized  with  due  solem 
nity,  the  spectators  behaving  with  becoming  reverence,  and  thus  the 
battle-born  babe  was  christened  "  Shell-Anna."  I  like  to  think  that  as 
the  chaplain's  prayers  were  winging  their  way  to  heaven,  the  gory  god 
dess  who  nurses  a  gorgon  at  her  breast  stayed  her  red  hand  awhile  ! 

The  party  now  turned  to  leave  the  cabin  and  resume  the  march, 
when  General  Logan,  taking  a  gold  coin  from  his  pocket,— a  coin  that 
he  had  carried  as  a  pocket-piece  for  many  a  day, — presented  it  to  the 
old  lady  as  a  "  christening  gift  "  for  his  godchild,  and  the  officers  and 
men,  as  they  had  recently  drawn  their  pay,  added  one  by  one  a  "  green 
back,"  until  the  sum  was  swelled  to  an  amount  greater  than  this  brave- 
hearted  "  cracker  "  had  ever  handled.  Before  parting,  the  General  cau 
tioned  her  to  put  the  money  in  a  safe  place,  lest  some  "  -bummer 
should  steal  it  in  spite  of  everything,"  and  then,  ordering  a  guard  to 


8o  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

be  kept  over  her  cabin  until  the  last  straggler  had  passed  by,  he  rode 
away.  The  old  lady's  good-by  was,  '-Waal !  them  thar  Yanks  is  the 
beatenist  critters  I  ever  seen  !  " 

Ten  days  or  so  after  this  occurrence,  the  cabin  being  by  that  time 
within  the  enemy's  lines,  the  General,  accompanied  by  the  writer  and 
ten  of  his  escort,  rode  back  eight  miles  to  see  how  our  protegee  was  get 
ting  on,  and  found  both  mother  and  child,  in  the  language  of  grandma, 
*'  quite  pert."  Whether  General  Logan's  goddaughter  is  still  alive  or 
not  I  do  not  know,  but  five  years  after  that  visit,  word  reached  me  that 
she  then  was.  Certainly  no  one  who  witnessed  that  scene  will  ever  for 
get  the  big-hearted  soldier  as  he  stood  sponsor — grim,  yet  gentle — for 
that  poor  little  battle-born  babe  of  Flint  River.  It  all  came  back  to  me, 
the  other  night,  as  I  walked  past  the  front  steps  of  the  General's  Wash 
ington  house  and  saw  a  squad  of  little  urchins  climbing  about  his  knees. 

LOGAN     AGAIN     BADLY    WHIPS    LEE's     AND     HARDEE\S     CORPS    AT 
THE    BATTLE    OF    JONESBORO* — CONSEQUENT     EVACUATION    OF 

ATLANTA LOGAN*S     PATRIOTIC       ADDRESS     TO     HIS     GALLANT 

CORPS. 

Logan  arrived  in  front  of  Jonesboro'  on  the  evening  of 
August  30th,  and,  though  it  was  past  midnight  before  his 
troops  had  all  crossed  Flint  River,  yet  at  daylight  on  the 
morning  of  the  3ist — and  without  the  knowledge  of  either 
Sherman  or  Howard — a  strong  intrenched  line  was  completed 
and  his  corps  in  position  for  defence.  Logan,  appreciating 
his  situation  of  isolation  from  the  main  army,  greatly  exposed 
and  liable  at  any  moment  to  attack,  caused  his  position  to  be 
intrenched  with  great  care.  The  morning  was  thus  spent  in 
strengthening  his  lines  and  placing  his  artillery  in  the  most 
commanding  positions.  He  gave  to  this  work,  so  important 
at  this  time,  his  personal  supervision,  and  was  on  the  ground 
when,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  enemy  (Lee's  and 
Hanlee's  corps)  made  a  sudden  and  desperate  assault  on  all 
points  of  his  front.  Every  soldier  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps  was 
in  the  trenches  ready  for  the  fray.  On  the  enemy  came,  push 
ing  his  lines  to  within  thirty  to  fifty  paces  of  Logan's  works ; 
but  the  resistance  he  met  was  so  well  directed,  that  he  was, 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  gr 

in  little  over  an  hour  of  hard  fighting,  compelled  to  retire, 
discomfited  and  in  confusion.  Many  daring  acts  were  per 
formed  by  the  enemy's  officers  and  men.  One  of  the  gen 
erals,  (Major-General  Patton  Anderson)  with  his  staff,  rode 
fearlessly  along  his  lines,  doing  all  that  a  commander  could 
do  to  make  the  assault  a  success.  But  four  of  those  who 
rode  with  him  in  that  perilous  performance  of  duty  returned 
from  the  field — himself,  with  many  of  his  staff,  being  shot 
down.  General  Logan,  in  his  official  report,  said  of  this 
general :  "  I  could  not  help  admiring  his  gallantry,  though  an 
enemy."  *  The  enemy  made  two  subsequent  assaults,  but 


*"  Mac"  in  the  Milwaukee  Siinday  Telegraph  recently  described  a  similar  act  of  hero 
ism  on  the  Union  side,  occurring  in  one  of  these  hot  battles,  most  graphically  :  "In  the 
midst  of  the  tumult,"  says  he,  "we  catch  the  sound  of  Union  cheers,  which  appear  to  be 
far  down  the  line  where  Logan's  right  touches  the  river.  At  first  we  pay  little  heed  to 
them  ;  they  sound  much  nearer,  and  we  notice  that  they  are  not  such  cheers  as  our  boys 
generally  give  when  they  are  charging  the  foe.  Neither  can  they  be  tokens  of  victory,  for 
the  din  of  battle  is  increasing,  and  we  can  still  hear  the  yells  of  the  charging  foe.  Still 
nearer  and  nearer  come  those  cheers,  and  we  now  feel  sure  that  somebody  or  something  is 
passing  along  the  line  that  pleases  the  troops  very  much,  for  the  tone  of  the  cheers  indicates 
that  it  is  no  common  occurrence.  In  the  midst  of  their  wild  struggle  with  the  foe,  men  cease 
firing  for  a  moment,  wounded  blue-coats  raise  themselves  as  well  as  they  can,  and  dying 
heroes  turn  their  heads  and  listen  wonderingly  at  the  unusual  sounds  that  are  sweeping  like 
a  tornado  up  the  line.  The  smoke  lifting  for  a  moment,  we  see  our  boys  on  the  hill  far 
down  the  line  turn  their  backs  to  the  rebs,  who  are  rushing  up  to  the  muzzles  of  their  guns, 
and,  waving  hats  and  flags,  madly  cheer  a  solitary  horseman  who  recklessly  gallops  along 
the  line,  in  full  view  of  friend  and  foe.  A  comrade  at  my  elbow  voices  the  thoughts  of  those 

near  him  by  asking  :    '  Who  the  d 1  is  that  ? '   but  no  one  answers.      On,  on  comes  that 

fearless  rider — none  but  a  fearless  rider  would  ride  over  that  rough  field  at  the  speed  he 
does,  even  though  there  were  no  shot  and  shell  hailing  around.  On  he  comes,  up  hill  and 
down,  over  fences,  logs,  bushes,  and  ditches,  keeping  close  to  the  line  of  battle  ;  through 
plunging  shot,  bursting  shell,  and  zipping  minnies  ;  and,  as  he  comes  nearer  we  see  that  he 
carries  his  hat  in  hand  and  waves  it  encouragingly  in  answer  to  the  cheers  of  the  troops. 
Again  the  smoke  of  the  conflict  closes  around  him,  but  we  know,  by  the  shouts  that  follow 
him  along  the  line,  that  he  is  still  coming,  and  soon  he  bursts  into  view  a  short  distance 
from  us.  We  immediately  recognize  the  daring  rider,  and  shouts  of  '  Logan  !  Logan  ! 
Hurrah  for  Black  Jack  Logan  !  Hurrah  !  Hurrah  !  '  rend  the  sky,  and  almost  drown  the 
roar  of  battle.  Mounted  on  a  powerful  charger,  whose  hide  is  the  color  of  his  rider's  long 
raven  hair  and  moustache  ;  dressed  in  the  full  uniform  of  his  rank ;  sitting  in  his  saddle 
with  the  air  of  a  man  who  feels  very  much  at  home  in  it,  the  indomitable  leader  dashes 
through  the  storm  of  iron  and  lead  as  coolly  as  though  he  were  reviewing  his  troops  on  a 
gala  day,  and  creates  a  furor  of  enthusiasm  among  the  men  that  cannot  be  described  and  is 
not  easily  imagined.  He  is  on  a  tour  of  inspection  along  the  line.  He  wants  to  see,  with 
6 


82  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

with  less  spirit  and  determination  than  the  first.  They  were 
easily  repulsed,  though  not  without  terrible  loss  to  him.  The 
enemy's  loss  in  this  battle  was  greater  than  in  any  former  en 
gagement,  except  at  Ezra  Chapel  on  July  28th.  Logan  capt 
ured  241  prisoners  and  two  stands  of  colors.  There  was 
left  on  the  field  by  the  enemy  329  dead  and  139  wounded. 
The  total  Confederate  loss  was  admitted  to  be  over  2,500. 
Owing,  however,  to  the  protection  of  good  intrenchments, 
Logan's  loss  was  only  154.  This  battle  virtually  decided  the 
fate  of  Atlanta.  The  next  day  Sherman  ordered  the  whole 
army  to  close  down  on  Jonesboro',  but,  during  the  night  of 
September  ist,  before  this  order  was  executed,  the  enemy 
evacuated  his  position,  and  at  day-dawn  on  the  2d,  Logan  oc 
cupied  Jonesboro'.  The  same  night,  Hood,  after  blowing  up 
his  magazines,  evacuated  Atlanta. 

General  Sherman  in  his  report  of  this  battle  says  : 

Hearing  the  sounds  of  battle  at  Jonesboro'  about  noon,  orders  were 
renewed  to  push  with  the  other  movements  on  the  left  and  centre,  and 
about  4  P.M.  the  report  arrived  that  General  Howard  had  thoroughly 
repulsed  the  enemy  at  Jonesboro'. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Logan  and  his  corps  fought  the 
battle  of  Jonesboro' — which  led  to  the  evacuation  of  the  great 
stronghold  of  Atlanta — without  the  knowledge  of  Sherman, 
except  so  far  as  he  could  hear  the  booming  of  Logan's  victo 
rious  guns. 

his  own  eyes,  how  goes  the  battle  ;  whether  his  boys  are  holding  their  own  ;  where  the  weak 
points  of  the  line  are,  if  any  ;  and  to  encourage  the  troops  to  stand  firm  and  repulse  the  foe. 
His  boys  have  often  seen  exhibitions  of  his  reckless  bravery  as  a  soldier  and  his  fearless 
skill  as  a  horseman,  but,  as  he  now  sweeps  grandly  by,  there  is  the  wildest  excitement  im 
aginable.  Men  jump  out  of  the  trenches,  throw  their  hats  in  the  air,  and  cheer  vocifer 
ously,  furiously  ;  the  wounded  swing  their  hats  and  join  in  the  chorus  ;  the  dying  make  desper 
ate  efforts  to  see  their  beloved  commander  and  to  give  him  their  last  cheer  ;  the  colors  are 
dipped  in  salute,  then  wildly  waved  over  the  heads  of  the  bearers  ;  there  is  an  answering 
wave  from  the  General's  hat ;  a  clatter  of  hoofs  as  his  noble  horse,  with  distended  nostrils 
and  foaming  flanks,  thunders  past ;  and  '  Black  Jack,'  the  pride  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps, 
disappears  over  a  hill  to  our  left,  leaving  his  daring  ride  a  pleasant  memory  to  the  thou 
sands  who  witnessed  it,  and  leaving  his  men  in  the  right  kind  of  spirits  to  make  a  desper 
ate  fight." 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  83 

The  troops  of  the  other  commands  of  Sherman's  army 
failed  to  come  to  time,  otherwise  the  entire  army  of  Hood 
might  have  been  captured  on  August  3ist  (thus  making  it 
unnecessary  to  fight  the  subsequent  battles  of  Franklin  and 
Nashville),  and,  with  the  fall  of  Atlanta,  the  enemy's  entire 
Army  of  the  West  would  have  been  destroyed. 

The  importance,  however,  of  the  capture  of  Atlanta,  even 
without  capturing  the  enemy's  army,  was  sufficiently  great  to 
cause  unbounded  rejoicing  in  the  North,  and  of  course  corre 
sponding  depression  in  the  South. 

Among  other  despatches  received  by  Sherman  was  the 
following  from  President  Lincoln  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  September  3,  1864. 

The  National  thanks  are  tendered  by  the  President  to  Major-Gen 
eral  W.  T.  Sherman  and  the  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  of  his  com 
mand  before  Atlanta,  for  the  distinguished  ability  and  perseverance 
displayed  in  the  campaign  of  Georgia,  which,  under  Divine  favor,  has 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  Atlanta.  The  marches,  battles,  sieges,  and 
other  military  operations  that  have  signalized  the  campaign,  must  ren 
der  it  famous  in  the  annals  of  war,  and  have  entitled  those  who  have 
participated  therein  to  the  applause  and  thanks  of  the  Nation. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 
President  of  the  United  States. 

Another,    from    General    Grant,   was    in    the    following 

words  : 

CITY  POINT,  VA.,  September  4,  1864. — 9  P.M. 

Major-General  Sherman  : 

I  have  just  received  your  despatch  announcing  the  capture  of  At 
lanta.  In  honor  of  your  great  victory,  I  have  ordered  a  salute  to  be 
fired  with  shotted  guns  from  every  battery  bearing  upon  the  enemy. 
The  salute  will  be  fired  within  an  hour,  amid  great  rejoicing. 

U.  S.  GRANT, 

Lieutenant-  General. 

From  Jonesboro',  Logan  pursued  the  flying  enemy  to 
Lovejoy's,  where  he  made  another  stand.  Loq-an  again  had 
him  in  flank,  and  desired  again  to  attack  him  and  accomplish 


84  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

what  the  army  had  failed  to  do  on  August  3ist,  by  reason  of 
the  want  of  co-operation  of  the  other  troops  of  General  Sher 
man's  command  ;  but  in  the  meantime  Atlanta  had  fallen,  and 
Sherman,  satisfied  with  the  glory  he  had  achieved  in  its  capt 
ure, — although,  as  he  says  in  his  "Memoirs,"  "neither  At 
lanta,  nor  Augusta,  nor  Savannah,  was  the  objective,  but  the 
army  of  Jos.  Johnston  (now  under  Hood's  command),  go 
where  it  might" — decided,  as  he  says,  "not  to  attempt  at 
that  time  a  further  pursuit  of  Hood's  army,  but  slowly  and 
deliberately  to  move  back,  occupy  at  Atlanta,  enjoy  a  short 
period  of  rest,  and  to  think  well  over  the  next  step  required 
in  the  progress  of  events."  Accordingly,  early  in  Septem 
ber,  in  obedience  to  orders,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
found  itself  in  camp  at  East  Point,  Ga.,  and  a  few  days  later 
General  Logan  issued  the  following  stirring  and  patriotic  ad 
dress  to  his  victorious  command  : 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS, 

EAST  POINT,  GA.,  September  n,  1864. 
Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Fifteenth  A  rmy  Corps  : 

You  have  borne  your  part  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  of 
this  campaign— a  part  well  and  faithfully  done. 

On  the  ist  day  of  May,  1864,  from  Huntsville,  Ala.,  and  its  vicinity, 
you  commenced  the  march.  The  marches  and  labors  performed  by 
you  during  this  campaign  will  hardly  find  a  parallel  in  the  history  of 
war.  The  proud  name  heretofore  acquired  by  the  Fifteenth  Corps  for 
soldierly  bearing  and  daring  deeds  remains  untarnished, — its  lustre  un- 
dimmed.  During  the  campaign,  you  constituted  the  main  portion  of 
the  flanking  column  of  the  whole  army.  Your  first  move  against  the 
enemy  was  around  the  right  of  the  army  at  Resaca,  where,  by  your 
gallantry,  the  enemy  was  driven  from  the  hills  and  his  works  on  the 
main  road  from  Vilanow  to  Resaca.  On  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  you 
moved  on  the  right  flank  of  the  army  by  a  circuitous  route  to  Adairs- 
ville  ;  in  the  same  manner  from  there  to  Kingston  and  Dallas,  where, 
on  the  28th  day  of  May,  you  met  the  veteran  corps  of  Ilardee,  and  in  a 
severe  and  bloody  contest  you  hurled  him  back,  killing  and  wounding 
over  two  thousand,  besides  capturing  a  large  number  of  prisoners. 
You  then  moved  around  to  the  left  of  the  army,  by  way  of  Acworth,  to 
Kenesavv  Mountain,  where  again  you  met  the  enemy,  driving  him  from 


LOGAN  IN    THE    IV A R.  85 

three  lines  of  works,  capturing  over  three  hundred  prisoners.  During 
your  stay  in  front  of  Kenesaw  Mountain,  on  the  2-jth  of  June,  you  made 
one  of  the  most  daring,  bold,  and  heroic  charges  of  the  war,  against  the 
almost  impregnable  position  of  the  enemy  on  Little  Kenesaw.  You 
were  then  moved,  by  way  of  Marietta,  to  Nickajack  Creek,  on  the  right 
of  the  army  ;  thence  back  to  the  extreme  left  by  way  of  Marietta  and 
Roswell,  to  the  Augusta  Railroad,  near  Stone  Mountain,  a  distance  of 
fifty  miles,  and  after  effectually  destroying  the  railroad  at  this  point, 
you  moved  by  way  of  Decatur,  to  the  immediate  front  of  the  rebel 
stronghold,  Atlanta.  Here,  on  the  22d  day  of  July,  you  again  per 
formed  your  duty  nobly,  "  as  patriots  and  soldiers,"  in  one  of  the  most 
severe  and  sanguinary  conflicts  of  the  campaign.  With  hardly  time  to 
recover  your  almost  exhausted  energies,  you  were  moved  again  around 
to  the  right  of  the  army,  only  to  encounter  the  same  troops  against 
whom  you  had  so  recently  contended  ;  and  the  battle  of  the  28th  of  July, 
at  Ezra  Chapel,  will  long  be  remembered  by  the  officers  and  soldiers 
of  this  command.  On  that  day  it  was  the  Fifteenth  Corps  that,  almost 
unaided  and  alone,  for  four. hours  contested  the  field  against  the  corps 
of  Hardee  and  Lee.  You  drove  them  discomfited  from  the  field,  caus 
ing  them  to  leave  their  dead  and  many  of  their  wounded  in  your  hands. 
The  many  noble  and  gallant  deeds  performed  by  you  on  that  day  will 
be  remembered  among  the  proudest  acts  of  our  nation's  history.  After 
pressing  the  enemy  closely  for  several  days,  you  again  moved  to  the 
right  of  the  army,  to  the  West  Point  Railroad,  near  Fairburn.  After 
completely  destroying  the  road  for  some  distance,  you  marched  to 
Jonesboro',  driving  the  enemy  before  you  from  Pond  Creek,  a  dis 
tance  of  ten  miles.  At  this  point  you  again  met  the  enemy,  composed  of 
Lee's  and  Hardee's  Corps,  on  the  3ist  of  August,  and  punished  him  se 
verely,  driving  him  in  confusion  from  the  field,  with  his  dead  and  many 
wounded  and  prisoners  left  in  your  hands.  Here  again  by  your  skill 
and  true  courage  you  kept  sacred  the  reputation  you  have  so  long  main 
tained,  viz.  :  "  The  Fifteenth  Corps  never  meets  the  enemy  but  to  strike 
and  defeat  them."  On  the  ist  of  September  the  Fourteenth  Corps  at 
tacked  Hardee  ;  you  at  once  opened  fire  on  him,  and  by  your  co-opera 
tion  his  defeat  became  a  rout.  Hood,  hearing  the  news,  blew  up  his  am 
munition  trains,  retreated,  and  Atlanta  was  ours. 

You  have  marched  during  the  campaign,  in  your  windings,  the  dis 
tance  of  four  hundred  miles,  have  put  hors  du  combat  more  of  the  enemy 
than  your  corps  numbers,  have  captured  twelve  stands  of  colors,  2,450 
prisoners,  and  210  deserters. 

The  course  of  your  march  is  marked  by  the  graves  of  patriotic 
heroes  who  have  fallen  by  your  side  ;  but  at  the  same  time  it  is  more 


86  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

plainly  marked  by  the  blood  of  traitors  who  have  defied  the  Constitu 
tion  and  laws,  and  insulted  and  trampled  under  foot  the  glorious  ilag 
of  our  country. 

We  deeply  sympathize  with  the  friends  of  those  of  our  comrades  in 
arms  who  have  fallen  ;  our  sorrows  are  only  appeased  by  the  knowl 
edge  that  they  fell  as  brave  men,  battling  for  the  preservation  and  per 
petuation  of  one  of  the  best  governments  of  earth.  "  Peace  be  to  their 
ashes." 

You  now  rest  for  a  short  time  from  your  labors.  During  the  res 
pite,  prepare  for  future  action.  Let  your  country  see  at  all  times  by 
your  conduct  that  you  love  the  cause  you  have  espoused  ;  that  you 
have  no  sympathy  with  any  who  would  by  word  or  deed  assist  vile  trait 
ors  in  dismembering  our  mighty  Republic  or  trailing  in  the  dust  the 
emblem  of  our  national  greatness  and  glory.  You  are  the  defenders  of 
a  government  that  has  blessed  you  heretofore  with  peace,  happiness, 
and  prosperity.  Its  perpetuity  depends  upon  your  heroism,  faithful 
ness,  and  devotion. 

When  the  time  shall  come  to  go  forward  again,  let  us  go  with  the 
determination  to  save  our  nation  from  threatened  wreck  and  hopeless 
ruin,  not  forgetting  the  appeal  from  widows  and  orphans,  that  is  borne 
to  us  upon  every  breeze,  to  avenge  the  loss  of  their  loved  ones  who 
have  fallen  in  defence  of  their  country.  Be  patient,  obedient,  and 
earnest  ;  and  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  you  can  return  to  your 
homes  with  the  proud  consolation  that  you  have  assisted  in  causing  the 
old  banner  to  again  wave  from  every  mountain's  top  and  over  every 
town  and  hamlet  of  our  once  happy  land,  and  hear  the  shouts  of  tri 
umph  ascend  from  a  grateful  people,  proclaiming  that  once  more  we 
have  one  flag  and  one  country. 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 
Major-General,  commanding. 

ANOTHER  INTERLUDE LOGAN  ON  THE  "  STUMP  "  AGAIN,  DE 
FENDING  THE  PARTY  OF  THE  UNION. 

After  the  termination  of  the  Atlanta  campaign, — in  which 
he  had  borne  so  gallant  and  conspicuous  a  part, — Logan, 
again  upon  the  suggestion  of  his  superiors,*  took  another 
leave  of  absence,  and  went  North  to  stump  the  Western 
States  during  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1864.  The  same 

*  President  Lincoln  especially  desiring  it  ;  the  War  Department,  also. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  87 

influence  which,  as  we  have  seen,  rallied  the  Democrats  of 
Egypt  to  the  flag"  of  their  country,  upon  the  first  call  to  arms, 
was  again  brought  to  bear  upon  them  to  support  and  vote 
for  the  Republican  ticket.  Logan  worked  in  this  cause  like 
a  giant,  and,  with  his  rare  eloquence  of  speech  and  manner, 
and  his  personal  magnetism,  succeeded  in  winning  them 
over  ;  they  hailed  him  again  as  their  political  leader,  and  fol 
lowed  his  guidance  ;  but  he  persistently  declined  all  offices 
tendered  to  him,  declaring  as  he  did  so  that  he  was  a  soldier 
and  would  not  leave  the  service  nor  lay  down  his  sword  so 
long  as  there  remained  one  rebel  in  arms  against  the  Govern 
ment.  Alluding  to  what  General  Logan  did  at  this  time,  the 
New  Era  (Illinois)  subsequently  said : 

During  the  campaign  in  '64,  he  came  home  and  battled  for  Mr.  Lin 
coln  and  the  Republican  party,  and  certainly  contributed  as  much  to 
the  success  of  the  party  in  this  State  and  Indiana  as  any  other  man. 
While  he  was  doing  this— fighting  rebels  in  the  field,  and  their  friends 
at  home, — many  men  who  have  always  been  supported  by  the  party 
were  lukewarm  in  the  cause  of  the  country  and  the  party.  General 
Logan  took  bold  and  decided  grounds  at  once,  and  advocated  using 
any  and  all  means  to  put  down  the  rebellion  and  sustain  Mr.  Lincoln's 
administration,  while  many  others,  now  prominent  in  the  Republican 
ranks,  were  grumbling  and  complaining  at  many  things  done  to  suppress 
opposition  to  the  Government. 

LOGAN    PERFORMS     AN    ACT    OF    RARE    MAGNANIMITY HE    GIVES 

GLORIOUS    OLD    "  TAP  "    THOMAS    HIS    CHANCE,    AT    NASHVILLE 
—LOGAN    ACCORDINGLY    REJOINS     HIS    OLD    FIFTEENTH    CORPS 
AT    SAVANNAH. 

General  Logan's  labors  for  the  Government,  in  the  politi 
cal  arena,  prevented  his  return  to  his  command  before  com 
munications  with  Atlanta  were  severed.  At  the  conclusion 
of  the  political  campaign,  however,  he  was  called  to  City 
Point,  Va.,  General  Grant's  headquarters,*  and  ordered  to 

*  "  At  last  I  had  to  say  to  General  Thomas  that  I  should  be  obliged  to  remove  him  un 
less  he  acted  promptly.  He  replied  that  he  was  very  sorry,  but  he  would  move  as  soon  as 


88  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

proceed  to  Nashville  to  assume  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland,  then  under  General  Thomas.  With  the  order 
of  supersedure  in  his  pocket,  he  reached  Louisville,  Ky.,  and 
there  learning  that  General  Thomas  had  attacked  the  enemy 
in  front  of  Nashville,  and  believing  in  that  general's  ability  to 
conduct  the  engagement  to  a  successful  issue,  not  only  kept 
the  document  in  his  pocket  without  presenting  it  to  Thomas, 
but  immediately  telegraphed  to  General  Grant,  suggesting 
that  Thomas  should  not  be  removed  in  the  face,  of  the  ene 
my,  but  that  on  the  contrary  he  deserved  the  highest  honors 
a  grateful  nation  could  bestow,  and  asked  at  the  same  time 
to  be  reassigned  to  his  old  command,  the  Fifteenth  Corps. 
Such  an  example  of  magnanimity  as  this  is  almost  unparalleled 
in  military  annals.  This  act  of  self-abnegation,  while  tempt 
ing  laurels  lay  at  his  feet  ready  to  be  plucked,  is  perhaps  one 
of  the  grandest  acts  of  heroism  in  all  Logan's  heroic  life.  He 
had  conquered  others  often  enough  by  eloquence,  by  logical 
force,  by  patriotic  example,  as  well  as  by  the  sword,  but  here 
he  conquered  self. 

Logan's  request  was  complied  with,  and  he  rejoined  his 
old  command,  then  at  Savannah,  Ga. 

THE      CAMPAIGN      OK      THE     CAROLINAS ITS      RELATIVE     IMPOR 
TANCE    MUCH    GREATER    THAN  "THE    MARCH    TO  THE    SEA" 

THE  PART  LOGAN'S  CORPS  CONTRIBUTED  TO  IT. 

In  January,  1865,  the  long,  perilous,  and  toilsome  winter 
campaign  of  the  Carolinas  was  commenced.     The  obstacles 

he  could.  General  Logan  happening  to  visit  City  Point  about  that  time,  and  knowing  him 
to  be  a  prompt,  gallant,  and  efficient  officer,  I  gave  him  an  order  to  proceed  to  Nashville  to 
relieve  Thomas.  I  directed  him,  however,  not  to  deliver  the  order  or  publish  it  until  he 
reached  there,  and  if  Thomas  had  moved,  then  not  to  deliver  it  at  all,  but  communicate 
with  me  by  telegraph.  I  went  as  far  as  Washington  City,  when  a  despatch  was  received 
from  General  Thomas  announcing  his  readiness  at  last  to  move,  and  designating  the  time 
of  his  movement.  I  concluded  to  wait  until  that  time.  He  did  move,  and  was  successful 
from  the  start.  This  was  on  December  I5th.  General  Logan  was  at  Louisville  at  the 
time  this  movement  was  made,  and  telegraphed  the  fact  to  Washington,  and  proceeded  no 
farther  himself/'— GRANT'S  MEMOIRS,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  382-384. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR. 


89 


encountered  and  overcome,  the  trials  and  privations  endured 
in  struggling  through  the  succession  of  swamps  and  mo 
rasses,  continually  confronted  and  harassed  by  the  enemy, 
beggars  description.  General  Sherman  well  says,  in  compar 
ison  with  the  "  March  to  the  Sea "  through  Georgia,  the 
movements  of  his  armies  through  the  Carolinas,  to  encounter 
Johnston's  Army  of  the  Potomac,  were  in  importance, — not  to 
speak  also  of  all  that  pertains  to  hardships,  deprivations,  and 
intense  and  continuous  labor, — as  ten  to  one.  The  march  of 
Napoleon  across  the  Alps,  with  his  Army  of  Italy,  would  not 
compare  with  the  greater  difficulties  encountered  by  the 
Army  of  the  West  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1864-65, 
in  the  Carolinas  campaign.  The  troops  started  with  twenty 
days'  rations — short  at  that.  The  supply  was  soon  disposed 
of,  and  the  army  for  ninety  days  subsisted  upon  the  enemy's 
country.  There  were  times  of  sharp  hunger  and  famine,  and 
times  of  great  abundance.  Strong  men  frequently  cried  with 
hunger,  and  then  again  made  merry  over  their  captured  sup 
plies.  All  the  streams  and  the  almost  interminable  swamps, 
from  Savannah  to  Raleigh,  had  to  be  crossed  on  logs  or 
floats,  in  the  face  of  a  watchful  enemy ;  but  our  persistent 
skirmishers  would  find  their  way  to  the  opposite  shores  and 
turn  the  flanks  of  the  enemy  ;  our  advance, — wading  through 
the  swamps  with  the  water  up  to  their  waists,  frequently  to 
their  armpits,  their  cartridge-boxes  strapped  to  their  necks, 
and  their  muskets  held  above  their  heads, — silencing  the 
enemy's  opposing  batteries. 

THE    TERRIBLE    SUFFERINGS  AND  DIFFICULTIES  OF  THE  MARCH 

ADVANCING  AND    FIGHTING    WITH    WATER    UP   TO   THE    MIDDLE 
—LOGAN    WORKING  WITH    HIS    MEN,  NIGHT  AND    DAY,   IN    THE 
SWAMPS — VARIOUS    ENGAGEMENTS. 

While  each  corps  of  the  army  encountered  almost  insur 
mountable  obstacles  in  its  pathway,  the  Fifteenth  Corps  at 
one  time  found  itself,  during  the  march,  in  Lynch  Creek  Bot- 


90  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

torn, — or  "  Lynch  Creek  without  any  bottom,"  as  the  soldiers 
called  it, — where  it  was  impossible  to  employ  mules  or  horses 
to  drag  the  artillery  trains  over  the  swamp.  It  therefore 
became  necessary  to  unhitch  the  animals  and  lead  them 
through  on  the  high  ground,  while  the  troops  were  compelled 
with  ropes  to  pull  the  trains  across  the  flooding  torrents  of 
water  which,  with  the  velocity  of  a  mill-race,  were  rushing 
through  the  woods.  While  other  general  officers  were  lux 
uriating  in  comfortable  headquarters,  General  Logan  was 
with  his  men  all  night  long  amidst  the  storm  of  rain,  wading 
from  command  to  command,  encouraging  them  by  his  pres 
ence,  and  exhibiting  the  same  qualities  of  patience,  endurance, 
and  heroism  which  characterized  him  when  leading  his  com 
mand  in  the  midst  of  battle.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  it 
was  impossible  for  the  men  to  make  fire  for  their  coffee,  and 
for  twenty-four  hours  they  were  compelled  to  appease  their 
hunger  by  eating  the  raw  corn  from  the  cob  ;  but  they  were 
encouraged  and  were  enthusiastic  because  their  General  was 
with  them — nor  did  he  leave  them  until  the  work  was  ac 
complished,  and  the  trains  pulled  through,  on  to  dry  land. 

During  this  terrible  campaign,  Logan  was  ever  on  the 
alert.  Breakfasting  by  the  light  of  the  camp-fire  ;  through 
out  the  day  at  the  point  of  greatest  danger,  encouraging  and 
inspiring  confidence  in  his  soldiers ;  and  though  it  were 
nightfall  and  often  midnight  before  he  sat  down  to  his  sim 
ple  dinner  of  corn-bread  and  bacon, — with  only  a  small  tent- 
fly  awaiting  him  as  a  covering  for  the  night, — he  never  was 
heard  to  complain,  nor  did  he  seem  to  think  of  his  own  dis 
comfort,  so  intent  was  he  on  accomplishing  the  object  of  the 
campaign,  and  securing,  as  far  as  possible,  the  comfort  of  the 
soldiers  under  his  command.  And  it  was  this  very  sim 
plicity,  self-abnegation,  and  incessant  watchfulness  for  their 
well-being  in  all  respects,  that,  together  with  his  genius  for 
war,  personal  intrepidity  and  energy  in  action,  made  Logan 
almost  an  object  of  worship  among  his  men. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR. 


FORCING     THE     PASSAGE     OF     THE     LITTLE     SALKAHATCHIE     AND 

CONGAREE CHARGING      THROUGH      MUD      AND      WATER THE 

SURRENDER     OF     COLUMBIA — THE     CITY    IN    FLAMES — LOGAN\S 
MEN    STAY    THE    DEVOURING    ELEMENT. 

On  February  5th,  Logan's  corps  was  forcing  the  passage 
of  the  Little  Salkahatchie  River,  charging,  through  mud  and 
water,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy's  fire,  and  driving  him  from 
his  line  of  works.  Advancing  on  the  line  of  the  railroad,  the 
8th  was  spent  in  tearing  up  the  railroad  tracks,  piling  rails 
on  ties  and  setting  fire  to  them,  and  twisting  every  rail  so 
that  it  could  not  again  be  used  by  the  enemy.  On  the  i2th, 
Logan  was  crossing  the  North  Edisto, — skirmishing  heavily 
in  front  and  successfully  flanking  the  enemy  with  other  troops 
of  the  command, — in  which  action  the  enemy  lost  three  killed, 
an  unknown  number  of  wounded,  eighty  prisoners,  and  two 
hundred  stand  of  arms  ;  Logan's  loss  being  only  one  killed 
and  five  wounded.  Continuing  the  movement  on  Columbia, 
on  the  1 5th  it  was  found  necessary  to  force  the  passage  of 
Congaree  Creek,  and  at  the  same  time  make  a  demonstration 
on  the  Great  Congaree.  It  was  the  dismounted  cavalry  com 
mand  of  General  Wade  Hampton  that  undertook  to  contest 
Logan's  crossing  of  the  Congaree  Creek/  Logan  soon  turned 
the  enemy's  position,  which  was  hastily  abandoned  as  our 
troops  gallantly  charged  over  his  lines,  and,  in  the  face  of  a 
hot  artillery  fire,  put  out  the  flames  of  the  burning  bridge, 
which  the  enemy  endeavored  to  burn  behind  him.  That 
night,  all  night  long,  the  enemy  shelled  Logan's  camp.  On 
the  next  day  the  enemy  having  shown  no  disposition  to  sur 
render  the  city  of  Columbia,  a  section  of  DeGrass'  battery, 
from  Logan's  command,  shelled  it.  On  the  i;th,  after  cross 
ing  the  Saluda  and  Broad  Rivers,  the  surrender  of  the  city  of 
Columbia  was  made,  and  the  city  occupied  by  Colonel  Stone's 
brigade.  That  night  Columbia  was  in  flames.  How  the  fire 


9 2  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

originated  was  never  known.     Sherman,  in  his  "  Memoirs," 
says : 

Many  of  the  people  thought  that  this  fire  was  deliberately  planned 
and  executed.  This  is  not  true.  It  was  accidental,  and,  in  my  judg 
ment  began  with  the  cotton  which  General  Hampton's  men  had  set  fire 
to  on  leaving  the  city  (whether  by  his  orders  or  not  is  not  material), 
which  fire  was  partially  subdued  early  in  the  day  by  our  men  ;  but, 
when  night  came,  the  high  wind  fanned  it  again  into  full  blaze,  carried 
it  against  the  frame-houses,  which  caught  like  tinder,  and  soon  spread 
beyond  our  control. 

The  brigade  already  in  Columbia  being  insufficient  to 
fight  the  conflagration  and  to  restore  order  in  the  panic- 
stricken  city,  Logan  ordered  in  fresh  troops,  and  to  their  ex 
ertions  is  due  the  preservation  of  such  portion  of  the  city  as 
escaped  the  fire.  Toward  morning,  order  was  fully  restored. 
The  1 8th  and  igth  were  spent  by  Logan's  command  in  de 
stroying  the  public  stores  found  in  Columbia,  and  in  destroy 
ing  the  railroad  running  northward ;  also  in  organizing  the 
trains  of  persons,  negro  and  white,  who  desired  to  go  North 
—those  trains  which  subsequently  grew  to  such  great  pro 
portions. 

PASSAGE  OF  LYNCH'S  CREEK  BOTTOM    AND  BLACK   CREEK — LO 
GAN'S    MEN,   "  UP    TO    THEIR    ARMPITS    IN    WATER/'  DRIVE  THE 

ENEMY THE    TERRIBLE    QUICKSANDS    AND    SWAMPS    BETWEEN 

LUMBER    RIVER    AND    LITTLE    ROCK    FISH    CREEK. 

On  February  26th  Logan's  corps  commenced  the  pas 
sage  of  Lynch's  Creek  Bottom — to  whose  difficulties  and 
dangers  allusion  has  already  been  made — the  skirmishers,  up 
to  their  armpits  in  water,  driving  the  enemy's  cavalry.  Black 
Creek  was  passed  under  circumstances  nearly  as  bad.  The 
last  of  the  wagons  were,  however,  clear  early  in  March.  On 
March  5th  and  6th  the  Great  Pedee  was  crossed.  All  this 
while,  of  course,  all  the  resources  of  the  country  through 
which  the  Union  armies  marched  were  put  under  contribu- 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  93 

tion.  The  movement  of  Logan's  corps  on  Fayetteville  com 
menced  March  7th.  There  had  been  heavy  rains  day  and 
night,  making  the  roads  almost  impassable,  and  the  swamps 
and  creeks,  despite  all  the  difficulties  of  doing  so,  had  to  be 
corduroyed.  In  fact  the  succession  of  swamps,  between 
Lumber  River  and  Little  Rock  Fish  Creek,  can  scarcely  be 
described.  Amid  the  most  violent  rains  the  whole  corps  on 
the  Qth  worked  day  and  night,  as  pioneers,  until  the  treach 
erous  country  was  passed.  It  was  a  perfect  quicksand. 
Thus,  for  some  ten  days,  the  troops  of  Logan's  command 
were  necessarily  subjected  to  the  severest  trials  of  a  soldier's 
life.  On  the  loth,  better  ground  was  reached.  On  the  I4th, 
the  accompanying  trains  of  refugees  were  sent  off  to  Wil 


mington. 


CROSSING    THE    CAPE    CLEAR    AND    SOUTH    RIVERS THE    BATTLE 

OF  BENTONVILLE  OR  MILL  CREEK  —  SUCCESSIVE  CHARGES 
UPON  THE  ENEMY,  DRIVING  HIM  INTO  HIS  WORKS THE  EN 
EMY  EVACUATES  AND  RETREATS. 

On  the  1 5th,  Logan's  corps  crossed  Cape  Clear  River. 
On  the  1 7th,  it  crossed  South  River,  although  the  bottom  of 
that  stream  had  "fallen  out,"  and  the  worst  holes  had  to  be 
filled  in  with  bricks  and  huge  logs,  pinned  down  to  keep 
them  in  position.  On  the  iQth,  Logan  drove  the  enemy's  cav 
alry  across  the  Neuse  River,  near  Goldsborough.  On  the 
20th,  he  drove  the  enemy  along  the  Bentonville  Road  across 
Cox's  Bridge.  Logan  was  now  seeking  to  establish  com 
munication  with  the  left  wing  of  the  Union  forces,  which  was 
engaging  the  enemy  under  Johnston,  and  was  marching  to 
its  support  by  the  sound  of  the  guns.  On  approaching  Mill 
Creek,  Logan  expected  to  meet  the  enemy  in  force.  He  was 
confronted  by  the  enemy's  dismounted  cavalry,  who  took 
position,  as  the  Union  troops  advanced,  behind  successive 
barricaded  points,  from  which  Logan's  men  handsomely  and 
successively  drove  him  back.  The  last  outwork  defended 


94  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

by  the  enemy,  before  retreating  within  his  main  line,  having 
been  carried,  Logan  held  the  cross-roads  to  Bentonville  and 
Smithfield,  and  intrenched  opposite  the  main  line  of  the 
enemy.  At  four  o'clock  that  afternoon  Logan  advanced, 
drove  the  enemy,  and  went  into  an  advanced  line,  which  he 
firmly  intrenched.  There  was  skirmishing  all  that  night. 
The  right  and  left  wings  had  now  effected  a  junction  in  front 
of  the  V-shaped  lines  of  Johnston's  army.  On  the  2ist 
Logan  advanced  on  the  enemy  in  gallant  style,  driving  him 
into  his  works  and  developing  most  completely  his  entire  line 
in  our  front.  The  advanced  position  was  intrenched,  and 
during  that  day  and  night  Logan's  batteries  played  on  the 
enemy's  works.  During  the  night  the  enemy  evacuated  his 
entire  line  of  works  and  retreated  across  Hannah  Creek, 
burning  the  bridge  behind  him,  to  Smithfield.  Logan  then 
moved  with  his  corps  from  his  works  on  Mill  Creek  to  Golds- 
boro',  March  23d,  and  went  into  camp  around  that  place— 
the  object  of  the  campaign  having  been  accomplished. 

TWO    STRIKING    INCIDENTS    OF    LOGAN'S  HUMANITY  AND    JUSTICE. 

/  Here,  while  his  command  is  resting  for  a  few  days,  it  may 
be  well  to  mention  two  striking  incidents  of  General  Logan's 
humanity  and  sense  of  justice  and  honesty  which  took  place 
during  the  march  through  the  South,  after  Atlanta,  and  are 
told  by  Governor  Carpenter  of  Iowa  (in  the  Inter- Ocean  of 
May  5,  1874),  Carpenter  at  that  time  being  on  Logan's  staff. 
Said  he,  in  speaking  of  that  march  : 

A  certain  Democratic  General  gave  orders  to  the  chief  of  his  trans 
portation  that  he  should  take  up  his  pontoons  as  soon  as  his  division  or 
corps  had  crossed  the  rivers  with  their  own  impedimenta,  and  not  allow 
"  the  niggers  "  to  follow.  Rebel  cavalry  hung  upon  the  rear  of  the  ad 
vancing  army,  and  it  became  the  finest  possible  sport  for  them  to  go 
"  a-coloneling  through  those  unarmed  and  helpless  camp-followers, 
sabring  them  down  on  all  sides  without  mercy,  and  turning  back  into 
servitude  those  whose  lives  they  chose  to  spare.  General  Logan's 
course  was  slightly  different.  He  ordered  the  officers  in  charge  of  his 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  95 

pontoons  not  to  remove  them  until  the  last  "  contraband  "  was   safely 
across  and  under  the  protection  of  the  army. 

Another  fact  Governor  Carpenter  stated  in  regard  to  his 
old  commander  : 

The  army  unfortunately  contained  a  set  of  officers  who  were  always 
anxious  to  jay-hawk  almost  anything  in  the  way  of  property  when  they 
were  in  the  "  enemy's  country."  On  one  occasion  several  of  these  thrifty 
gentlemen  made  a  descent  upon  a  locality  where  there  was  a  quantitv 
of  fine  blooded  horses,  and  they  each  brought  one  away  with  the  inten 
tion  of  appropriating  them  to  their  own  use.  One  morning  there  was 
a  great  commotion  among  these  officers,  and  a  free  use  of  the  idiom  of 
Flanders,  consequent  upon  an  order  from  "  headquarters  "  to  the  effect 
that  these  horses  should  be  turned  over  to  the  quartermasters.  A  strong 
remonstrance  was  made,  but  the  General  informed  them  that  the  horses 
were  now  Government  property,  and,  if  used  by  private  individuals, 
must  be  bought  and  paid  for.  These  acts  indicate  the  innate  love  of 
justice  which  has  characterized  this  brave  soldier  throughout  his  whole 
career. 


FALL    OF     RICHMOND    AND      PETERSBURG LOGAN     ADVANCES    ON 

SMITHFIELD — JOHNSTON'S  ARMY  EVACUATES  IT THE  ADVANCE 

ON     RALEIGH JOHNSTON     SURRENDERS,      AND      THE     WAR     IS 

ENDED LOGAN    ORGANIZES    THE    "  SOCIETY    OF    THE  ARMY  OF 

THE    TENNESSEE." 

On  April  loth,  Richmond  and  Petersburg  having  surren 
dered  to  General  Grant,  Logan's  corps  advanced  on  the  right 
for  Smithfield — which  Johnston  had,  however,  hastily  evacu 
ated — and  Raleigh.  Thus,  his  command  had  led  the  ad 
vance  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  driving  the  enemy  at 
every  point  until,  passing  through  Columbia,  Fayetteville, 
and  Goldsboro',  it  reached  Raleigh,  near  which  point  the  sur 
render  of  Johnston's  army  took  place,  thus  bringing  the  cam 
paign  to  a  triumphant  close. 

It  will  be  understood  that,  in  thus  following  Logan's  corps 
and  narrating  its  operations,  it  is  not' intended  to  detract  in 
the  slightest  degree  from  the  credit  due  to  other  corps  of  the 


9<5  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

army,  which  had  overcome  similar  obstacles  and  engaged  in 
similar  fighting  over  the  roads  that  they  marched. 

No  very  serious  engagement  of  Logan's  corps  worthy  of 
special  note  had  occurred  during  the  march,  save  that  of 
Benton's  Cross  Roads,  or  Mill  Creek,  and  yet  the  casualties 
had  reached  an  aggregate  of  about  five  hundred. 

While  negotiations  for  the  surrender  of  Johnston's  army 
were  in  progress,  General  Logan  conceived  the  idea  of  form 
ing  a  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  with  the  object 
of  keeping  alive  and  perpetuating  the  kindly  and  cordial  feel 
ing  which  had  characterized  the  relations  of  the  officers  and 
men  of  that  army  during  its  long  career  of  victorious  service. 
At  the  meeting  for  organization,  held  in  the  Capitol  building 
at  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  Logan  was  urgently  solicited  to  accept  the 
presidency  of  the  society,  but  declined  the  honor,  and  urged 
the  selection  of  General  Rawlins,  then  chief  of  General  Grant's 
staff;  claiming  that  while  the  choice  of  the  latter  must  give 
satisfaction  to  every  officer  of  the  army,  it  would  at  the  same 
time  compliment  General  Grant — the  first  commander  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

A  THRILLING  INSTANCE  OF  LOGAN'S  PERSONAL    HEROISM ALONE 

AND  UNAIDED  HE  SAVES   THE  PEOPLE  OF  RALEIGH    FROM  MUR 
DER,  ARSON,  AND  "  WORSE    THAN  DEATH." 

Under  the  heading  "A  NOBLE  DEED  RALEIGH  SHOULD 
NOT  FORGET,"  the  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  State  Journal  recently 
said  : 

The  Greensboro*  North  State  reminds  us  of  the  following  incident, 
the  recollection  of  which  should  be  kept  green  in  the  memory  of  every 
citizen  of  Raleigh  who  can  remember  the  spring  of  1865  : 

"When  the  news  of  Lincoln's  assassination  reached  Raleigh  in 
April,  1865,  there  was  a  fearful  panic.  Sherman's  entire  army,  consist 
ing  of  about  160,000  troops  all  told,  were  encamped  in  and  around  the 
city.  Terror  prevailed  among  the  people,  and  the  greatest  excitement 
among  the  troops.  Threats  of  the  most  awful  kind  were  freely  indulged 
in.  The  night  after  the  assassination  a  body  of  stragglers  from  the  en- 


LOGAN  IN   THE   WAR. 


97 


campment  near  the  city  marched  toward  the  town  with  lighted  fagots, 
threatening  its  destruction.  A  messenger  came  hurrying  into  the  city 
with  the  news.  One  brave  earnest  man  was  found  to  stay  the  angry 
passions  of  the  Federal  soldiery.  He  mounted  his  horse  and  galloped 
at  full  speed  to  meet  the  coming  crowd.  He  drew  his  sword  from  its 
sheath  and,  raising  himself  in  his  saddle,  he  threatened  with  instant 
death  the  first  man  who  dared  to  injure  an  innocent  and  unprotected 
people.  The  crowd  gave  way  before  his  flashing  and  defiant  eye,  and 
Raleigh  was  saved  from  murder  and  arson,  and  its  defenseless  females 
from  worse  than  death.  That  man  was  John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois." 

LOGAN    AGAIN    IN    COMMAND    OF    THE    ARMY    OF    THE    TENNESSEE 

—THE    MARCH    NORTHWARD,    TO     WASHINGTON THE    GRAND 

REVIEW    AT    THE    NATIONAL    CAPITAL HE     MUSTERS    OUT    HIS 

6O,OOO    SOLDIERS    AT    LOUISVILLE,    AND    TENDERS    HIS    RESIG 
NATION—AN    AFFECTING    FAREWELL    TO    HIS    ARMY. 

After  the  capitulation  of  Johnston,  Logan  marched  his 
command  northward,  through  Fredericksburg  and  Alexan 
dria,  to  Washington.  On  May  i2th,  General  Howard  having 
been  ordered  to  take  charge  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  Gen 
eral  Logan,  amidst  the  greatest  enthusiasm  of  his  old  com- 
rades-at-arms,  assumed  once  more  the  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  comprising  60,000  veterans.  At  the  head 
of  this  vast  array  of  patriotic  soldiers,  crowned  with  the  laurels 
of  many  victorious  campaigns,  Logan,  on  May  24th,  having 
entered  Washington,  took  prominent  part  in  the  grand  review 
before  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  the  Federal  forces 
—the  most  imposing  military  spectacle  ever  witnessed  upon 
the  American  continent. 

Subsequently  General  Logan  was  ordered  with  his  army 
from  Washington  to  Louisville,  Ky. ;  and,  after  mustering  out 
his  troops  to  the  last  man,  he  returned  to  his  home  and  his 
family  in  Illinois. 

Having  no  further  duty  to  perform,  and  unwilling  to  re 
ceive  pay  without  service, — unlike  many  others, — he  resigned 
his  commission,  again  became  a  private  citizen,  and  resumed 
the  practice  of  his  profession  as  a  lawyer. 

7 


98  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

The  military  record  of  this  brilliant  and  peerless  volunteer 
soldier  fitly  closed  with  the  following  affecting 

FAREWELL    ADDRESS    TO    THE    ARMY    OF    THE    TENNESSEE  : 
HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE, 

LOUISVILLE,   KY.,  July  13,  1865. 
Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  : 

The  profound  gratification  I  feel  in  being  authorized  to  release  you 
from  the  onerous  obligations  of  the  camp,  and  return  you,  laden  with 
laurels,  to  homes  where  warm  hearts  wait  to  welcome  you,  is  somewhat 
embittered  by  the  painful  reflection  that  I  am  sundering  the  ties  which 
trials  made  true,  time  made  tender,  suffering  made  sacred,  perils  made 
proud,  heroism  made  honorable,  and  fame  made  forever  fearless  of  the 
future.  It  is  no  common  occasion  that  demands  the  disbandment  of  a 
military  organization,  before  the  resistless  power  of  which,  mountains 
bristling  with  bayonets  have  bowed,  cities  have  surrendered,  and  mill 
ions  of  brave  men  have  been  conquered.  Although  I  have  been  but  a 
short  period  your  commander,  we  are  not  strangers  ;  affections  have 
sprung  up,  between  us — during  the  long  years  of  doubt,  gloom,  and 
carnage  which  we  have  passed  through  together,  nurtured  by  common 
perils,  sufferings,  and  sacrifices,  and  riveted  by  the  memories  of  gallant 
comrades  whose  bones  repose  beneath  the  sod  of  a  hundred  battle 
fields — which  neither  time  nor  distance  will  weaken  or  efface.  The 
many  marches  you  have  made,  the  dangers  you  have  despised,  the 
haughtiness  you  have  humbled,  the  duties  you  have  discharged,  the 
glory  you  have  gained,  the  destiny  you  have  discovered  for  the  coun 
try  in  whose  cause  you  have  conquered,  all  recur  at  this  moment,  in  all 
the  vividness  that  marked  the  scenes  through  which  we  have  just 
passed.  From  the  pens  of  the  ablest  historians  of  the  land,  daily,  are 
drifting  out  upon  the  current  of  time,  page  upon  page,  volume  upon 
volume,  of  your  heroic  deeds,  which,  floating  down  to  future  genera 
tions,  will  inspire  the  student  of  history  with  admiration,  the  patriot 
American  with  veneration  for  his  ancestors,  and  the  lover  of  Republican 
liberty  with  gratitude  to  those  who  in  a  fresh  baptism  of  blood  recon 
secrated  the  powers  and  energies  of  the  Republic  to  the  cause  of  con 
stitutional  freedom.  Long  may  it  be  the  happy  fortune  of"  each  and 
every  one  of  you  to  live  in  the  full  fruition  of  the  boundless  blessings 
you  have  secured  to  the  human  race  ! 

Only  he  whose  heart  has  been  thrilled  with  admiration  for  your  im 
petuous  and  unyielding  valor  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight  can  appreciate 
with  what  pride  he  recounts  the  brilliant  achievements  which  immor 
talize  you,  and  enrich  the  pages  of  our  national  history. 


LOGAN  IN   THE    WAR.  99 

Passing  by  the  earlier  but  not  less  signal  triumphs  of  the  war,  in 
which  most  of  you  participated  and  inscribed  upon  your  banners  such 
victories  as  Donelson  and  Shiloh,  I  recur  to  campaigns,  sieges,  and 
victories  that  challenge  the  admiration  of  the  world,  and  elicit  the  un 
willing  applause  of  all  Europe.  Turning  your  backs  upon  the  blood- 
bathed  heights  of  Vicksburg,  you  launched  into  a  region  swarming  with 
enemies,  fighting  your  way  and  marching  without  adequate  supplies, 
to  answer  the  cry  for  succor  that  came  to  you  from  the  noble  but  be 
leaguered  army  of  Chattanooga.  Your  steel  next  flashed  among  the 
mountains  of  Tennessee,  and  your  weary  limbs  found  rest  before  the 
embattled  heights  of  Missionary  Ridge,  and  there  with  dauntless  cour 
age  you  breasted  again  the  enemy's  destructive  fire,  and  shared  with 
your  comrades  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  the  glories  of  a  victory 
than  which  no  soldier  can  boast  a  prouder. 

In  that  unexampled  campaign  of  vigilant  and  vigorous  warfare 
from  Chattanooga  to  Atlanta,  you  freshened  your  laurels  at  Resaca, 
grappling  with  the  enemy  behind  his  works,  hurling  him  back  dismayed 
and  broken.  Pursuing  him  from  thence,  marking  your  path  by  the 
graves  of  fallen  comrades,  you  again  triumphed  over  superior  numbers 
at  Dallas,  fighting  your  way  from  there  to  Kenesaw  Mountain  ;  and 
under  the  murderous  artillery  that  frowned  from  its  rugged  heights, 
with  a  tenacity  and  constancy  that  finds  few  parallels,  you  labored, 
fought,  and  suffered  through  the  broiling  rays  of  a  southern  midsum 
mer  sun,  until  at  last  you  planted  your  colors  upon  its  topmost  heights. 
Again  on  the  22d  July,  1864,  rendered  memorable  through  all  time  for 
the  terrible  struggle  you  so  heroically  maintained  under  discouraging 
disasters,  and  that  saddest  of  all  reflections,  the  loss  of  that  exemplary 
soldier  and  popular  leader,  the  lamented  McPherson,  your  matchless 
courage  turned  defeat  into  a  glorious  victory.  Ezra  Chapel  and  Jones- 
boro'  added  new  lustre  to  a  radiant  record,  the  latter  unbarring  to  you 
the  proud  Gate  City  of  the  South.  The  daring  of  a  desperate  foe,  in 
thrusting  his  legions  northward,  exposed  the  country  in  your  front, 
and  though  rivers,  swamps,  and  enemies  opposed,  you  boldly  sur 
mounted  every  obstacle,  beat  down  all  opposition,  and  marched  onward 
to  the  sea.  Without  any  act  to  dim  the  brightness  of  your  historic 
page,  the  world  rang  plaudits  when  your  labors  and  struggles  culmin 
ated  at  Savannah,  and  the  old  "  Starry  Banner  "  waved  once  more  over 
the  walls  of  one  of  our  proudest  cities  of  the  seaboard.  Scarce  a 
breathing  spell  had  passed,  when  your  colors  faded  from  the  coast,  and 
your  columns  plunged  into  the  swamps  of  the  Carolinas.  The  suffer 
ings  you  endured,  the  labors  you  performed,  and  the  successes  you 
achieved  in  those  morasses,  deemed  impassable,  form  a  creditable  epi- 


100  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

socle  in  the  history  of  the  war.  Pocataligo,  Salkahatchie,  Edisto, 
Branchville,  Orangeburgh,  Columbia,  Bentonville,  Charleston,  and 
Raleigh  are  names  that  will  ever  be  suggestive  of  the  resistless  sweep 
of  your  columns  through  the  territory  that  cradled  and  nurtured,  and 
from  whence  was  sent  forth  on  its  mission  of  crime,  misery,  and  blood, 
the  disturbing  and  disorganizing  spirit  of  secession  and  rebellion. 

The  work,  for  which  you  pledged  your  brave  hearts  and  brawny 
arms  to  the  government  of  your  fathers,  you  have  nobly  performed. 
You  are  seen  in  the  past,  gathering  through  the  gloom  that  enveloped 
the  land,  rallying  as  the  guardians  of  man's  proudest  heritage,  forget 
ting  the  thread  unwoven  in  the  loom,  quitting  the  anvil,  and  abandon 
ing  the  workshops,  to  vindicate  the  supremacy  of  the  laws  and  the  au 
thority  of  the  Constitution.  Four  years  have  you  struggled  in  the 
bloodiest  and  most  destructive  war  that  ever  drenched  the  earth  with 
human  gore  ;  step  by  step  you  have  borne  our  standard,  until  to-day, 
over  every  fortress  and  arsenal  that  rebellion  wrenched  from  us,  and 
over  city,  town,  and  hamlet,  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  from 
ocean  to  ocean,  proudly  floats  the  "  Starry  emblem  "  of  our  national 
unity  and  strength. 

Your  rewards,  my  comrades,  are  the  welcoming  plaudits  of  a  grate 
ful  people,  the  consciousness  that,  in  saving  the  Republic,  you  have 
won  for  your  country  renewed  respect  and  power  at  home  and  abroad  ; 
that,  in  the  unexampled  era  of  growth  and  prosperity  that  dawns  with 
peace,  there  attaches  mightier  wealth  of  pride  and  glory  than  ever  be 
fore  to  that  loved  boast,  "  I  am  an  American  citizen  !  " 

In  relinquishing  the  implements  of  war  for  those  of  peace,  let  your 
conduct,  which  was  that  of  warriors  in  time  of  war,  be  that  of  peaceful 
citizens  in  time  of  peace.  Let  not  the  lustre  of  that  brighter  name 
that  you  have  won  as  soldiers,  be  dimmed  by  any  improper  acts  as  citi 
zens,  but  as  time  rolls  on  let  your  record  grow  brighter  and  brighter 
still-  JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

Major-  General. 

A    BRIEF    RESUME    OF     GENERAL     LOGAN'S    MILITARY     CAREER — A 

TRIBUTE     TO    THE     AMERICAN     VOLUNTEER     SOLDIER LOGAN 

THE    HIGHEST     EMBODIMENT    OF     THE     SOLDIER    WHO     NEVER 
FORGOT    THAT    HE    WAS    A    CITIZEN. 

The  military  career  of  General  Logan  has  thus  been 
traced  by  the  records,  and  other  historical  sources,  from  the 
battle  of  Belmont,  through  all  the  campaigns  of  the  Army  of 


LOGAN  IN   THE 


the  Tennessee,  down  to  the  disbandment  of  that  army  in 
1865.  We  have  seen  that  no  officer  entered  the  Union  army 
under  greater  opposing  pressure  ;  that  none  was  compelled, 
as  was  he,  to  find  the  ashes  cold,  where  the  fires  burned 
bright  of  yore,  upon  a  thousand  hearthstones  ;  that  none 
made  such  sacrifices  in  all  that  was  near  and  dear  to  him  ; 
that  none  was  more  obedient  to  orders,  nor  exhibited  greater 
alacrity,  efficiency,  and  valor  in  executing  them  ;  that  none 
submitted  to  greater  disappointment,  or  indignity,  without  a 
murmur  ;  that  no  man  who  wore  the  uniform,  ever  exhibited 
more  self-denial,  earnest  patriotism,  or  abiding  faith  in  the 
ultimate  triumph  of  the  Union  cause  ;  nor  was  there  a  man 
in  the  army  more  courageous,  persistent,  and  determined  in 
his  course  than  General  Logan,  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end. 

Sherman  has,  in  his  "  Memoirs"  intimated*  that  General 
Logan  was  a  "political  general."  If  to  be  a  "political  gen 
eral  "  is  to  comprehend  at  a  glance  the  position  of  the  Amer 
ican  citizen  and  his  duty  when  the  life  of  the  nation  is  at 
stake  ;  if  it  is  to  sunder  almost  every  tie,  save  that  of  wife 
and  child,  which  binds  him  to  his  kindred,  and  for  the  sake 
of  country  sacrifice  everything,  save  these,  that  is  dear  to 
him  on  earth  ;  if  it  be  the  giving  up  of  every  hope  of  political 
preferment,  the  flinging  away  at  once  of  every  ambition  save 
that  of  being  a  hero  fighting  for  his  country's  cause  ;  if  it  be 
to  accept  without  a  murmur  the  lowest  place  and  to  rise  only 
by  his  personal  prowess  and  military  merit  and  skill  to  the 
command  of  an  entire  army  ;  if  it  be  to  hear  his  voice  in 
the  darkest  hours  of  the  rebellion  not  only  above  the  din  of 
bloody  battle  and  amid  the  hurtling  missiles  at  the  front,  but 
also  upon  the  rostrum  attacking  "  the  enemy  in  the  rear'1 
with  equal  force  and  eloquence  and  boldness,  and  with  the 
same  success  with  which  he  waves  his  sword  when  storming 

*  See  correspondence  between  Sherman  and  Logan,  and  other  matter  bearing  upon  the 
point,  in  the  Addenda  at  the  end  of  this  work. 


102  ,   ,  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


rth'e  enemy's  line'  in  the'  field  ;  if  it  be  to  carve  out  his  own 
military  career  as  he  did  his  political  career — combining  the 
leadership  of  the  masses  at  the  hustings  with  that  leadership 
in  the  field  which  was  crowned  with  the  very  "  inspiration  of 
victory ;  "  if  it  be  to  modestly  and  quietly  retire  at  the  end  of 
the  war  to  his  old  field  of  labor  in  his  own  State  with  the 
gallant  men  whom  he  had  so  often  led  to  triumphs,  and  who 
so  often  afterward  gave  him  their  votes  with  the  same  hearti 
ness  as  they  had  given  him  their  cheers  upon  the  field  of 
battle  ;  if  it  be  to  reach  a  lofty  niche  in  the  temple  of  fame 
both  as  warrior  and  statesman— if  this  is  the  meaning  of 
"political  general,"  then  it  is  only  a  sad  pity  we  could  not 
have  had  all  our  generals  of  a  like  pattern. 

The  history  of  the  great  War  of  the  Rebellion  will  never 
be  fully  written  until  its  central  figure  is  made  the  citizen-sol 
dier — the  American  volunteer.  The  mouth-piece,  the  expres 
sion,  of  the  volunteer,  is  his  general,  with  whom  he  must  be 
in  perfect  sympathy,  and  whose  ambition  should  always  be  to 
protect  his  subordinates,  of  whatever  grade,  in  all  that  prop 
erly  belongs  to  them  as  soldiers.  One  officer  of  the  regular 
service  has  most  gracefully  placed  the  American  soldier  in  his 
true  position  before  the  country.  Says  Genera?  Pope  : 

It  is  true  now,  as  it  always  will  be  true  in  a  free  country  and  among 
a  free  people,  that  in  time  of  war  the  self-denying  patriot  and  true  hero 
is  found  in  the  ranks  ;  a  nameless  man,  with  no  hope  nor  wish  for  per 
sonal  preferment,  with  no  purpose  except  to  serve  his  country,  he  leaves 
behind  him  no  legacy  of  heart-burnings,  nor  disputes,  nor  controversies, 
to  vex  his  descendants.  He  lives  in  the  affectionate  remembrance  of 
thousands  of  his  countrymen  who  never  heard  his  name,  and  whose  only 
knowledge  of  his  history  is  the  touching  record  of  his  devoted  service 
or  his  patriotic  death. 

Such  was  the  volunteer  private  soldier  of  our  Civil  War, 
and  such  will  he  always  be  when  our  country  calls  its  citizens 
to  arms.  And  it  may  as  truly  be  said,  as  has  already  been 
hinted,  that  our  volunteer  soldiers,  thus  organized,  thus  in 
fluenced,  thus  self-denying  and  self-sacrificing,  always  select 


LOGAN  IN  THE    WAR. 

for  their  leader  one  who  most  nearly  embodies  their  idea  of  a 
patriot  and  hero  ;  and  their  enthusiasm  on  the  battle-field,  the 
eagerness  with  which  they  follow  him,  the  implicit  confidence 
they  place  in  him,  are  nothing  more  nor  less  than  their  recogni 
tion  of  themselves  in  the  man  whom  they  have  chosen  to  com 
mand  them.  It  is  but  the  truth  to  say  that  it  was  because  Gen 
eral  Logan  was  recognized  by  them  as  the  highest  embodiment 
of  the  American  volunteer-soldier — who  never  forgot  that  he 
was  one  of  the  people,  and  always  had  a  mutual  sympathy  with 
and  for  them  in  all  their  patriotic  impulses  and  wishes — that 
the  old  veterans  of  the  war,  the  men  who  made  it  a  success, 
the  men  who  preserved  the  Nation  at  the  risk  of  their  lives 
and  at  the  cost  of  their  blood,  stood  by  him  everywhere  to 
the  hour  of  his  death,  and  "  swore  by  him  "  as  they  did  when 
he  led  them  on  the  sterner  fields  of  war  to  certain  victories. 

In  concluding  this  sketch  of  General  Logan's  military  ca 
reer,  it  may  be  proper  to  state  that  he  was  the  only  officer  of 
the  war,  whether  volunteer  or  regular,  commanding  an  army 
of  more  than  two  corps,  who  led  it  to  victory  in  every  engage 
ment  in  which  he  was  in  command ;  and  further,  that  he  was 
the  only  volunteer  officer  of  the  Union  armies  who  succes 
sively  held  command  of  a  regiment,  a  brigade,  a  division,  a 
corps,  and  an  army,  who  was  never  defeated  while  leading 
them. 


PART  III 


LOGAN   AFTER   THE   WAR. 

HIS    PERSONAL    APPEARANCE,    AND    SOME    OF    HIS    CHARAC 
TERISTICS. 

"  To  few,  but  wondrous  few,  the  powers  belong 
To  merit  lasting  praise  and  epic  song  ; 
Who  nobly  earns,  in  council  and  debate, 
The  grateful  homage  of  his  Sovereign  State  ; 
Who  acts  the  statesman's  and  the  hero's  part — 
A  man  of  wisdom  and  of  lion  heart  ; 
And  pleads  and  fights  to  save  his  country's  cause, 
And  crowns  his  triumphs  with  impartial  laws — 
That  chief,  of  raven  locks  and  eagle  eye, 
Is  LOGAN  !     Names  like  his  shall  never  die  !  " 

THE  personal  appearance  of  General  Logan  was  com 
manding.  He  was  of  medium  height,  with  a  very  robust 
physical  development,  a  broad  and  deep  chest,  massive  body, 
and  small  hands  and  feet.  His  features  were  handsome  and 
regular,  his  complexion  swarthy,  his  hair  and  heavy  mus 
tache  long  and  jet  black,  while  his  piercing  black  eyes  shone 
with  a  peculiar  light  when  aroused  to  anger,  or  danced  with 
humor  and  pleasure  whenever  such  emotions  bestirred  him. 

One  who  had  known  him  long  and  intimately,  summed  up 
his  character,  while  Logan  was  yet  alive,  in  these  words  : 
"  He  has  a  large  and  comprehensive  mind  stored  with  liberal 
views.  He  has  a  heart  open  to  acts  of  the  rarest  generosity 
and  kindness.  He  is  a  warm  friend  and  a  forgiving  enemy, 
only  implacable  when  basely  wronged.  He  likes  a  good 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  IO5 

cigar,  but  otherwise  is  rigidly  temperate.  Inured  from  his 
earliest  youth  to  severest  hardships,  he  never  shrinks  from 
a  duty  that  involves  effort  or  fatigue.  He  works  chiefly  at 
night,  and  when  most  men  are  asleep  in  their  beds  Logan  is 
busy  at  his  desk.  When  a  student,  he  accustomed  himself  to 
think  and  compose  while  walking  the  floor  ;  hence  his  ease 
and  ready  command  of  language  on  the  platform.  He  is  one 
of  the  few  men,  if  not  the  only  man,  in  Congress,  who  never 
(<  corrects  "  his  speeches.  His  voice  is  strong,  yet  musical 
and  sympathetic,  and  his  utterances  rapid,  yet  distinct.  One 
of  his  peculiar  characteristics  is  the  wonderful  influence  he 
exercises  over  men  by  his  personal  magnetism.  This  is  most 
marked  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  in  his  speeches  when  fully 
aroused,  and  is  largely  due  not  alone  to  his  absolute  sincerity, 
but  to  the  ability  he  possesses  to  control  and  concentrate  the 
whole  nerve-power  of  his  brain  upon  a  single  object."  But 
we  must  hasten  to  glance  briefly  at  Logan's  career  as  a  pub 
lic  man;  after  the  war. 

LOGAN     THE     STATESMAN THE     COOPER     UNION     MEETING — HE 

FRUSTRATES    THE  ATTEMPT    OF    THE  DEMOCRATIC   LEADERS  TO 
CAPTURE    OUR    UNION    GENERALS. 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  war  an  attempt  was  made 
by  certain  influential  men  of  New  York  City,  in  the  interest 
of  the  Democratic  Party,  to  capture  the  great  Union  Generals 
of  the  war.  It  was  supposed  that,  with  a  little  finesse,  Grant 
and  Logan  especially,  who,  before  the  war  broke  out,  were 
Democrats,  could  easily  be  trapped  back  into  the  Democratic 
Party,  and  that  the  other  leaders  of  our  armies  and  navies 
would  follow  them,  and  thus  give  that  party  some  chance  for 
reinstatement  in  power,  and  rehabilitate  it  with  the  control  of 
the  Government.  They  knew,  what  the  people  then  did  not 
know,  that  Andrew  Johnson,  elected  Vice-President  on  the 
Republican  platform,  and  who  had  succeeded  to  the  Presi- 


106     .  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

clency  on  the  assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  still  at 
heart  a  Democrat,  despite  his  grandiloquent  utterances  against 
treason  to  the  Government  and  against  traitors.  Under  the 
guise,  then,  of  a  grand  Union  meeting  to  support  the  admin 
istration  of  President  Johnson  and  to  welcome  the  victorious 
generals  of  the  war,  they  got  up  a  monster  assemblage  at  the 
Cooper  Institute  Building  in  that  city,  on  June  7,  1865,  at 
which  Grant  and  Logan  and  Blair  were  present  by  special 
invitation.  Of  course  it  was  a  very  grand  and  flattering  ova 
tion  that  they  thus  received,  to  which  Grant  responded  only 
by  bowing.  Logan  being  called  on  to  speak,  shifted  the 
honor  to  Blair's  shoulders.  Blair  fell  into  the  trap,  and  unre 
servedly  indorsed  the  President's  programme.  Then  the 
people  clamored  to  hear  Logan,  and  Logan  made  them  a 
thoughtful  and  eloquent  speech,  in  which  he  foreshadowed 
the  difficulties  of  reconstruction,  and  said  : 

The  gre.it  questions  that  have  been  before  the  people  for  the  last 
four  years  are  now  settled  ;  the  rebellion  is  suppressed  ;  slavery  is  for 
ever  dead  ;  the  power  of  this  great  Government  has  been  felt  and  is 
well  understood,  not  only  at  home,  but  abroad  ;  the  supremacy  of  the 
laws  of  the  country,  with  its  Constitution,  has  been  maintained  by  the 
prowess  of  Americans  ;  the  people  of  America  have  satisfied  themselves 
—  for  there  was  once  some  doubt  of  it — that  they  can  maintain  the  laws 
and  the  Constitution  of  the  land,  suppress  rebellion,  and  cause  all  men 
to  bow  in  humble  submission  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 

But  he  also  said,  and  his  words  opened  the  eyes  of  many 
to  the  snare  that  had  been  laid  for  them  : 

My  friend  General  Blair  suggested  an  idea  to  me  on  this  subject 
[the  object  of  the  meeting],  that  this  meeting  was  called  for  the  pur 
pose  of  approving  the  administration  of  President  Johnson.  ["  Yes,"" 
14  Yes,"  and  cheers.]  So  far  as  his  administration  has  developed  itself,  I  cer 
tainly  have  no  fault  to  find  with  it.  ["Good,"  "Good."]  What  there 
may  be  to  object  to  in  the  future  I  don't  know  ;  but  if  there  is  anything  objec 
tionable,  then,  as  a  matter  of  course,  as  the  questions  arise  the  country  will  have 
a  right  to  decide  for  itself  whether  the  President  is  in  the  right  or  in  the 
wrong. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


107 


SUGGESTS  THE  PRESENTATION  OF  THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS,  THE 
RETIREMENT  OF  MAXIMILIAN,  AND  THE  HONEST  PAYMENT  OF 
OUR  NATIONAL  DEBT. 

In  that  speech,  he  suggested,  among  other  things,  that  a 
bill  should  be  presented  to  the  British  Government  for  a 
settlement  of  the  Alabama  claims ;  that  Maximilian  should  be 
invited  to  leave  Mexico  ;  and  he  eloquently  protested  against 
the  doctrine  of  repudiation  of  the  National  debt,  which  was 
then  being  agitated.  Said  he  : 

Let  us  then,  when  our  country  is  restored,  when  the  Union  once 
again  is  seen  rising  before  us  in  all  its  majesty  and  beauty — let  us  look 
upon  it  with  pride,  and  remember  with  gratitude  that  in  the  hour  of 
trial  we  found  a  strong  arm — the  arm  of  the  people — ready  to  strike  in 
its  defence,  to  take  it  from  the  grasp  of  the  foul  traitors  who  were 
clutching  at  its  vitals,  and  to  guard  and  preserve  it  forever.  And  as  we 
thus  look  gratefully  and  proudly  back  upon  our  deliverance,  let  us  at 
the  same  time  lay  our  hands  upon  our  hearts  and  say,  "  Our  nation  has 
not  only  maintained  itself,  it  not  only  dazzles  the  world  with  its  majesty 
and  power,  but  at  the  same  time  it  can  boast  that  its  record  is  spotless  ; 
that  it  has  not  only  shown  itself  willing  to  fight  in  war  for  success,  and 
ready  to  demand  of  other  nations  that  whicli  is  proper  and  right  and 
just  ;  but  at  the  same  time,  in  order  that  it  may  live  On  always  as 
proudly  and  grandly  as  it  has  lived  in  the  past,  it  shall  act  as  an  honest 
man  does  toward  his  neighbor — it  shall  pay  its  citizens,  and  everybody, 
every  dollar  and  every  cent  that  it  justly  owes.  [Great  cheering.] 
By  doing  this,  by  taking  this  course,  we  can  always  be  proud  of  the 
name  of  Americans,  and  other  nations  will  point  to  us  and  say,  "  That 
country  has  a  record  that  no  citizen  living  upon  her  soil  need  be 
ashamed  of  in  any  court  in  the  world." 

LOGAN'S  GREAT  SPEECH  AT  LOUISVILLE,  KY. — ON  SLAVERY, 
EMANCIPATION,  AND  EDUCATION THE  WAR  AND  ITS  RE 
SULTS HE  BEARDS  THE  LION  IN  ITS  DEN. 

The  next  public  speech  General  Logan  made  was  in  July, 
1865,  at  tne  court-house  of  Louisville,  Ky.  It  was  a  remark 
able  speech,  in  which  he  boldly  stood  up  before  the  slave 
holders  of  Kentucky, — who  had  even  refused  to  be  paid  for 


108  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  proposed  emancipation  of  their  slaves  when  President 
Lincoln  made  the  offer, — and  not  only  pleaded  with  them  to 
adopt  the  then  pending  Thirteenth  Constitutional  Amend 
ment,  but  to  liberate  their  slaves  voluntarily  and  without  pay 
ment,  and  proved  to  them  that  it  was  in  the  interest  of  their 
own  material  prosperity  so  to  do.  It  was  a  brave  speech,  a 
persuasive  speech,  an  eloquent  speech.  In  it  he  gave  the 
following  terse  yet  comprehensive  review  of  the  rebellion  and 
its  results  : 

The  revolution  we  have  just  passed  through  has  shaken  from  centre 
to  circumference  the  civilized  world.  The  war  we  have  just  fought 
through,  is  without  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  ages.  It  has  developed 
resources  of  power  that  have  smitten  mankind  with  mingled  admiration 
and  amazement.  Superficial  observers  attribute  its  origin  to  a  fanatical 
design  to  abolish  slavery,  and  claim  that  this  is  the  one  only  great  re 
sult  that  has  been  accomplished.  It  had  no  such  origin.  The  truth  is, 
it  was  the  bastard  bantling  of  ambition  and  avarice.  Demagogues,  as 
piring  to  rise,  poured  into  the  ear  of  credulous  cupidity  the  poison  of 
passion.  Capital  is  proverbially  timid.  Man  is  easily  persuaded  that 
his  estate  is  in  danger.  Sectional  prejudices  were  exasperated.  Public 
distrust  and  private  discontent,  hand  in  hand,  went  stalking  abroad  at 
noonday  over  the  land.  <k  The  Southern  heart  "  was  fired — "  fired  with 
unmanly  fear  and  unholy  lusts."  The  Southern  mind  was  "  instructed," 
wickedly  instructed,  in  all  the  subtle  sinfulness  of  treason.  The  rest  is 
history. 

Among  the  results  accomplished,  it  is  true  that  the  abolition  of  slav 
ery  claims  a  high  rank,  but  not  the  highest.  The  political  problem 
embraced  in  the  proposition  asserting  man's  capacity  for  self-govern 
ment  was  at  stake.  It  involved  freedom's  fairest  fortunes,  civil  liberty's 
last  lingering  hope.  If  man  is  not  able  to  govern  himself,  he  must 
wear  the  chains  of  slavery  that  tyrants  forge  for  his  limbs,  and  can 
never  be  free  ;  and  if  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  failed 
to  sustain  itself  in  this  very  first  ordeal  through  which  its  stability  was 
called  to  pass,  the  glorious  orb  of  civil  freedom  must  have  gone  down 
forever  in  gloom  and  blood.  Propagandism  would  have  received  a 
blow  that  would  have  sent  it  staggering  along  its  winding  way  for 
another  thousand  years  over  Europe.  Legitimacy  would  have  taken  a 
lease  for  her  crowns  to  her  thrones  for  the  same  period,  and  man  must 
have  been  left  to  sleep  another  long,  dark  night  of  slavery  and  despair. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


I09 


This  Government  was  fast  attaining  an  altitude  of  national  pros 
perity  that  was  filling  all  Europe  with  alarm.  That  prosperity  was 
(and  still  is,  thank  Heaven)  threatening  to  swallow  up  the  wealth  of 
the  world  ;  our  growing  power  held  every  crown  on  earth  in  awe.  To 
have  exploded  the  fundamental  principles  of  philosophy  upon  which 
such  a  government  was  erected  would  have  been  indeed  a  great  tri 
umph  for  them.  But  the  God  of  battles  has  ordered  it  otherwise.  The 
rebellion  has  been  crushed,  the  Union  has  been  preserved,  and  our 
Government  stands  to-day  on  a  foundation  of  public  faith  against  which 
neither  the  treachery  of  treason  nor  the  gates  of  hell  can  ever  prevail. 
That  great  political  problem  "  still  lives,"  and  the  "  Stars  and  Stripes  " 
still  wave,  and  God  grant  that  they  shall  ever  wave,  "  o'er  the  land  of 
the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave,"  until 

"  Wrapt  in  red  flames  the  realms  of  ether  glow, 

And  Heaven's  last  thunders  shake  the  world  below." 

Upon  the  subject  of  slavery, — and  he  illustrated  his  posi 
tion  by  an  array  of  facts  and  figures  that  was  absolutely  con 
clusive, — in  the  very  teeth  of  the  slaveholders  he  was  ad 
dressing,  he  was  not  afraid  to  say : 

The  institution  of  slavery  was  always  a  curse  to  the  country  where 
it  existed.  .  .  .  This  peculiar  institution  prevents  public  prosperity, 
by  multiplying  monopolies,  discouraging  the  dissemination  of  knowl 
edge,  fostering  indolence  and  ignorance,  degrading  the  humble,  crip 
pling  industry,  pandering  to  the  pomp  of  the  proud,  and  crushing 
under  the  iron  heel  of  social  despotism  the  aspirations  of  plebeian  ambi 
tion.  It  fills  the  land  with  nabobs  who  must  have  baronial  estates  in 
acres  by  the  thousands  to  lord  it  over.  The  owner  of  twenty  thousand 
acres  of  land  rarely  ever  cultivates  more  than  one  thousand.  Here, 
then,  are  nineteen  thousand  acres  of  land  lying  idle,  which,  if  owned 
by  two  hundred  industrious  freemen  who  would  cultivate  it,  might  be 
made  to  support  a  population  of  one  thousand  people,  besides  contrib 
uting  liberally  to  the  public  revenue.  But  owned,  as  these  large  estates 
have  been  in  the  South,  by  men  who  would  neither  cultivate  nor  rent 
them  out,  that  whole  country  has  been,  as  it  were,  under  the  lock  and 
key  of  an  aristocratic  proprietorship  which  amounted  to  an  insuperable 
bar  to  immigration,  effectually  preventing  the  increase— at  least  any 
thing  like  a  rapid  increase — of  the  white  population,  and  naturally 
stunting  the  material  growth  of  the  State. 

Already,  Logan  the  private  citizen,  had  been  devoting 
the  few  weeks  that  had  elapsed  since  the  close  of  the  war  to 


HO  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

a  close  study  not  alone  of  the  causes  which  had  produced 
that  fearful  convulsion,  and  the  immediate  results  flowing 
from  the  triumph  of  the  Union  arms,  but  to  other  and  more 
remote  results,  and  also  the  instrumentalities  by  which  might 
be  restored  to  the  whole  land  a  far  greater  measure  of  pros 
perity,  happiness,  and  progress  than  it  had  ever  yet  seen. 
He  had  already  reached  certain  definite  conclusions  on  this 
subject  at  a  time  when  the  public  mind,  even  of  the  North, 
was  hesitant  and  befogged.  Hence,  at  this  early  day,  and  in 
the  very  presence  of  slaveholders,  he  said  of  the  attitude  of 
the  Nation  to  the  negro  race : 

According  to  the  views  I  entertain  of  the  obligations  the  Govern 
ment  lias  incurred  toward  this  benighted  race,  it  has  no  right  to  leave 
them  where  they  now  stand.  We  found  them  slaves,  and  made  them 
freemen  ;  we  found  them  in  a  state  of  barbarous  ignorance,  living  re 
gardless  of  all  law,  human  or  divine,  in  open  and  notorious  concubinage, 
and  is  it  not  our  solemn  duty  as  Christians  to  enlighten  them,  to  dip 
them  at  least  seven  times  in  the  Jordan  of  civilization  ?  This  duty,  if 
recognized,  implies  the  necessity  of  universal  emancipation  in  all  sections  at 
the  same  time,  that  the  legislation  on  this  subject  may  be  general  and  in 
discriminate,  thorough  and  universal. 

Hence,  also,  at  this  early  day,  he  had  reached  the  conclu 
sion  that  popular  education  must  of  all  things  be  encouraged, 
that  illiteracy  must  be  wiped  away — an  idea  which  we  shall 
see  he  afterward  endeavored,  with  all  his  power,  to  urge  upon 
Congress  ;  an  idea  that  has  since  developed  into  the  propo 
sition  to  distribute  the  present  large  surplus  in  our  National 
treasury  to  the  various  States  for  educational  purposes,  the 
distribution  to  be  made  on  the  percentage  of  necessity,  the 
basis  of  illiteracy.  More  than  twenty  years  ago,  armed  with 
all  the  logic  and  righteous  eloquence  of  his  cause,  Logan  told 
Southern  men  to  their  faces,  on  their  own  soil,  these  things : 

We  look  in  vain  through  the  Southern  States  for  public  schools. 
Ignorance  sits  enthroned  where  the  flowers  bloom  in  mid-winter  and 
waste  their  fragrance  upon  the  desert  air.  Why  is  this?  The  riddle 
is  easily  read.  The  educated  man  will  think,  and  if  his  heart  is  edu- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


Ill 


cated  will  feel,  and  "out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth 
speaketh."  Surely,  then,  that  same  policy  which  made  it  a  legal  crime 
to  educate  a  slave  must,  in  the  inexorable  spirit  of  its  theory,  oppose 
the  education  of  any  and  every  body  who,  per  possibility,  may  become 
the  friend  of  the  slave.  The  people  of  the  South  having  resolved  to 
perpetually  persist  in  holding  on  to  their  institutions,  pursued  a  politic 
plan  to  prevent  the  spread  of  popular  education.  Can  any  man  fail  to 
see,  or  fail  to  feel,  that  any  institution,  the  interest  of  which  must  make 
such  exactions,  is  bound  to  be  a  country's  curse  ?  Lycurgus,  who  was 
a  great  and  good  Grecian  lawgiver  in  his  day  and  generation,  insisted 
that  children  are  the  property  of  the  State.  There  is  but  one  use  to 
which  the  State  can  put  children — that  is,  to  educate  them.  Intelligence 
is  Heaven's  rarest  gift  to  earth.  It  is  that  attribute  which  gives  men  a 
•claim  to  an  affinity  with  angels  ;  and  that  State  is  false  to  her  most 
sacred  trusts,  as  well  as  to  her  most  vital  interests,  which  fails  to  de 
velop  all  of  her  mental  resources.  Had  a  wise  system  of  popular  edu 
cation  been  adopted  at  the  South  at  the  same  time  it  was  in  the  North, 
that  section  might  not  be  to-day,  as  it  verily  is,  without  the  light  of 
a  single  great  mind  to  guide  it  through  the  dark  wilderness  of  its 
troubles.  Attribute,  if  you  please,  the  degradation,  in  which  is  found 
buried  the  Southern  mind,  either  to  a  jealousy  of  education  or  the  self 
ishness  of  affluence,  and  still  it  is  the  institution  of  slavery  that  causes 
it.  Slaveholders  constituted  invariably  a  large  majority  of  their  legis 
lative  bodies.  Having  the  means  to  educate  their  own  children,  they 
failed  to  feel  for  others,  and  were  unwilling  to  vote  for  a  measure  ap 
propriating  the  people's  money  to  the  education  of  the  poorer  classes 
of  society,  and  the  consequence  is  that  in  the  rural  regions  of  the  South 
the  people  are  frequently  found  in  whole  communities  totally  destitute 
of  the  simplest  rudiments  of  an  English  education.  That  allusion  of 
President  Johnson  to  the  fact  that  not  only  had  the  negro,  but  also  the 
poor  white  man  of  the  South,  been  made  free,  was  pregnant  with  a 
stunning  significance.  God  grant  that  the  schoolmaster  may  soon  find 
his  way  to  that  unhappy  land.  It  is  a  wilderness  of  desolation  now,  but 
it  is  a  wilderness  that,  under  careful  culture,  a  provident  patriotism  may 
cause  to  blossom  as  the  rose.  The  smile  of  Heaven  has  fallen  nowhere 
more  softly  and  sweetly  than  it  has  fallen  there.  It  rests  upon  her 
mountain-brows  like  a  crown  of  glory  ;  the  eye  lingers  rapturously  upon 
the  landscape  where  Nature's  pencil  has  left  its  most  delicate  touches 
and  tints.  In  mid-winter,  over  her  variegated  fields  of  wild-flowers,  an 
air  floats  "soft  and  balmy  as  the  perfumed  atmosphere  of  an  Auzonian 
heaven."  In  the  transparent  bosom  of  her  quiet  lakes,  millions  upon 
millions  of  the  finny  tribe  disport,  while  along  their  shady  shores,  the  air 


H2  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

is  often  darkened  by  the  wings  of  canvas-back  duck  and  other  aquatic 
fowls,  whose  flesh  is  prized  by  epicureans  as  a  dainty  delicacy.  Fruits, 
rich  in  the  voluptuous  juices  that  delight  the  thirsty  palate,  are  indig- 
genous  to  the  soil,  and  it  is  there  that  you  will  find  the  throne  of  the 
vegetable  kingdom.  In  her  hill-sides  are  found  every  variety  of  mineral 
ore,  while  it  seems  to  have  been  the  design  of  Jehovah  that  her  soil  and 
clime  should  produce  the  cotton  and  the  rice  that  is  to  glut  the  marts  of 
the  world.  Her  rivers  are  broad,  and  navigable  enough  to  furnish  com 
mercial  highways,  while  thousands  of  her  smaller  streams  tempt  enter 
prise  to  speculate  in  the  utilizing  of  their  spendthrift  waters.  From  her 
mountain-sides  gush  mineral  fountains  whose  medicinal  fame  arrests  the 
attention  and  attracts  the  weary  footsteps  of  affliction's  wandering  pil 
grims  from  all  parts  of  the  habitable  globe  ;  with  thousands  of  miles  of 
coast,  bays  enchantingly  beautified,  and  harbors  the  very  safest  known 
to  the  storm-shivering  ships  of  the  sea. 

Why  is  it  that,  despite  all  of  these  immense  advantages,  the  North 
has  so  miraculously  outstripped  the  South  in  prosperity?  Why  has 
New  York  outstripped  Virginia?  Ohio,  Kentucky?  Illinois,  Tennes 
see  ?  and  any  of  the  Western  States,  all  of  the  Southern  States  ?  The 
answer  is  to  be  found  in  the  simple  fact  that  whenever  and  wherever 
you  find  slavery  you  find  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  national  pros 
perity. 

Slavery  having  once  ceased  to  exist  all  over  the  South,  her  portals 
thrown  open  to  immigration,  and  Northern  energy  infused  into  the 
people,  it  is  easy  to  look  into  the  future  and  behold  a  destiny  looming 
up  for  this  bright  land,  that  shall  make  it,  at  least,  what  it  must  have 
been  designed  to  be,  from  the  first, — the  garden  of  the  universe. 

THE     CAMPAIGN     OF     1865 LOGAN'S     CAMPAIGN     SERVICES AP 
POINTED  MINISTER  TO  MEXICO,  BUT  DECLINES. 

In  the  campaign  of  1865,  General  Logan  took  the  stump, 
and  rendered  valuable  services  to  the  Republican  Party,  not 
confining  his  efforts  to  his  own  State,  but  going  where  he 
was  most  needed.  Says  the  New  Era  : 

In  the  fall  of  1865,  when  New  York  and  New  Jersey  were  struggling 
for  Republican  success,  General  Logan  went  to  their  assistance,  and 
his  efforts  were  readily  acknowledged  by  all  as  having  materially  aided 
in  the  glorious  result  and  the  redemption  of  New  Jersey  from  Copper 
head  rule. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  II3 

During  the  winter  of  1865-66,  General  Logan  was  nomi 
nated  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate  as  Minister  to  Mexico, 
but  although  strongly  urged  to  accept  the  honor,  declined  it. 

Commenting  upon  this  appointment  the  New  York  Her 
ald  said  at  the  time  : 

The  appointment  of  General  John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois  as  United 
States  Minister  to  the  Republic  of  Mexico  is  one  of  the  most  important 
diplomatic  movements  that  we  have  ever  been  called  upon  to  chronicle. 
Although  this  Government  has  not  yet  interfered  in  the  Mexican  imbro 
glio,  and  has  not  yet  given  any  material  aid  to  the  Mexican  Republicans 
who  are  so  gallantly  struggling  against  foreign  invaders,  still  the  most 
explicit  declarations  of  the  unanimous  sentiment  of  our  people  upon 
the  subject  have  been  placed  upon  record  from  time  to  time.  .  .  . 
Neither  Napoleon  nor  Maximilian  can  possibly  mistake  the  meaning  of 
these  repeated  popular  and  official  manifestations,  and  the  appointment 
of  General  Logan  as  our  Minister  to  Mexico  is  still  more  unequivocal. 
There  are  several  circumstances  which  make  the  selection  of  General  Lo 
gan  peculiarly  appropriate  and  peculiarly  ominous.  In  the  first  place, 
he  is  one  of  our  bravest  generals,  and  all  our  generals  are  known  to  be 
in  favor  of  assisting  Juarez,  by  force  if  necessary,  in  resuming  the  au 
thority  which  has  been  usurped  by  Maximilian.  In  the  second  place, 
General  Logan  is  a  personal  friend  of  President  Johnson,  and  as  such 
is  presumed  to  fully  understand  and  represent  his  views.  In  the  next 
place,  General  Logan's  own  opinions  have  already  been  very  plainly 
announced  in  his  public  speeches,  and  especially  in  that  Cooper  In 
stitute  speech  which  attracted  such  marked  attention  throughout  the 
country  ;  and,  therefore,  his  appointment  is  in  some  sort  an  indorse 
ment  of  all  that  he  has  said.  .  .  .  We  do  not  suppose  that  the  ap 
pointment  of  General  Logan  will  be  followed  by  any  overt  demonstra 
tion  against  the  Empire  that  France  has  set  up  upon  this  continent. 
...  We  hold,  however,  that  the  establishment  of  a  foreign  empire 
upon  this  continent,  no  matter  with  what  intentions,  was  not  a  friendly 
act  toward  this  Government,  and  was  beyond  the  legitimate  province 
of  Napoleon's  policy.  For  this  reason  we  array  ourselves  against  it. 
.  .  .  What  is  to  come  next  the  future  will  determine  ;  but  we  hope 
that  Napoleon  will  boldly  and  frankly  solve  the  whole  -question  by 
abandoning  his  Mexican  project. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that,  soon  afterward,  Napo 
leon  did  abandon  it. 


II4  LIFE  OF 


APPOINTMENT    AS    MINISTER    TO    JAPAN,   DECLINED    ALSO  --  NOMI 
NATED    TO    THE     FORTIETH    CONGRESS     FROM     THE     STATE    AT 
LARGE  -  HIS    EXTRAORDINARY  CANVASS  OF  ILLINOIS  IN    1  866— 
MALIGNANT  VILIFICATION.  -  HIS  MAJORITY  OF  SIXTY  THOUSAND  ! 

A  few  months  later,  the  President  conferred  upon  Gen 
eral  Logan  another  mark  of  distinction,  by  tendering  him  the 
mission  to  Japan,  but  this  also  he  refused,  preferring  to  re 
main  a  private  citizen,  in  his  own  native  State.  He  was, 
however,  soon  called  from  the  ranks  of  private  life  again.  In 
1866  he  was  nominated  by  acclamation  by  the  Republican  State 
Convention  of  Illinois  as  Congressman-at-large  in  the  Forti 
eth  Congress,  a  nomination  which  he  did  not  seek,  but  which 
he  accepted  in  order  to  help  the  success  of  the  ticket.  He 
was  elected  by  a  majority  of  nearly  sixty  thousand  votes 
over  his  Democratic  competitor.  Said  an  Illinois  paper, 
speaking  of  General  Logan's  canvass,  November  15,  1866: 

In  the  campaign  just  closed,  no  man  has  ever  before  made  such  a 
canvass  in  this  State  ;  and  the  result  of  it  is  seen  and  felt  by  all.  What 
man  is  there  in  this  country  who  has  made  so  many  sacrifices  and  done 
so  much  work  in  the  field  and  in  the  political  arena  as  has  General 
Logan  ?  He  is  bold,  fearless,  and  daring,  and  fights  his  political  ene 
mies  as  he  fought  on  the  battlefield.  He  has  been  traduced,  maligned, 
and  slandered  during  the  last  two  or  three  years  as  no  man  has  ever 
been  before  in  the  State.  He  bears  it  all,  and  makes  the  most  gallant 
campaign  ever  won,  vindicating  himself  and  his  party.  His  enemies 
hate  him  and  his  friends  love  him.  He  is  always  ready  to  help  a  friend 
or  defend  him  against  the  assaults  of  others.  He  has  ability  enough 
for  any  position.  On  the  battlefield  he  has  proved  himself  a  military 
genius.  At  the  bar  he  is  the  equal  of  any  of  his  profession.  On  the 
stump  he  has  but  few  equals.  In  the  United  States  Senate  he  would 
soon  win  an  enviable  reputation.  .  .  .  Logan's  voice  has  been 
heard  where  the  opposition  was  so  strong  that  his  life  at  times  has  been 
threatened  and  in  great  danger. 

Already,  it  will  be  seen,  he  had  attained  such  prominence 
as  to  be  talked  of  favorably  for  United  States  Senator.  It 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  ll- 

was  of  this  campaign  that  the  Chicago  Tribune  of  November 
I,  1866,  said: 

No  Illinois  candidate  has  ever  been  subjected  to  so  persistent  and 
malignant  vilification  as  Major-General  John  A.  Logan,  since  he  became 
the  nominee  of  the  Union  men  for  Congressman-at-large.  The  lead 
ing  Copperhead  organ  for  the  past  ten  weeks  has  poured  an  unceasing 
volley  of  slanders  and  abuse  upon  his  head.  It  has  manifested  a  hate 
and  rancor  perfectly  fiendish.  We  have  never  witnessed  in  partisan 
warfare  so  much  malevolence  of  feeling.  The  charges  made  against 
the  gallant  soldier  have  been  so  false  and  scandalous  as  to  fill  even  his 
opponents  with  disgust  and  indignation.  All  honorable  Democrats 
have  cried  Shame  !  .  .  .  But  General  Logan  has  conducted  an 
honorable  and  dignified  canvass.  He  has  met  all  the  issues  fairly  and 
manfully.  He  has  presented  the  Union  side  of  the  question  with  great 
power  and  convincing  force,  .  .  .  and  has  added  to  his  previous 
great  popularity  wherever  he  has  spoken. 

HIS    MAGNETIC    INFLUENCE HIS    DENUNCIATION    OF    ANDREW 

JOHNSON'S  CONTEMPLATED  TREASON — "THE  GREATEST  SPEECH 

EVER    DELIVERED    FROM    THE    STUMP." 

This  campaign  was  conducted  at  the  time  when  President 
Johnson's  extraordinary  policy  was  developing  itself,  to  the 
alarm  of  all  Union  men, — and  that  policy  General  Logan  de 
nounced  with  all  his  power.  The  following  special  despatch 
of  October  n,  1866,  from  Peoria,  111.,  to  the  New  York 
Tribune,  shows  the  magnetism  he  exercised  upon  the  multi 
tudes  that  turned  out  to  listen  to  his  remarkable  stump- 
speeches  : 

The  people  of  this  and  adjoining  counties  without  number  assembled 
in  Peoria  to-day  to  listen  to  Butler  and  Logan.  Well-informed  politi 
cians  say  it  has  been  the  largest  political  gathering  ever  seen  in  Illinois. 
It  is  certain  that  no  less  than  two  acres  of  people,  among  whom  were 
15,000  voters,  were  assembled  in  one  densely  compact  mass  in  the  court 
house  yard. 

In  the  afternoon  General  Butler  made  an  eloquent  argument  in  sup 
port  of  his  well-known  views  of  reconstruction.  It  was  listened  to  with 
unflagging  interest,  and  often  applauded.  His  plea  for  impartial  suf- 


Il6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Trage,  founded  on  the  services  rendered  by  the  negro  in  the  war,  was 
heartily  cheered. 

General  Logan's  speech  was  worthy  of  his  great  reputation  as  a 
popular  orator:  no  man  in  Illinois,  since  the  death  of  Douglas,  has  so 
wonderful  a  magnetic  influence  over  a  vast  audience. 

As  further  evidence  of  Logan's  wonderful  power  on  the 
stump,  it  may  be  stated  that  Mr.  Justice  Miller,  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  while  conversing  on  this  subject  with 
his  nephew,  General  Paul  Vandevoort,  who  mentioned  the 
same  to  the  writer,  said  that  Logan's  speech,  about  this  time, 
at  Keokuk,  la.,  was,  he  believed,  the  greatest  speech  ever  de 
livered  from  the  stump.  "  It  was  the  greatest,"  he  said,  "  be 
cause  of  its  wonderful  effect  upon  the  audience ;  the  greatest, 
because  it  converted  to  the  Republican  cause  more  Demo 
crats  than  had  ever  before  or  since,  to  his  knowledge,  been 
so  converted." 

CONGRESSMAN    LOGAN  AFTER  THE  WAR HIS    SPEECH  ON    RECON 
STRUCTION DEFENCE  OF  THE    REPUBLICAN  PARTY'S    POLICY- 
HE    RIDDLES    ANDREW    JOHNSON'S    RECONSTRUCTION    POLICY- 
PENITENCE    BEFORE    FORGIVENESS — A    RENEWED     "  LOYALTY  " 
THE    KEY-NOTE    OF    PROPER    RECONSTRUCTION. 

On  July  12,  1867,  following  his  re-election  to  Congress, 
Representative  Logan  delivered  a  powerful  and  eloquent 
speech  on  the  "Supplementary  Reconstruction  Bill"  then 
pending,  in  which  he  severely  handled  the  Northern  Copper 
heads,  who  had  falsely  charged  the  Republican  House  with 
having  subverted  the  Constitution  and  trampled  in  the  dust 
the  liberties  of  the  people.  After  proceeding  for  some  time, 
despite  frequent  interruptions  from  the  Democratic  side,  and 
knock-down  rejoinders  from  himself,  Mr.  Logan  continued  as 
follows : 

What  I  am  anxious  to  learn,  Mr.  Speaker,  is,  upon  what  foundation 
rests  this  flippant  and  gratuitous  charge,  repeatedly  made  against  the 
Republican  Party  on  this  floor,  to  the  effect  that  we  are  trampling  lib 
erty  under  foot,  and  destroying  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  portion  of 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE   WAR.  nj 

the  American  people  ?  Wherein  have  we  violated  the  Constitution  ? 
Was  it  in  crushing  the  rebellion  ?  I  have  no  doubt  every  Copperhead 
in  the  Nortli  would  say  yes.  We  did  carry  the  emblem  of  our  National 
glory  and  greatness  from  the  rivers  and  the  lakes  of  the  West  to  the  bays 
and  the  gulfs  of  the  South,  where  it  waves  to-day,  and  will  wave  for 
ever  ;  but  in  doing  so  we  innocently  thought,  hoped,  and  believed  then, 
and  still  honestly  think,  hope,  and  believe,  that  we  were  erecting  around 
the  Constitution  impregnable  bulwarks,  and  laying  for  liberty  a  deeper 
and  a  broader  foundation  in  the  gratitude,  confidence,  and  affections  of 
our  people.  We  never  dreamed  that  for  every  rebel  we  killed  in  the 
South,  we  were  to  make  an  eternal  enemy  in  the  North  ;  and  we  do 
think  it  amounts  to  a  riddle  beyond  the  comprehension  of  mortal  wits, 
how  it  is  that  very  many  of  the  brave  men  who  fought  us,  and  whom 
we  had  to  literally  overwhelm  before  we  could  conquer,  now  that  they 
are  conquered,  are  much  more  ready  to  ask  forgiveness,  and  forget  the 
past  and  be  friends,  as  we  all  ought  to  be  again,  than  are  their  allies, 
who,  however  deep  their  sympathy  with  them  may  have  been  while  the 
war  was  raging,  took  special  pains  to  let  the  danger  pass  before  they 
gave  it  an  airing.  God  forbid  that  the  day  shall  ever  dawn  upon  this 
Republic  when  the  patriots  whose  patriotism  won  them  crutches  and 
wooden  limbs  shall  have  apologies  and  explanations  to  make  for  their 
public-spirited  conduct  to  patriots  who  boast  of  and  abuse  the  privilege 
of  eulogizing  as  their  brethren  the  men  whose  sabres  drank  loyal  blood 
and  whose  bullets  shot  away  loyal  limbs. 

The  next  greatest  wrong  that  they  have  to  complain  of  is,  that  the 
men  who  had  the  pluck  to  stand  by  those  who  in  the  field  had  to  fight 
our  country's  battles,  presumptuously  aspire  to  make  our  laws.  I  think 
thus  far  these  have  vindicated  their  claims  to  the  world's  respect  alike 
on  the  field  and  in  the  halls  of  legislation.  What  is  the  basis  upon 
which  they  fought?  Simply  that  rebellion  was  a  crime.  They  tri 
umphed.  Now  upon  what  basis  have  they  legislated  ?  Simply  that 
rebellion  was  a  crime — and  they  will  triumph  again.  The  people  will 
never  require  us  to  fight  upon  one  principle  and  legislate  on  another— 
to  shed  our  blood  on  the  field,  and  then  come  here  to  make  apologies 
for  it  to  men  who  wanted  us  whipped. 


When  the  South  can  be  loyally  represented  on  this  floor  upon  the 
basis  proposed  by  Congress,  the  problem  of  reconstruction  will  cease  to 
vex  the  discussions  of  this  hall. 

The  prime,  sole,  and  supreme  object  of  the  Republican  Party  is  to 
re-establish  this  Government  upon  a  sure  foundation  of  loyalty,  against 


Il8  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

which  the  frothy  waves  of  treason  may  fret  forever  in  vain.  We  have 
survived  one  rebellion,  and  the  sage  suggestions  of  past  experience 
warn  us  that  it  will  be  wiser  to  prevent  another  rebellion  than  to  too 
confidently  expect  to  survive  it. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  let  us  examine  a  little  further  into  this  question. 
I  perhaps  may  not  have  stated  all  the  reasons  that  actuated  these  gen 
tlemen  in  denouncing  this  side  of  the  House,  and  thereby  denouncing 
every  loyal  man  in  the  country,  every  man  who  has  shown  his  loyalty 
by  his  efforts  to  restore  this  Government  on  a  proper  basis.  The  recent 
rebellion  while  it  was  in  progress  was  led  by  men  who  belonged  to  the 
same  party  to  which  the  gentleman  from  Brooklyn  [Mr.  Robinson,  to 
whom  he  was  replying]  now  belongs,  and  the  party  to  which  I  belonged 
until  I  became  so  thoroughly  ashamed  of  it  that  I  left  it.  .  . 

The  reason  why  these  gentlemen  desire  to-day  to  bring  into  disre 
pute  the  action  of  members  of  this  House  is  because  their  action  is  cal 
culated  to  prevent  a  portion  of  the  people  of  the  Southern  country,  who 
are  in  full  sympathy  with  them,  from  voting  and  holding  office.  Who 
are  they?  Outspoken  rebels,  who  rose  in  arms  against  the  Govern 
ment  ;  the  men  who  conspired  to  destroy  this  glorious  Republic.  Be 
cause  these  men  are  disfranchised  and  prevented  from  exercising  the 
rights  of  American  citizens,  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  object  to  our  pro 
posed  plan  of  reconstruction.  Sir,  they  would  have  the  Southern  States 
reconstructed  according  to  the  plan  of  Andrew  Johnson,  the  gentleman 
who  is  so  immaculate  that  if  we  should  attempt  to  impeach  him  it  will, 
according  to  the  gentleman  from  Brooklyn,  amount  to  a  public  calami 
ty.  What  was  the  plan  of  Andrew  Johnson  ?  Why,  sir,  that  plan  pro 
posed  to  declare  that  those  States  that  had  engaged  in  rebellion  had 
never  lost  any  of  their  rights  in  the  Government ;  that  neither  they  nor 
their  citizens  had  forfeited  any  of  their  privileges  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  In  other  words,  that  treason  was  not  a  crime, 
that  rebels  were  patriots.  It  proposed  to  invite  the  rebels  to  hold  elec 
tions,  and  send  to  this  hall  per  se  secessionists  and  traitors.  In  short, 
to  construct  a  new  party,  in  reconstructing  the  Government,  in  which 
the  secession  rebels  of  the  South  might  unite  with  the  Copperhead 
rebels  of  the  North,  capture  the  citadel  of  power  here,  make  treason 
honorable,  and  loyalty  odious.  There  is  nothing  that,  to  regain  its  lost 
power,  the  Democratic  Party  would  not  willingly  do.  If  it  could  ac 
quire  to-morrow  more  power  by  crushing  under  its  iron  heel  the  South 
than  it  could  by  succoring  it,  it  would  hurl  at  its  Southern  brethren 
thick  and  fast 

"  Curses  of  hate  and  hisses  of  scorn.'1 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  II9 

Their  history  well  establishes  the  fact  that — 

"  Their  friendship  is  a  lurking  snare, 

Their  honor  but  an  idle  breath, 
Their  smile  the  smile  that  traitors  wear; 
Their  love  is  hate,  their  life  is  death." 

Their  sympathy  with  Andrew  Johnson's  plan  of  reconstruction,  and 
their  hostility  to  the  Republican  plan  of  reconstruction,  is  not  attributa 
ble  to  the  merits  or  demerits  of  either  plan  as  a  policy  for  the  country, 
but  solely  as  a  party  policy. 

Now,  sir,  I  maintain  that  the  only  true  plan  upon  which  these  South 
ern  States  ought  to  have  been  reconstructed  is  by  virtue  of  an  organi 
zation  of  military  governments,  and  the  principal  objection  which  I  find 
to  the  bill  now  pending  before  this  House,  albeit  I  shall  vote  for  it,  is, 
that  it  fails  to  state  with  sufficient  explicitness  that  the  governments  of 
these  States  were  entirely  overthrown  and  destroyed  by  the  treason  and 
rebellion  of  the  people,  and  that  no  legal  civil  governments  have  existed 
there  since.  I  would  recognize  no  governors  or  other  officers  pretend 
ing  to  act  there  now  in  an  official  capacity,  but  would  remove  them 
instanter.  I  would  insist  that  when  the  fiery  billows  of  war  rolled  over 
the  South,  they  bore  away,  into  the  broad  ocean  of  chaos,  their  laws  and 
constitutions,  as  the  floods  of  their  own  mighty  Father  of  Waters  sweep 
the  drift-wood  they  gather  into  the  Mexican  Gulf  ;  and  that,  according 
to  the  laws  of  war,  they  were  subject  only  to  military  rule  at  the  hands 
of  their  conquerors,  and  so  ought  to  remain  until  traitors  shall  learn  how 
to  blush  for  their  crimes,  and  modestly  decline  office  instead  of  attempt 
ing,  as  they  now  do  daily,  to  thrust  themselves  forward  to  grasp  the 
reins  of  a  Government  that  they  hate  in  their  hearts.  I  would  put  them 
on  probation,  and  make  their  return  to  power  depend  upon  the  merits 
of  their  penitence. 

But  let  us  return  to  the  gentleman's  grave  charges  of  outrage  and 
wrong  supposed  to  have  been  committed  by  this  Congress.  To  be 
charitable,  we  will  have  to  give  the  gentleman,  and  his  party,  credit  for 
a  memory  as  full  of  treachery  as  their  Southern  brethren  were  of  treason. 
They  seem  to  have  forgotten  everything  they  ought  to  remember,  and 
remember  some  things  they  certainly  ought  not  only  to  forget  them 
selves,  but  want  everybody  else  to  forget.  They  seem  to  have  forgotten 
the  scenes  and  events  that  mark  the  historical  epoch  through  which  we 
have  so  recently  passed,  and  they  seem  to  have  totally  forgotten  that 
these  pet  Southern  brethren  of  theirs,  when  they  did  occupy  seats  on 
this  floor,  gave  us  practical  illustrations  of  dignity  in  debate  that  made 
of  this  Hall  a  "bear  garden,"  much  more  attractive  to  lovers  of  gladia 
torial  sports  and  patrons  of  the  "  fancy "  than  to  the  wise,  prudent, 


120  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

sedate,  and  good  citizen  ;  when  bowie-knives  bristled  from  their  breasts, 
revolvers  filled  all  their  pockets,  and  clubs  were  substituted  among  them 
for  canes  ;  when  they  spoke  to  a  Northern  legislator  in  these  halls,  with 
scowls  on  their  brows,  threats  on  their  lips,  and  fingers  on  triggers. 
„  .  .  They  seem  to  have  forgotten  the  price  the  peace  we  enjoy 
to-day  has  cost  this  Nation,  and  the  crimson  currency  in  which  it  was 
paid  ;  the  broken  hearts  with  which  it  filled  bruised  and  troubled  bosoms 
at  home ;  the  mangled  bodies  with  which  it  filled  the  hospitals  every 
where,  and  the  lifeless  forms  of  manly  beauty  with  which  it  filled  hun 
dreds  of  thousands  of  nameless  graves  on  the  far-off  battle-plains  of  the 
South.  They  seem  to  have  forgotten  the  bitter,  scalding  tears  that 
rolled  like  floods  of  lava  down  the  fair  faces  of  the  loyal  mothers,  wives, 
and  sisters  of  this  land  when  the  names  ineffably  dear  to  them  were 
found  announced  in  the  long  lists  of  the  killed  that  were  published  as  a 
sequel  to  the  first  flash  of  the  lightning  that  reported  a  battle  had  been 
fought ;  and  I  dare  say  they  have  forgotten  that  there  ever  was  such  a 
prison  as  Andersonville,  and  the  long,  long  catalogue  of  horrors  that 
brave  men  had  to  suffer  there  for  being  true  to  themselves,  their  Con 
stitution,  their  flag,  their  homes,  families,  and  country.  Well  for  such 
gentlemen  would  it  be,  if  they  could  occasionally  meet,  as  they  wander 
daily  over  this  broad  country,  a  few,  of  the  many  wan  spectres  of  suf 
fering  and  woe,  who  were  captured  by  the  saintly  Southern  brethren  of 
Northern  Democrats  on  fields  of  strife,  thrust  into  prisons  unfit  for 
dogs,  and  starved  till  a  hale  constitution  was  a  wreck,  and  then  left  to 
suffer  the  worst  penalties  of  privation  incident  to  weather  and  climate. 
I  could  give  my  friend  from  Brooklyn  illustrations  of  individual  suffer 
ing  at  Andersonville  that  would  make  the  hair  stand  on  his  head,  the 
blood  freeze  in  his  veins,  and  curses  spring  involuntarily  to  his  lips.  I 
remember  one  poor  boy  from  my  immediate  vicinity,  especially.  His 
name  is  Dougherty.  He  went  into  Andersonville  prison  without  a  scar 
on  his  young  body  or  a  cloud  on  his  fair  brow,  but  under  the  humani- 
tarianism  of  Southern  chivalry  he  came  out  without  a  foot  to  walk  on. 
They  were  literally  frozen  off,  in  prison. 


I  trust,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  we  will  pass  such  a  bill  as  may  be  under 
stood,  properly  construed,  and  energetically  executed,  and  that  when  it 
is,  that  it  will  leave  the  Southern  State  governments  in  the  hands  of 
men  loyal  and  true,  and  forever  prevent  disloyal  men  from  employing 
power  and  place  to  foment  treason.  It  is  not  when  they  come,  but  how 
they  come,  that  is  the  all-important  point  with  me.  I  would  be  glad  to 
welcome  them  back  to-morrow  if  I  were  satisfied  they  were  reorganized 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  I2I 

aright ;  but  it  is  my  intention  to  vote,  as  long  as  I  have  a  vote  here,  to 
keep  them  out  until  they  can  come  in  on  the  broad  basis  of  loyalty  to 
the  Government.  And  when  they  can  do  that,  I  am  willing  to  receive 
their  Representatives  to  the  Halls  of  our  National  Legislature,  and 
will  assist  to  protect  them  against  anything  in  anywise  prejudicial  to 
any  of  their  legal  rights  or  interests  as  States.  .  .  .  The  hour  they 
discover  they  possess  the  good  sense  and  courage  to  repudiate  openly 
and  emphatically  treason,  and  embrace  warmly  and  sincerely  loyalty, 
they  will  see  dawn  upon  them  the  bright  morning  of  their  regeneration 
and  deliverance. 

THE  REASON    WHY    THE    DEMOCRATIC    LEADERS    HATED    LOGAN- 
HOW    LOGAN    SAVED    TO    THE  GOVERNMENT  NEARLY  ONE  MILL 
ION  DOLLARS. 

That  detraction  in  its  worst  forms  is  always  to  be  ex 
pected  by  any  candidate  on  the  Republican  Presidential  ticket, 
"goes  without  saying."  That  such  a  grand  figure — grand  in 
peace  as  it  was  heroic  in  war — as  its  recent  candidate  for  the 
Vice-Presidency  presented,  would  be  subjected  to  all  the  as 
saults  that  Democratic  envy,  hatred,  and  uncharitableness 
could  inspire,  was  to  be  expected.  But  Logan  was  used  to 
that  sort  of  thing.  He  had  been  through  that  sort  of  fire  be 
fore,  and  came  out  then  as  victorious  as  he  did  when  con 
fronted  by  the  storms  of  Confederate  missiles  in  the  war,  and 
Democratic  missiles,  rattling  against  the  armor  of  his  patriot 
ism  and  purity,  fell  harmless  at  his  feet,  in  1884,  as  they  had  in 
previous  years.  We  are  tempted  to  this  digression  by  the 
fact  that  it  was  in  this  same  speech  before  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives — now,  twenty  years  ago, — that  he  gave  the  rea 
son  of  this  special  hostility  of  the  Democratic  leaders  to  him, 
in  these  telling  words : 

The  unrelenting  war  waged  against  me  by  the  Democracy  is  liable 
to  be  misunderstood  if  looked  at  superficially.  //  is  not  because,  as  has 
been  suspected  by  some,  I  was  a  Democrat  and  am  one  no  longer.  Dying 
out  as  it  has  been,  slowly  but  painfully,  for  the  last  eight  years,  with 
the  dry-rot,  that  party  has  become  too  much  accustomed  to  see  men  of 
sense  withdraw  their  allegiance  from  it,  to  make  my  instance  a  source 


122  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

of  serious  irritation.  The  true  reason,  which  explains  the  malevolence 
with  which  they  pursue  me,  will  be  found  in  the  fact  that  while  the  recent 
war  was  raging,  the  honorable  distinction  was  awarded  to  me  of  having  put 
to  the  sword  my  full  share  of  their  party,  who  fell  fighting  in  front  of  my  com 
mand  under  the  spotted  flag  of  treason  to  support  their  sentiments  and  prin 
ciples. 

It  was  during-  the  session  of  1867-68,  while  Andrew  John 
son  was  still  President,  and  Hugh  McCulloch  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  that  General  Logan's  vigilant  watchfulness 
saved  to  the  Government  nearly  one  million  dollars.  An 
Illinois  paper  of  that  time  thus  alludes  to  this  important  ser 
vice  : 

Could  the  history  of  the  present  session  of  Congress  be  fully  written 
out,  it  would  be  found  that  General  John  A.  Logan,  the  only  member 
representing  an  entire  State,  is  no  less  distinguished  in  his  services  than 
in  his  constituency.  He  is  not  confined  to  strictly  political  labors, 
neither  does  he  waste  time  in  buncombe  speeches.  To  illustrate  the 
practical  nature  of  his  services  take  his  connection  with  the  Sundry 
Civil  Expenses  Bill  pending  in  Congress,  for  "  necessary  expenses"  con 
nected  witii  the  Government  bonds,  notes,  etc.  The  estimate  for  this 
appropriation,  when  it  came  from  the  Treasury,  was  $2,900,000,  which 
amount  excited  the  curiosity  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations.  It 
was  explained  to  them  by  the  Secretary,  that  it  was  to  pay  employes 
in  the  Note  and  Bond  Printing  Bureau,  and  for  paper  and  other  ma 
terials.  The  committee  thereupon  cut  it  down  to  $1,500,000,  but  Gen 
eral  Logan,  having  recently  had  an  experience  of  the  wasteful  manner 
in  which  paper  is  used  in  that  bureau,  and  having  seen  considerable  of 
the  loose  way  in  which  this  business  is  transacted,  thought  a  little  further 
examination  would  do  no  harm.  He  thereupon  procured  an  account  of 
the  actual  and  necessary  expenditures  of  the  bureau  for  the  month  of 
February,  1868,  and  found  them  to  be  $47,000.  He  then  multiplied  this 
number  by  twelve,  for  the  twelve  months  of  the  year,  and  moved  to 
amend  the  bill  by  striking  out  the  $1,500,000  and  inserting  $565,000. 
This  motion  was  agreed  to.  It  will  be  seen  from  this,  that  General 
Logan  saved  the  Government  from  being  robbed  of  nearly  one  million 
dollars  in  this  one  instance  !  To  the  Philadelphia  Ledger  belongs  the 
credit  of  being  the  first  to  call  especial  attention  to  this  service  of  our 
Congressman-at-large.  Such  a  member  cannot  be  spared  from  the 
Halls  of  Congress. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  I2. 

LOGAN  THRICE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  GRAND  ARMY  OF 
THE  REPUBLIC — OBJECTS  OF  THAT  ORDER,  AS  STATED  BY 
HIMSELF — HE  INSTITUTES  THE  ANNUAL  MEMORIAL,  OR  DEC 
ORATION  DAY. 

In  January,  1868,  General  Logan's  comrades  of  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic  elected  him  commander-in-chief  of  that 
order,  and  afterward  honored  him  and  themselves  by  twice 
re-electing  him  to  that  distinguished  position.  It  was  during- 
his  first  incumbency  that  General  Logan,  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  this  military  society,  issued  the  order — which  he 
often  afterward  alluded  to  as  il  the  proudest  act  of  my  life,"- 
setting  apart  the  3Oth  of  May  as  a  day  in  memory  of  the  dead 
soldiers  who  lost  their  lives  to  perpetuate  this  Union, — a  day 
on  which  to  decorate  their  sacred  graves  and  keep  in  mind 
their  glorious  deeds.  This  memorable  order, — which  was  is 
sued  to  all  the  comrades  of  the  "  Grand  Army  of  the  Repub 
lic  "  throughout  the  land, — was  in  these  inspiring  words : 

HEADQUARTERS  GRAND  ARMY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC, 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

446  i4TH  STREET,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  5,   1868. 
General  Orders,  No.  n. 

I.  The  3oth  day  of  May,  1868,  is  designated  for  the  purpose  of 
strewing  with  flowers,  or  otherwise  decorating,  the  graves  of  comrades 
who  died  in  defence  of  their  country  during  the  late  rebellion,  and 
whose  bodies  now  lie  in  almost  every  city,  village,  hamlet,  and  church 
yard  in  the  land.  In  this  observance,  no  form  of  ceremony  is  pre 
scribed,  but  posts  and  comrades  will,  in  their  own  way,  arrange  such 
fitting  services  and  testimonials  of  respect,  as  circumstances  may  per 
mit. 

We  are  organized,  comrades,  as  our  regulations  tell  us,  for  the  pur 
pose,  among  other  things,  "  of  preserving  and  strengthening  those  kind 
and  fraternal  feelings  which  have  bound  together  the  soldiers,  sailors, 
and  marines,  who  united  together  to  suppress  the  late  rebellion." 
What  can  aid  more  to  assure  this  result  than  by  cherishing  tenderly  the 
memory  of  our  heroic  dead,  who  made  their  breasts  a  barricade  between 
our  country  and  its  foes.  Their  soldier  lives  were  the  reveille  of  free 
dom  to  a  race  in  chains,  and  their  deaths  the  tattoo  of  rebellious  tyranny 


124  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

in  arms.  We  should  guard  their  graves  with  sacred  vigilance.  All  that 
the  consecrated  wealth  and  taste  of  the  nation  can  add,  to  their  adorn 
ment  and  security,  is  but  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  memory  of  her  slain 
defenders.  Let  no  wanton  foot  tread  rudely  on  such  hallowed  grounds. 
Let  pleasant  paths  invite  the  coining  and  going  of  reverent  visitors  and 
fond  mourners.  Let  no  vandalism  of  avarice  or  neglect,  no  ravages  of 
time,  testify  to  the  present  or  to  the  coming  generations  that  we  have 
forgotten,  as  a  people,  the  cost  of  a  free  and  undivided  Republic. 

If  other  eyes  grow  dull,  and  other  hands  slack,  and  other  hearts 
grow  cold  in  the  solemn  trust,  ours  shall  keep  it  well,  as  long  as  the 
light  and  warmth  of  life  remain  to  us. 

Let  us,  then,  at  the  time  appointed,  gather  around  their  sacred  re 
mains,  and  garland  the  passionless  mounds  above  them  with  the 
choicest  flowers  of  spring-time  ;  let  us  raise  above  them  the  dear  old  flag 
they  saved  from  dishonor  ;  let  us,  in  this  solemn  presence,  renew  our 
pledges  to  aid  and  assist  those  whom  they  have  left  among  us,  a  sacred 
charge  upon  a  nation's  gratitude, — the  soldier's  and  sailor's  widow  and 
orphan. 

II.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  inaugurate  this 
observance,  with  the  hope  that  it  will  be  kept  up  from  year  to  year, 
while  a  survivor  of  the  war  remains  to  honor  the  memory  of  his  departed 
comrades.     He  earnestly  desires  the   public  press  to  call   attention   to 
this  order,  and  lend  its  friendly  aid  in  bringing  it  to  the  notice  of  com 
rades  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  in  time  for  simultaneous  compliance 
therewith. 

III.  Department   commanders  will  use  every  effort  to   make   this 
order  effective. 

By  order  of  JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

Co  mmander-in-  Chief. 
Official.     N.  P.  CHIPMAN,  Adjutant-General. 

This  order  having  been  generally  complied  with  through 
out  the  country,  with  beautiful  and  touching  ceremonies  at  the 
graves  of  the  dead,  Mr.  Logan  on  June  22,  1868,  introduced 
a  resolution  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  was 
unanimously  adopted,  in  these  words: 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  the  different  cities,  towns,  etc.,  re 
cently  held  in  commemoration  of  the  gallant  heroes  who  have  sacrificed 
their  lives  in  defence  of  the  Republic,  and  the  record  of  the  ceremonial 
of  the  decoration  of  the  honored  tombs  of  the  departed,  shall  be  collected 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  I25 

and  bound,  under  the  direction   of  such  person  as  the   Speaker  shall 
designate,  for  the"  use  of  Congress. 

Since  then,  as  is  well  known,  Decoration  Day  has  been 
observed  as  a  National  Holiday  nearly  everywhere  in  the 
United  States. 

PASSAGES      FROM      ONE      OF     HIS      MEMORIAL-DAY      ORATIONS A 

THRILLING    WAR-PICTURE. 

The  objects  of  the  "  Grand  Army"  were  further  set  forth 
by  Commander-in-Chief  Logan,  in  a  Decoration-day  oration, 
at  Du  Quoin,  111.,  May  30,  1869,  as  follows: 

The  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  has  been  organized  on  nearly  the 
same  basis  as  "The  Cincinnati,"  and  for  nearly  the  same  object.  It  is 
a  secret  society,  taken  from  the  order  of  our  forefathers,  and  here  are 
the  first-fruits  of  that  society.  It  was  not  organized  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  any  one  man  or  set  of  men,  or  party,  to  position  or  power,  but 
for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  names  and  memories  of  those  heroes 
who  have  fallen  in  the  contest  for  their  country's  life,  and  for  protecting 
their  widows  and  orphans.  And  from  that  society  proceeds  this  idea  of 
strewing  their  comrades'  graves  with  flowers.  From  it,  the  order  was 
issued  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  their  memories  ever  green  in  the 
minds  of  the  living,  and  to  perpetuate  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of 
this  country  the  principle  that  lives  in  this  Government,  and  for  which 
our  comrades  died — the  great  principle  of  liberty,  the  idea  of  freedom 
and  universal  equality  in  our  Government  under  the  laws,  so  far  as  in 
dividual  rights  are  concerned.  The  great  and  glorious  objects  for  which 
these  men  poured  out  their  blood  and  forfeited  their  lives  should  be 
kept  alive  in  each  heart.  This  is  the  grand  idea  we  have  in  view. 
.  .  .  Believing  that  they  were  right,  and  that  their  cause  was  a 
holy  one,  we  have  gathered  around  these  sacred  mounds  to-day  for  the 
purpose  of  solemnly  pledging  ourselves  that  this  noble  purpose  shall 
be  carried  out  by  us  while  we  live  ;  and  that  we  will  teach  it  to  our  chil 
dren,  so  that  when  we  too  are  numbered  with  the  dead,  those  who  re 
main  may  catch  up  the  refrain  of  liberty  and  inspire  every  bosom  with 
zeal  to  emulate  the  deeds  of  those  who  sleep  before  us.  For  this  pur 
pose,  and  with  this  noble  object  in  view,  we  mutually  pledge  ourselves, 
one  to  another. 

In  all  of  General  Logan's  speeches,  whether  orations  or 
otherwise,  there  run  veins  of  true  eloquence.  In  the  oration 


126  LIFE   OP  LOGAN. 

already  referred  to,  occurs  this  thrilling  picture  of  the  patriot 
ism  enkindled  by  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  : 

At  a  time  when  a  dark  and  threatening  cloud  rolled  up  from  our 
Southern  horizon,  and  the  muttering  of  the  distant  thunder-roar  was 
heard,  and  fierce  lightning  shot  from  behind  the  murky  folds — a  time 
when  the  angry  growl  of  war  reverberated  across  the  land  in  deep  and 
threatening  tones, — then  it  was  that  each  patriot  looked  the  coining 
storm  in  the  face  ;  it  was  then,  when  our  beloved  country  was  trembling 
in  the  balance  of  fate,  that  these  noble-hearted  heroes  embarked  in  the 
cause  of  liberty.  And  when  the  first  fire  of  the  enemy's  guns  leaped 
forth,  it  kindled  a  patriotic  blaze  in  the  heart  of  each  man  and  woman 
in  the  land  who  loved  our  flag,  the  glorious  Stars  and  Stripes.  And 
this  fire,  once  kindled,  glowed  and  burned  until  it  swelled  to  one  mighty 
blaze  of  patriotism  that  swept  across  the  continent  as  the  fiery  sheet 
drives  along  the  dry  prairie,  and  twenty  millions  of  Columbia's  sons 
and  daughters  wheeled  into  the  ranks  of  loyalty  and  patriotism — a 
mighty  host,  evincing  their  devotion  to  their  flag  and  country,  swearing 
before  God  and  men  that  the  precious  liberties  purchased  by  the  blood 
of  their  forefathers  should  never  be  sacrificed  to  the  arm  of  treason  or 
to  foreign  foe.  There  was  a  grand  gathering  then.  It  was  the  gather 
ing  of  patriotic  hosts — 

In  arms  the  huts  and  hamlets  rose ; 
From  winding  glen,  from  upland  town, 
They  poured  each  hardy  tenant  down  ; 

Prompt  at  the  signal  of  alarms 

Each  son  of  freedom  rushed  to  arms ! 

From  city  and  country,  from  hill  and  valley,  mountain  and  plain,  at 
freedom's  call  the  bands  of  patriots  came.  Like  a  whirlwind  the  flame 
rushed  over  the  land  from  side  to  side,  and  the  universal  watchword 
was,  "This  country  shall  be  free."  Such  was  the  deep  determination 
of  every  true  heart.  Then  you  could  see  the  great  moving  mass  going 
forward,  not  like  the  dark  and  stealthy  mist  creeping  up  from  the 
murky  swamps,  but  like  the  bright  aurora  rising  and  spreading  his  beams 
of  azure  light.  Then  it  was  that  freemen  united  for  the  purpose  of  wiping 
out,  with  a  strong  and  mighty  arm,  the  dark  stain  that  had  gathered 
on  the  bright  escutcheon  of  our  liberty.  What  a  scene  was  then  pre 
sented  !  See  the  long  line  of  patriots  as  they  come  down  the  valley  and 
over  the  mountains !  Hear  the  clash  of  arms,  and  the  deep  boom  of 
the  cannon  !  Bugle  notes  in  the  morning  summoned  men  to  take  the  flag 
of  our  country  in  hand,  and  carry  it  everywhere  throughout  the  Nation, 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  I2j 

and  thus  show  to  the  world  that  our  Republican  form  of  government  is 
a  thing  worth  preserving,  worth  even  dying  for. 

This  was  an  exhibition  of  patriotic  devotion  worthy  of  imitation  by 
all  those  who  may  come  after  them. 

And  further  on,  in  the  same  oration,  looking  at  the  war 
with  the  eyes  of  Christian  patriotism  and  a  wide,  far-seeing 
statesmanship,  Logan  continued  : 

I  have  said,  on  former  occasions,  that  these  men  who  died  for  their 
country,  did  not  die  alone  that  our  flag  should  wave  over  the  land ;  that 
there  was  more  in  the  contest  than  this.  Civilization  was  at  stake, 
Christianity  was  at  stake,  and  liberty  most  certainly  hung  upon  the  re 
sult  of  the  contest.  I  have  said  that,  through  the  death  of  these  men, 
not  only  was  the  flag  of  the  Republic — that  emblem  of  our  liberty — pre 
served,  but  that  Christianity  achieved  a  victory.  For  just  below  the 
sacred  cross  waves  the  flag  of  freedom,  the  former  forever  overlooking 
the  latter.  And  I  say  it  for  the  reason  that,  as  far  back  as  the  history 
of  the  world  reaches,  we  find,  whenever  the  sword  has  entered  any  free 
and  enlightened  nation  to  destroy  it,  as  the  nation  suffered  so  has  its 
civilization  and  Christianity  suffered.  Turn  your  eyes  to  the  history  of 
the  Old  World,  and  glance  over  its  pages,  and  there  you  will  find  this 
truth  verified,  that  wherever  rebellion  has  destroyed  governments  lib 
eral  in  their  forms,  their  civil  and  religious  progress  has  been  blighted. 
Once  the  honor  most  esteemed  by  enlightened  and  brave  men  was  to 
be  called  a  Roman  citizen.  Rome  was  the  mistress  of  nations,  and  for 
a  time  a  mighty  republic,  the  home  of  freedom,  civilization,  and  culture. 
But  what  is  it  now  ?  A  pile  of  majestic  ruins — records  of  its  departed 
greatness.  And  so  with  other  nations.  Italy,  once  a  proud  and  inde 
pendent  people,  now  a  nation  of  organ-grinders  and  pedlers.  Athens, 
once  the  seat  of  learning,  now  lives  only  in  its  ruins  and  history.  Jeru 
salem,  the  Holy  City  and  seat  of  the  Christian  religion,  now  in  the 
hards  of  Oriental  bigots.  The  verdict  of  history  is  that,  where  liberty 
is  destroyed,  Christianity  sinks  into  darkness.  Hence,  I  say,  that  those 
men  fought  not  only  for  the  protection  of  our  flag,  but  also  for  the 
preservation  of  Christianity  in  this  land  ;  for  Christianity  cannot  long 
flourish  where  liberty  is  destroyed.  If  one  dies,  the  other  fades  away. 
Civilization  follows  the  Bible.  Liberty  and  Christianity  go  together. 
If  one  dies  the  other  dies  also.  And  so  it  was  in  this  land — the  preser 
vation  of  our  flag  and  the  free  institutions  of  this  country,  was  the 
preservation  of  the  Christian  religion  as  much  as  it  was  of  the  liberties 
of  the  people.  And  if  we  ask  ourselves  whether  we  believe  this,  I  think 


128  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

our  response  must  be,  We  do.  Then  we  say,  These  men  have  not  died 
in  vain.  They  perished  in  a  righteous  cause.  And  every  man  and 
woman  in  the  country  should  honor  their  names,  and  hold  their  memory 
sacred,  so  long  as  the  flag  of  Christian  freedom  floats  above  the  waves 
of  superstition  and  anarchy. 

IMPEACHMENT  OF   ANDREW  JOHNSON LOGAN   ONE   OF  THE 

MANAGERS   ON  THE   PART   OF   THE   HOUSE HIS   GREAT 

EFFORT  BEFORE  THE  COURT  OF  IMPEACHMENT — WHAT  SUM- 
NER,  AND  OTHERS,  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 

It  was  on  February  24,  1868,  that  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  decided  to  impeach  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  On  the 
2d  of  March  following1,  eleven  articles  of  impeachment  were 
agreed  upon  by  the  House,  and  on  the  4th  were  duly  pre 
sented  to  the  Senate  sitting  as  a  High  Court  of  Impeach 
ment,  by  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the  House,  who  were 
accompanied  by  the  House, — the  Grand  Inquest  of  the 
Nation, — as  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  State  of  the 
Union.  Representative  Logan  was  one  of  the  managers. 
The  trial  commenced  on  March  i3th,  and  continued  until 
May  26th,  when  the  Senate  sitting  as  such  court  adjourned 
sine  die.  Conviction  could  only  be  had  on  any  of  the  articles 
by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  fifty-four  votes  then  in  the  Senate ; 
or,  in  other  words,  by  a  vote  of  36  "  guilty"  to  18  "not 
guilty."  The  result  of  the  trial  was  non-conviction,  although 
the  fact  that  three  several  articles  of  impeachment  secured  a 
vote  of  35  "guilty"  to  19  "not  guilty"  sufficiently  attested 
the  slenderness  of  the  thread  by  which  the  Damoclesian 
sword  hung  above  Andrew  Johnson's  guilty  head.  One  re 
sult  of  the  trial  was  that  he  was  convicted  in  the  minds  of  the 
people,  and  his  great  power  for  harm  rendered  innocuous. 
The  argument  of  Manager  Logan  in  this  case,  covering 
eighteen  pages  of  the  Congressional  Globe,  was  a  legal  mas 
terpiece,  the  opening  being  especially  fine.  In  that  opening, 
after  modestly  referring  to  the  reluctance  with  which  he 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  I29 

entered  upon  the  performance  of  this  transcendent  duty,  and 
declaring  that  the  cause  was  too  great  to  be  weakened  by  his 
weakness,  he  proceeded  to  the  arraignment,  passages  in 
which  are  unsurpassed  in  power  of  statement  and  force  of 
diction  by  anything  in  the  English  language.  Said  he  : 

I  wish  to  assure  you,  senators, — I  wish  most  earnestly  and  sincerely 
to  assure  the  learned  and  honorable  counsel  for  the  defence, — that  we 
speak  not  only  for  ourselves,  but  for  the  great  body  of  people,  when  we 
say  that  we  regret  this  occasion,  and  we  regret  the  necessity  which  has 
devolved  this  duty  upon  us.  Heretofore,  sirs,  it  has  been  the  pride  of 
every  American  to  point  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  his  nation.  It  has 
been  his  boast  that  to  that  great  office  have  always  been  brought  the 
most  pre-eminent  purity,  the  most  undoubted  integrity,  and  the  most 
unquestioned  loyalty  which  the  country  could  produce.  However  fierce 
might  be  the  strife  of  party,  however  clamorous  might  be  the  cry  of 
politics,  however  desperate  might  be  the  struggles  of  leaders  and  of 
factions,  it  has  always  been  felt  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
was  an  administrator  of  the  law  in  all  its  force  and  example,  and  would 
be  a  promoter  of  the  welfare  of  his  country  in  all  its  perils  and  adversi 
ties.  Such  have  been  the  hopes,  and  such  has  been  the  reliance,  of  the 
people  at  large  ;  and,  in  consequence,  the  Chief  Executive  chair  has 
come  to  assume  in  the  hearts  of  Americans  a  form  so  sacred,  and  a 
name  so  spotless,  that  nothing  impure  could  attach  to  the  one  and  noth 
ing  dishonorable  could  taint  the  other.  To  do  aught  or  to  say  aught 
which  may  disturb  this  cherished  feeling,  will  be  to  destroy  one  of  the 
dearest  impressions  to  which  our  people  cling. 

And  yet,  sirs,  this  is  our  duty  to-day.  We  are  here  to  show  that 
President  Johnson,  the  man  whom  this  country  once  honored,  is  un 
fitted  for  his  place.  We  are  here  to  show  that  in  his  person  he  has  vio 
lated  the  honor  and  sanctity  of  his  office.  We  are  here  to  show  that  he 
has  usurped  the  power  of  his  position  and  the  emoluments  of  his  pat 
ronage.  We  are  here  to  show  that  he  has  not  only  wilfully  violated 
the  law,  but  has  maliciously  commanded  its  infringement.  We  are  here 
to  show  that  he  has  deliberately  done  those  things  which  he  ought  not 
to  have  done,  and  that  he  has  criminally  left  undone  those  things  which 
he  ought  to  have  done. 

He  has  betrayed  his  countrymen   that    he    might   perpetuate   his 
power,  and  has  sacrificed  their  interests  that  he  might  swell  his  author 
ity.     He  has  made  the  good  of  the  people  subordinate  to  his  ambition, 
and  the  harmony  of  the  community  second  to  his  desires.     He  has  stood 
9 


130  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

in  the  way  which  would  have  led  the  dismembered  States  back  to  pros 
perity  and  peace,  and  has  instigated  them  to  the  path  which  led  to  dis 
cord  and  to  strife.  He  has  obstructed  acts  which  were  intended  to  heal, 
and  has  counselled  the  course  which  was  intended  to  separate.  The  dif 
ferences  which  he  might  have  reconciled  by  his  voice,  he  has  stimulated 
by  his  example.  The  questions  which  might  have  been  amicably  set 
tled  by  his  acquiescence,  have  been  aggravated  by  his  insolence  ;  and 
in  all  those  instances  whereof  we  in  our  articles  complain,  he  has  made 
his  prerogatives  a  burden  to  the  commonwealth  instead  of  a  blessing  to 
his  constituents. 

And  it  is  not  alone  that  in  his  public  course  he  has  been  shameless 
and  guilty,  but  that  his  private  conduct  has  been  incendiary  and  malig 
nant.  It  is  not  only  that  he  has  notoriously  broken  the  law,  but  that  he 
has  criminally  scoffed  at  theframers  of  the  law.  By  public  harangue,  and 
by  political  arts,  he  has  sought  to  cast  odium  upon  Congress,  and  to  in 
sure  credit  for  himself ;  and  thus,  in  a  government  where  equal  respect 
and  dignity  should  be  observed  in  reference  to  the  power  and  authority 
conferred  upon  each  of  its  several  departments,  he  has  attempted  to 
subvert  their  just  proportions  and  to  arrogate  to  himself  their  respective 
jurisdictions.  It  is  for  these  things,  senators,  that  to-day  he  stands  im 
peached  ;  and  it  is  because  of  these,  that  the  people  have  bid  us  prose 
cute.  That  we  regret  it,  I  have  said  ;  that  they  regret  it,  I  repeat  ;  and 
though  it  tears  away  the  beautiful  belief  with  which,  like  a  drapery, 
they  had  invested  the  altar,  yet  they  feel  that  the  time  has  come  when 
they  must  expose  and  expel  the  sacrilegious  priest,  in  order  to  protect 
and  preserve  the  purity  of  the  temple. 

There  are,  in  this  great  legal  argument,  many  passages 
of  equal  force  and  majestic  beauty,  to  quote  which  would  un 
duly  swell  this  brief  sketch.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  speech, 
throughout,  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant,  cogent,  and  ex 
haustive  of  any  with  which  that  august  tribunal  was  at  once 
instructed  and  captivated.  The  amount  of  research  Mr. 
Logan  evinced  in  it,  by  citations  from  all  the  great  English 
and  American  authorities,  whether  as  to  the  powers  of  sus 
pension  from  office  during  impeachment,  the  proper  methods 
and  rules  governing  the  procedure,  the  class  of  crimes  and 
misdemeanors  that  are  impeachable,  the  distinction  between 
impeachment  and  consequent  suspension  and  punishment  by 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  }  ,  r 

o 

indictment,  the  determination  of  the  "  intent,  "  or  in  his  very 
able  exposition  of  the  constitutional  rights  and  powers  of  the 
President,  was  remarkable,  while  the  analysis  of  the  evidence 
was  close  and  logical.  The  summing-up  was  no  less  thor 
ough  and  powerful,  as  the  following  brief  extract  will  show : 

From  the  i4th  day  of  April,  1865,  to  this  day,  as  shown  by  the  tes 
timony,  he  has  been  consistent  only  with  himself  and  the  evil  spirits  of 
his  administration.  False  to  the  people  who  took  him  from  obscurity 
and  conferred  on  him  splendor  ;  who  dug  him  from  that  oblivion  to 
which  he  had  been  consigned  by  the  treason  of  his  State,  and  gave  him 
that  distinction  which,  as  disclosed  by  his  subsequent  acts,  he  never 
merited,  and  has  so  fearfully  scandalized,  disgraced,  and  dishonored  ; 
false  to  the  memory  of  him  whose  death  made  him  President ;  false  to 
the  principles  of  our  contest  for  national  life;  false  to  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  land,  and  his  oath  of  office  ;  filled  with  all  vanity,  lust,  and 
pride  ;  substituting,  with  the  most  disgusting  self-complacency  and  ig 
norance,  his  own  coarse,  brutalized  will  for  the  will  of  the  people,  and 
substituting  his  vulgar,  vapid,  and  ignorant  utterances  for  patriotism, 
statesmanship,  and  faithful  public  service, — he  has  completed  his  circle 
of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  ;  and,  thanks  to  Almighty  God,  by 
the  imbedded  wisdom  of  our  fathers  found  in  the  Constitution  of  our 
country,  he  stands  to-day,  with  all  his  crimes  upon  his  head,  uncovered 
before  the  world,  at  the  bar  of  this  the  most  august  tribunal  upon  earth, 
to  receive  the  awful  sentence  that  awaits  him,  as  a  fitting  punishment 
for  the  crimes  and  misdemeanors  of  which  he  stands  impeached  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  all  the  people. 

The  world  in  after-times  will  read  the  history  of  the  administration 
of  Andrew  Johnson  as  an  illustration  of  the  depth  to  which  political 
and  official  perfidy  can  descend.  Amid  the  unhealed,  ghastly  scars  of 
war  ;  surrounded  by  the  weeds  of  widowhood  and  cries  of  orphanage  ; 
associating  with  and  sustained  by  the  soldiers  of  the  Republic,  of  whom 
at  one  time  he  claimed  to  be  one  ;  surrounded  by  the  men  who  had 
supported,  aided,  and  cheered  Mr.  Lincoln  through  the  darkest  hours 
and  sorest  trials  of  his  sad  yet  immortal  administration — men  whose 
lives  had  been  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  justice,  law,  and  universal 
liberty — the  men  who  had  nominated  and  elected  him  to  the  second 
office  in  the  Nation  at  a  time  when  he  scarcely  dared  visit  his  own  home 
because  of  the  traitorous  instincts  of  his  own  people  ;  yet,  as  shown 
by  his  official  acts,  messages,  speeches,  conversations,  and  associations, 


1^2  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

<j 

almost  from  the  time  when  the  blood  of  Lincoln  was  warm  on  the  floor 
of  Ford's  Theatre,  Andrew  Johnson  was  contemplating  treason  to  all 
the  fresh  fruits  of  the  overthrown  and  crushed  rebellion,  and  an  affilia 
tion  with,  and  a  practical,  official,  and  hearty  sympathy  for,  those  who 
had  cost  us  hecatombs  of  slain  citizens,  billions  of  treasure,  and  an 
almost  ruined  country.  His  great  aim  and  purpose  has  been  to  sub 
vert  law,  usurp  authority,  insult  and  outrage  Congress,  reconstruct  the 
rebel  States  in  the  interests  of  treason,  insult  the  memories  and  rest 
ing-places  of  our  heroic  dead,  outrage  the  feelings  and  deride  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  living  men  who  aided  in  saving  the  Union,  and  deliver  all 
that  was  snatched  from  wreck  and  ruin  into  the  hands  of  unrepentant, 
but,  by  him,  pardoned  traitors. 

We  are  not  doubtful  of  your  verdict.  Andrew  Johnson  has  long 
since  been  tried  by  the  whole  people  and  found  guilty,  and  you  can  but 
confirm  that  judgment  already  pronounced  by  the  sovereign  American 
people. 

/  Of  this  great  forensic  effort,  the  effect  and  power  of  which 
can  only  be  judged  in  its  entirety  and  not  by  disjointed  quota 
tions  of  any  length,  much  less  by  such  brief  ones  as  have  been 
given  herein,  the  Washington  Chronicle  said  at  the  time : 

The  argument  of  Hon.  John  A.  Logan  on  the  impeachment  of  the 
President,  which  was  filed  on  Wednesday,  is  one  of  the  greatest  efforts  of 
its  gifted  author.  Mr.  Logan  has  long  since  established  his  reputation 
as  an  orator.  Eloquence  with  him  is  a  natural  endowment,  the  result 
of  his  copiousness  of  expression  and  his  ardent  temperament,  combined 
with  quick  and  vigorous  intellectual  powers.  Such  men  often  neglect 
the  severer  studies  without  which  the  most  brilliant  natural  gifts  can 
not  secure  substantial  eminence.  If  there  are  any  who  have  doubted 
General  Logan's  abilities  as  an  argumentative  speaker,  his  present 
effort  must  satisfy  them.  His  argument  is  most  thorough  and  search 
ing.  Taking  up  point  after  point  in  defence  of  the  President,  he  ex 
poses  their  feebleness,  insufficiency,  or  irrelevancy,  and  supports  the 
charges  of  the  House  of  Representatives  not  only  by  trenchant  logic, 
but  by  a  thorough,  searching  analysis  of  the  constitutional  and  legal 
provisions  applicable  to  the  case,  by  copious  citations  from  the  opinions 
of  the  great  lights  of  the  past,  and  by  a  forcible  statement  of  the  salient 
facts  developed  in  the  testimony.  The  concluding  portion,  in  which 
he  sums  up  the  case  against  the  President,  is  fully  worthy  of  his  high 
reputation  as  an  orator. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

Prominent  men,  and  classical  scholars,  were  loud  in  praise 
of  this  speech.  Senator  Sumner  said  of  it:  "It  is  capital! 
capital ! — one  of  the  best  arguments  I  have  read  for  many  a 
day."  Samuel  Wilkinson  said  of  it:  "  It  is  the  best  speech  I 
ever  read."  And,  among  the  great  number  of  journals  that 
alluded  to  it  in  terms  of  high  praise,  the  Mississippi  Journal 
said : 

We  have  been  favored  with  a  copy  of  the  celebrated  speech  of  Hon. 
John  A.  Logan,  on  Impeachment,  and,  after  a  studious  perusal,  must 
pronounce  it  one  of  the  orator's  most  brilliant  efforts.  The  sterling 
arguments,  free  from  metaphors  or  ornament,  remind  the  classical 
scholar  of  the  orations  of  Cicero  or  Demosthenes,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  the  chaste  elegance  of  a  fervent  imagination  reveals  treasures  of 
thought  and  strength  of  reasoning  that  would  do  honor  to  the  most 
distinguished  habitues  of  the  Roman  forum. 

PENSIONS    FOR  THE  WAR  OF   l8l2 LOGAN  ADVOCATES  THE    BILL 

AND    EXPLAINS    THE    TRUE    GROUND     UPON    WHICH     PENSIONS 
ARE    GRANTED. 

It  may  be  well  to  mention  here,  as  showing  the  strong 
ground  upon  which  he,  even  at  this  day,  stood  with  respect 
to  pensions,  that,  early  in  1868,  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  having  before  it  a  bill  to  grant  pensions  to  the  soldiers 
of  the  war  of  1812,  in  the  debate  upon  it,  General  Logan 
made  a  speech  in  favor  of  the  bill,  in  which  the  following 
strong  passages  occur : 

From  the  best  data  that  we  can  get,  there  are  very  few  of  the  sol 
diers  of  the  1812  war,  surviving.  The  survivors  must  average  seventy  or 
seventy-five  years  of  age.  Forty-eight  years  after  the  close  of  the  revo- 
olutionary  war,  pensions  were  granted  to  the  soldiers  who  had  defended 
the  country  in  that  war.  A  pension  was  granted  to  each  and  everyone 
of  the  soldiers  then  surviving.  Why  was  it  granted  ?  Not,  because  it 
took  but  a  small  sum  of  money  out  of  the  Treasury.  I  ask  the  gentle 
men  of  the  House  to  reflect  for  one  moment  upon  the  principle  on 
which  we  grant  a  pension  to  a  soldier.  In  granting  pensions,  do  we 
vote  with  reference  to  the  amount  of  money,  small  or  large,  that  the 
payment  of  the  pensions  will  take  ?  No,  sir.  We  pass  such  acts  upon 


134  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  principle  that  the  soldier  has  done  his  duty  to  his  country,  and  that 
the  country  is  under  obligation  to  provide  for  him  for  the  remainder  of 
his  life,  if  he  need  such  provision.  When  we  grant  pensions  to  wounded 
soldiers,  we  do  not  inquire  how  many  wounded  soldiers  there  are,  and 
how  much  money  it  will  take  to  provide  a  pension  for  all  of  them.  We 
do  not  determine  the  question  upon  any  such  conditions.  We  vote 
pensions  because  we  believe  that  a  man  who,  in  defending  his  country, 
Ijas  met  the  shock  of  battle,  and  has  thus  received  wounds,  deserves  the 
gratitude  of  his  country,  and  is  entitled  to  its  protecting  care  in  his  de 
clining  years. 

I  say  then,  in  reference  to  this  bill,  that  the  men,  for  whom  it  is  in 
tended  to  provide,  are  entitled  to  pensions.  Why  ?  Not  because  they 
are  few,  or  because  they  are  many,  but  because  they  defended  the  lib 
erties  of  this  country  at  a  time  when  their  defence  was  needed.  These 
men  are  now  old,  and  they  need  the  protection  and  succor  of  the  coun 
try.  They  ask  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  give  them  a  small 
pittance  that  will  assist  them  in  their  declining  years.  I,  for  one,  am 
willing  to  grant  it. 

More  than  fifty  years  have  passed  since  these  men  met  the  storm  of 
battle  in  defending  this  government  against  the  Britons  who  were  in 
vading  our  soil.  For  that,  they  are  entitled  to  relief;  for  that,  they  are 
entitled  to  protection  ;  for  that,  they  are  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  this 
country,  as  much  as  if  they  had  served  in  our  recent  war.  If  we  intend 
to  act  properly,  as  the  soldier  grows  old,  as  he  declines  in  years,  as  he 
fades  away  toward  the  shadow-land,  it  is  ours  to  see  that  the  hand  of  this 
Republic  shall  be  stretched  out  to  him  in  relief.  We  should  say  to  him  : 
"In  your  manhood,  in  your  youth,  in  your  vigor  and  strength  of  life, 
you  put  forth  your  efforts  to  support  an  imperilled  government,  to  save 
from  wreck  our  free  institutions  ;  and  now,  in  your  old  age,  feeble  and 
dependent,  we  will  give  you  this  small  pittance,  that  your  path  to  the 
grave  may  be  smoothed,  and  made  pleasant,  with  the  recollection  that 
your  glorious  deeds  are  held  in  grateful  memory  by  the  Republic." 

LOGAN  DECLINES  TO  RUN  FOR  GOVERNOR  OF  ILLINOIS — LOGAN 
"  THE  CENTRE  OF  ATTRACTION  "  IN  THE  HOUSE — AGAIN  RE- 
NOMINATED  REPRESENTATIVE  AT  LARGE AT  THE  CHICAGO 

CONVENTION     OF     1 868,    HE     NOMINATES     GRANT     FOR    PRESI 
DENT. 

During  the  winter  of  1867-68  Congressman  Logan  having 
been  urged  by  some  of  his  friends  to  accept  the  Republican 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

nomination   for  Governor  of   Illinois,    declined.     The   Rock 
Island   Weekly  Union,  alluding  to  this,  says: 

In  a  letter  to  a  gentleman  of  Rock  Island,  he  says  that,  while  he  dis 
likes  to  refuse  any  reasonable  request  of  his  friends,  he  has  become  so 
deeply  interested  in  the  questions  that  must  be  settled  by  this,  and 
the  succeeding  Congress,  that  he  prefers  to  remain  identified  with  that 
body  until  they  are  finally  disposed  of.  He  says  he  wants  "  this  govern 
ment  reconstructed  on  a  basis  that  will  at  least  allow  a  loyal  man  to  live 
in  it."  .  .  .  While  there  is  no  doubt  the  people  of  Illinois  would 
gladly  choose  him  as  their  chief  executive,  General  Logan  is  needed  in 
Congress.  His  services  are  more  valuable,  to  the  State  and  Nation,  in 
that  position,  than  they  could  be  as  Governor  of  Illinois.  Such  men  as 
he  is — earnest  and  fearless  in  the  defence  of  loyalty,  who  cannot  be 
swerved  from  the  strict  performance  of  duty — should  not  be  spared 
from  Congress,  in  the  present  crisis. 

At  this  time  Logan  was  already  one  of  the  most  marked 
men  in  Congress.  The  editorial  correspondence  from  Wash 
ington,  February  20,  1868,  of  a  Southern  Illinois  paper, 
graphically  describes  him  thus : 

This  man  is  the  centre  of  attraction.  When  he  walks  into  the  House 
of  Representatives,  the  whispergoes  the  round  of  the  galleries  :  "That's 
Logan  of  Illinois."  Every  eye  watches  him.  When  he  rises,  no  matter 
how  much  confusion  prevails  at  the  time,  order  is  at  once  restored. 
Spectators  and  members  all  turn  toward  him,  and,  while  he  speaks,  pro 
found  silence  reigns,  except  the  sound  of  his  own  voice.  When  he 
leaves,  he  is  pursued  by  people  from  every  part  of  the  country.  His 
rooms  are  thronged  by  ladies  and  gentlemen  at  all  hours.  His  influence 
is  sought  after  by  all  classes  of  persons,  and  for  every  imaginable  thing. 
These  people  are  a  heavy  tax  upon  his  time  and  energy,  but  Logan  re 
ceives  all  with  the  same  freedom  and  ease  as  he  is  approached  nt  home, 
and  without  ostentation.  In  a  word,  Logan  is  the  same  in  Washington 
that  he  is  in  Egypt — bold,  manly, -candid,  a  constant  worker  and  a  faith 
ful  representative.  The  people  of  Illinois  have  reason  to  be  proud  of 
him.  In  honoring  him  with  so  important  an  office,  the  people  have  hon 
ored  themselves  and  the  State.  No  citizen  of  the  great  State  of  Illinois 
need  be  ashamed  of  his  Representative,  nor  blush  when  his  name  is  called. 

Early  in  1868,  General  Logan  was  again  nominated  by 
acclamation  for  Representative  from  the  State  at  large,  and 


136  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

also  elected  a  delegate  to  the  National  Union  Republican 
Convention  of  that  year,  which  he  attended  at  the  head  of  the 
Illinois  delegation,  and,  in  a  brief  but  ringing  speech,  put 
General  Grant,  his  old  comrade-in-arms,  in  nomination  for 
President  of  the  United  States. 


LOGAN'S  "  KEYNOTE  "  SPEECH  IN  THE  HOUSE,  1868 — SCATHING 
REVIEW  OF  THE  "  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  " 
GOOD  READING  FOR  YOUNG  MEN,  EVEN  NOW. 


On  July  16,  1868,  Congressman  Logan  delivered  a  speech 
before  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  was  so  scath 
ing  a  review  of  the  "Principles  of  the  Democratic  Party"  as 
enunciated  in  their  platform  and  otherwise,  that  it  created 
quite  a  sensation  at  the  time,  and  was  the  keynote  of  the 
Presidential  contest  of  that  year,  which  ended  in  the  trium 
phant  election  of  General  Grant  to  the  Presidency.  It  was  an 
able  review  both  of  the  war  and  of  the  public  measures  which 
followed  it ;  and  its  historical  value  is  sufficient  reason — aside 
from  the  fact  that  much  of  it  will  probably  continue  to  have  a 
close  applicability  to  future  political  campaigns — for  giving  it 
entire.  Said  Mr.  Logan  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  Democratic  platform  is  a  "  whited  sepulchre,  full 
of  dead  men's  bones."  It  is  a  monument  which  is  intended  to  hide  de 
cay  and  conceal  corruption.  Like  many  other  monuments,  it  attracts 
attention  by  its  vast  proportions,  and  excites  disgust  by  the  falsity  of  its 
inscriptions.  The  casual  observer,  knowing  nothing  of  the  previous 
life  of  the  deceased,  who  reads  this  eulogy  upon  the  tomb,  might  im 
agine  that  all  the  virtues,  the  intellect,  and  the  genius  of  the  age  were 
buried  there.  But  to  him  who  knows  that  the  life  had  been  a  living 
lie,  an  incessant  pursuit  of  base  ends,  the  stone  is  a  mockery,  and  the 
panegyric  a  fable. 

It  is  my  purpose  to  show,  sir,  that  this  Democratic  platform  is  a 
mockery  of  the  past,  and  that  its  promises  for  the  future  are  hollow, 
evasive,  and  fabulous  ;  that  it  disregards  the  sanctities  of  truth,  and 
deals  only  in  the  language  of  the  juggler.  It  is  like  the  words  of  the 


a 


LOGAN   NOMINATING  GRANT.— PAGE  136. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

weird  witches  who  wrought  a  noble  nature  to  crime  and  ruin,  and  then, 
in  the  hour  of  dire  extremity, 

Kept  the  word  of  promise  to  the  ear, 
And  broke  it  to  the  hope. 

What  are  the  pledges  of  this  platform,  made  by  a  party  which  now 
asks  place  and  power  for  themselves,  and  retirement  and  obscurity  for 
us?  They  pledge,  peace  to  the  country.  Well,  sir,  the  country  should 
have  peace.  They  pledge,  a  uniform  and  valuable  currency  to  the 
country.  Sir,  the  country  desires  such  a  currency.  They  pledge,  econ 
omy  in  the  administration  of  the  Government.  Judicious  economy  is 
among  the  first  maxims  of  government.  They  pledge,  payment  of  the 
public  debt  and  reduction  of  taxation.  I  agree  that  the  public  credit 
must  be  preserved  at  all  hazards,  and  that  taxation  should  be  reduced 
by  all  means.  They  pledge,  reform  of  all  abuses.  Sir,  when  once  an 
abuse  is  discovered,  no  man  will  deny  that  it  should  be  at  once  reformed. 
They  pledge,  the  observance  of  the  laws,  the  guarantees  of  the  Consti 
tution,  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  the  promotion  of  the  public  weal. 
Nothing  more  could  be  asked  of  a  party  than  that  it  should  do  every 
thing  which  is  good,  and  abstain  from  all  that  is  bad.  Happy  indeed, 
sir,  is  that  country  whose  rulers  are  all  wise,  all  virtuous,  all  patriots, 
and  all  without  ambition  except  to  excel  in  worth  and  wisdom. 

When  such  a  party  is  found,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  shall  support  it,  no 
matter  by  what  name  it  may  be  called;  but  until  it  is  found, — and  I  may 
be  permitted  to  remark  that  it  never  yet  has  been  found  in  history, — I 
shall  support  that  party  which  does  the  best  it  can  for  the  country,  with 
what  materials  it  has,  and  makes  up  in  good  deeds  what  it  may  lack  in 
polished  speech. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  I  am  an  anxious  inquirer  after  truth,  and  as 
I  agree  that  the  promises  of  this  platform  are  many  and  seemingly  fair, 
and  likely  to  catch  the  eye  and  ear  of  some  who  are  unsuspecting,  I 
am  desirous  of  ascertaining  the  basis  upon  which  they  rest,  in  order 
that  I  may  determine  first  how  far  I  may  trust  to  their  performance. 
It  is  an  inquiry  that  concerns  not  only  me,  but  all  of  us ;  but  more  par 
ticularly  does  it  concern  those  who  are  to  come  after  us— the  young 
men  of  this  nation  who  are  now  about  to  cast  their  first  vote,  and  who 
will  ultimately  occupy  the  places  we  now  hold,  and  be  affected  for 
good  or  for  ill  by  the  policy  we  may  now  adopt.  No  man  has  a  right 
to  treat  this  question  lightly,  and  when  we  see  a  convention  held  by  an 
adverse  party,  it  is  our  duty  to  criticise  fairly  but  rigidly  its  acts,  and  to 
ask  of  what  personnel  is  it  composed  ? 

If  we  find  that  its  proclamations  of  principles  are  only  a  bait  for 


138  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

votes;  if  we  find  that  its  resolutions  are  inconsistent,  the  one  with 
the  other,  and  all  contradictory  of  the  resolutions  of  previous  years ; 
if  \ve  find  that,  instead  of  being  a  party  promoting  the  prosperity 
of  the  country,  it  is  the  party  which  attempted  the  life  of  the  coun 
try  ;  if  we  find  that  it  is  a  party  whose  policy  was  suicidal  in  peace,  and 
fratricidal  in  war;  if  we  find  that  it  is  a  party  which  has  adhered  to 
no  principle  in  times  past,  except  the  principle  of  perpetuity  ;  if  we 
find  that  the  men  who  now  lift  their  voices  as  its  leaders  are  unworthy 
men  who  bared  their  blades  in  rebellion  ;  if  we  find  there,  a  gathering 
of  all  who  are  wildly  ambitious,  thoroughly  unscrupulous,  and  danger 
ously  discontented,  then  we  may  safely  say  their  pledges  are  all  false, 
and  we  may  warn  not  only  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  but  all  good  men, 
and  particularly  all  young  men,  to  avoid  their  snares  and  flee  from  their 
delusions. 

It  requires  an  unusual  condition  of  public  affairs  to  produce  such 
an  unusual  platform,  and  we  require  to  know  what  that  condition  is,  be 
fore  we  can  judge  of  it.  Let  us  see  what  is  the  condition,  and  what 
produced  it.  A  very  few  years  ago,  the  Democratic  Party  were  in 
power.  They  had  been  in  power  for  many,  many  years  before.  What 
ever  of  good  there  was  in  their  policy,  they  had  had  time  to  develop  it. 
Whatever  of  evil  there  was,  they  had  had  opportunity  to  correct  it 
They  did  neither  the  one  thing  nor  the  other.  There  were  no  hostile 
armies  then.  The  people  imagined  that  there  was  peace.  A  few,  only, 
believed  that  there  could  be  war.  But  war  was  imminent.  Under  the 
surface  of  peace,  that  party  was  preparing  for  war.  In  the  council- 
rhambers  of  the  Nation,  they  howled  for  war.  In  the  different  de 
partments  of  the  Government,  where  they  were  trusted  and  uncon 
trolled,  they  were  preparing  for  war.  In  the  minds  of  the  young  and 
unsuspecting,  they  sowed  the  seeds  of  war.  In  their  newspapers  they 
threatened  war.  In  the  lecture-room,  in  the  college,  from  the  pulpit 
and  the  rostrum,  they  invoked  war;  and  finally,  when  they  judged  the 
time  had  come,  when  the  Nation  was  most  helpless  and  the  weapons  of 
defence  most  useless,  they  made  war, — and  war  of  what  kind  ?  Actual 
war,  treasonable  war, — war  against  those  who  had  loved  and  fostered 
them, —  upon  co-dwellers  under  the  same  roof,  and  brothers  by  birth 
and  blood.  How  did  war  find  us  ?  It  found  us  as  the  ship  is  found 
when  pirates  scuttle  her — open  to  the  mercy  of  the  waves,  and  ready 
to  be  engulfed. 

We  had  made  no  preparation  for  war.  The  military  and  naval  es 
tablishments  were  on  a  peace  footing,  and  even  the  skeleton  had  been 
disjointed.  Treason  was  in  the  high  places,  and  consternation  prevailed 
everywhere  else.  That  which  might  have  been  efficient,  in  a  pinch, 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

had  been  weakened  by  treachery,  or  paralyzed  by  surprise.  We  had 
few  troops,  few  guns,  few  forts,  few  sail,  and  few  commanders.  Scarcely 
a  man  in  the  North,  out  of  the  regular  service,  knew  the  first  move 
ments  in  the  school  of  the  soldier.  The  knowledge  of  arms  had  not 
been  sought,  and  material  and  munition  of  war  had  sparsely  been  pro 
vided.  We  had  no  money,  to  carry  on  a  war.  We  had  no  policy  de 
clared,  to  carry  us  through  a  war.  But  war,  bloody,  dreadful,  disrupt 
ing,  came  upon  us,  and  we  had  to  meet  it  as  best  we  could.  The 
first  thing  was  to  get  money.  We  issued  the  greenbacks.  Whether 
that  was  the  wisest  thing  to  be  done,  is  not  the  question.  At  that 
time  it  seemed  to  be  the  only  thing  we  could  do,  and  therefore  we 
did  it. 

But  greenbacks  were  not  sufficient.  We  issued  the  bonds  of  various 
kinds  because  we  needed  more  money,  and  we  had  to  offer  security  of 
some  kind  for  it,  and  that  seemed  to  be,  at  that  time,  the  best  that 
could  be  offered.  Whether  it  was  so  in  fact,  or  not,  is  not  now  the 
question.  They  were  issued,  and  are  not  yet  redeemed.  Spite  of  all 
this,  we  got  heavily  in  debt.  The  war  was  a  gigantic  one.  Armies 
were  raised,  whose  numbers  astounded  the  world.  Battles  were  fought, 
whose  slaughter  saddened  the  world.  Destruction  of  property  followed, 
whose  amount  might  bankrupt  a  nation.  But  we  were  fighting  for  the 
life  arid  liberties  of  this  people,  and  to  solve  the  problem  of  man's 
capability  for  self-government ;  we  could  not  stop.  We  were  compelled 
to  go  on  ;  and  debt  followed  us  as  fast  and  as  far  as  we  went — heavy, 
crushing,  appalling  debt.  Laws  were  defied,  and  we  compelled  their 
obedience.  When  the  civil  power  was  too  weak,  we  took  the  strong 
arm  of  the  sword.  States  were  insurgent,  and  the  people  threw  off  their 
allegiance.  We  took  the  Government  from  those  who  cast  it  off,  and 
we  gave  it  to  those  who  fought  to  maintain  it.  Our  debts  were  falling 
due,  and  we  taxed  the  people  to  pay  them.  The  taxes  were  heavy  ;  but 
the  debts  were  heavy  ;  and  the  army  expenses  were  enormous. 

In  so  far  as  we  could,  we  struggled  to  keep  down  our  debt  and  to 
keep  up  our  credit.  What  else  ?  We  found  slavery  had  been  a  cause 
of  war;  but  we  found  also  that  war  abolished  slavery.  What  next? 
We  found  those  who  had  been  slaves,  were  true  ;  and  those  who  should 
have  been  true,  were  false.  We  gave  the  slave  a  musket,  because  we 
found  he  was  a  man  ;  and  we  gave  him  a  ballot,  that  he  might  be  a  citi 
zen.  And  so,  sir,  under  these  disabilities,  and  against  all  these  disad 
vantages,  we  fought  out  that  fight.  We  subdued  the  rebellion, — we 
ended  the  war.  And  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  was  the  condition  of 
affairs?  We  found  the  South  exhausted,  impoverished,  and  starved. 
We  found  her  wiiite  male  population  fearfully  thinned  by  battle  ;  her 


140 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


black  laboring  population  freed,  but  without  opportunity  to  labor,  and 
no  resources  for  a  livelihood. 

Everything  was  dark,  gloomy,  and  dismal.  There  was  no  money,  no 
commerce,  no  traffic  there.  The  races  were  embittered  against  each 
other,  the  whites  threatened  to  exterminate  the  blacks.  We  gave  ra 
tions  to  the  whites,  and  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  as  protection  to  the 
blacks.  We  afforded  opportunities  for  employment  ;  and  we  regulated 
the  relations  of  the  employer  and  the  laborer.  We  protected  the  one, 
and  we  encouraged  the  other.  And  when  we  could  not  keep  the  peace 
by  the  civil  arm,  we  resorted  to  the  military,  because  we  have  had 
enough  of  war,  and  we  determined  that  the  peace  should  be  kept.  What 
next  ?  We  found  that  there  were  no  governments  in  the  rebel  States 
which  we  could  recognize  ;  and  we  provided  plain  and  merciful  means 
by  which  new  governments  could  be  established. 

This  was  the  condition  of  the  South.  How  was  it  in  the  North  ? 
We  were  oppressed  with  our  debt ;  we  were  borne  down  with  our  taxes ; 
we  were  perplexed  how  to  pay  the  first,  and  how  to  reduce  the  latter. 
But  our  hearts  were  all  glad  notwithstanding,  because  we  had  saved  our 
country.  We  mourned  for  those  we  had  lost,  but  we  rejoiced  for  those 
who  were  to  come,  for  we  had  solved  the  problem  of  liberty  and  the 
destiny  of  our  people.  We  set  ourselves  immediately  to  repair  the 
ravages  of  the  war.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  by  the  official  report  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  dated  December  3,  1866,  our  indebted 
ness  on  the  3ist  day  of  August,  1865,  was  $2,846,021,742.04  ;  on  the 
ist  day  of  June,  1868,  by  the  report  of  the  same  official,  our  indebted 
ness  was  $2,510,245,886.74,  being  a  reduction  of  the  national  debt  since 
August  31,  1865,  to  June  i,  1868,  of  $335,775,855.30,  showing  a  reduc 
tion  of  our  national  debt,  of  one  hundred  millions  per  annum.  Under 
a  Republican  Congress,  could  we  have  had  an  Executive  and  Cabinet 
in  harmony  with  Congress,  so  that  frauds  and  robberies  of  the  revenues 
could  have  been  stopped,  in  my  judgment  the  whole  country  would  be 
at  peace,  and  our  debt  reduced  at  least  $500,000,000.  We  now  propose 
to  reduce  the  army  and  navy,  as  rapidly  as  can  be  done  with  safety  to 
the  country,  and  all  other  expenses  of  the  Government.  We  have  also, 
as  fast  as  State  after  State  organizes  its  government,  abolished  military 
authority  and  subordinated  it  to  the  civil,  and  abolished  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau,  to  take  effect  the  ist  of  next  January. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  brief  statement  of  the  condition  of  our  coun 
try  since  1860.  I  have  been  brief  in  stating,  because  I  did  not  wish  to 
tell  an  oft-told  tale.  I  have  only  sketched  those  events  which  have 
given  rise  to  the  pledges  and  complaints  of  the  Democratic  platform. 
Now,  sir,  when  a  nation  finds  itself  thus  suddenly  engaged  in  an  un- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

foreseen  war,  and  thus  unexpectedly  is  called  upon  for  all  its  resources, 
and  emerges  from  the  struggle  victorious  but  fatigued,  strong  but 
wearied,  it  is  certainly  entitled  to  some  forbearance,  and  its  supporters 
should  meet  with  some  encouragement  and  praise.  This  remark  brings 
me  to  my  first  allegation  against  this  platform.  I  allege  against  it,  that 
it  makes  a  specious  and  a  false  complaint  against  us  for  doing  the  only 
thing  which  it  was  in  our  power  to  do,  and  the  only  thing  which  any 
other  party.  Republican  or  Democratic,  could  have  done,  unless  they 
made  an  ignominious  peace  with  the  rebels  !  No  other  set  of  men,  be 
their  politics  what  they  might,  could  have  done  aught  other  than  we  did 
do,  if  they  were  patriots  and  fought  the  battle  of  their  country  !  I  allege 
against  it,  also,  that  the  very  men  who  now  make  this  complaint  were 
either  the  identical  men,  or  else-  the  partisan  friends  and  adherents  of 
the  identical  men,  who  brought  on  this  war,  who  fought  the  flag,  who 
caused  the  debt,  and  who  were  the  immediate  occasion  of  all  our  sor 
row  and  of  all  our  burdens  ! 

It  is  not  true,  then,  that  the  Democratic  Party  will  give  peace  to  the 
country.  They  have  been  the  party  of  war,  and,  by  the  written  declar 
ations  of  their  candidate  for  Vice-President,  they  propose  more  war  un 
less  they  can  undo  all  the  victory  we  have  achieved,  and  renew  rebell 
ion  where  we  have  quieted  it.  I  read,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  letter  written 
by  Major-General  F.  P.  Blair  to  Colonel  Broadhead  of  St.  Louis  : 

"WASHINGTON,  June  30,  1868. 

"  DEAR  COLONEL  :  In  reply  to  your  inquiries  I  beg  leave  to  say  that 
I  leave  to  you  to  determine,  on  consultation  with  my  friends  from  Mis 
souri,  whether  my  name  shall  be  presented  to  the  Democratic  Conven 
tion,  and  to  submit  the  following  as  what  I  consider  the  real  and  only 
issue  in  this  contest : 

"  The  reconstruction  policy  of  the  Radicals  will  be  complete  before 
the  next  election  ;  the  States  so  long  excluded  will  have  been  admitted, 
negro  suffrage  established,  and  the  carpet-baggers  installed  in  their 
seats  in  both  branches  of  Congress.  There  is  no  possibility  of  chang 
ing  the  political  character  of  the  Senate,  even  if  the  Democrats  should 
elect  their  President  and  a  majority  of  the  popular  branch  of  Congress. 
We  cannot,  therefore,  undo  the  Radical  plan  of  reconstruction  by  Con 
gressional  action ;  the  Senate  will  continue  a  bar  to  its  repeal.  Must  we 
submit  to  it  ?  How  can  it  be  overthrown  ?  It  can  only  be  overthrown 
by  the  authority  of  the  Executive,  who  is  sworn  to  maintain  the  Consti 
tution,  and  who  will  fail  to  do  his  duty  if  he  allows  the  Constitution  to 
perish  under  a  series  of  Congressional  enactments  which  are  in  palpable 
violation  of  its  fundamental  principles. 


1 42  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

If  the  President  elected  by  the  Democracy  enforces,  or  permits 
others  to  enforce,  these  reconstruction  acts,  the  Radicals,  by  the  acces 
sion  of  twenty  spurious  Senators  and  fifty  Representatives,  will  control 
both  branches  of  Congress,  and  his  Administration  will  be  as  powerless 
as  the  present  one  of  Mr.  Johnson. 

"There  is  but  one  way  to  restore  the  Government  and  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  that  is  for  the  President-elect  to  declare  these  acts  null  and 
void,  compel  the  army  to  undo  its  usurpations  at  the  South,  disperse 
the  carpet-bag  State  governments,  allow  the  white  people  to  reorganize 
their  own  governments,  and  elect  Senators  and  Representatives.  The 
House  of  Representatives  will  contain  a  majority  of  Democrats  from 
the  North,  and  they  will  admit  the  Representatives  elected  by  the  white 
people  of  the  South,  and  with  the  co-operation  of  the  President  it  will 
not  be  difficult  to  compel  the  Senate  to  submit  once  more  to  the  obli 
gations  of  the  Constitution.  It  will  not  be  able  to  withstand  the  public 
judgment,  if  distinctly  invoked  and  clearly  expressed  on  this  funda 
mental  issue,  and  it  is  the  sure  way  to  avoid  all  future  strife  to  put  the 
issue  plainly  to  the  country. 

"  I  repeat  that  this  is  the  real  and  only  question  which  we  should 
allow  to  control  us  :  Shall  we  submit  to  the  usurpations  by  which  the 
Government  has  been  overthrown,  or  shall  we  exert  ourselves  for  its 
full  and  complete  restoration  ?  It  is  idle  to  talk  of  bonds,  greenbacks, 
gold,  the  public  faith,  and  the  public  credit.  What  can  a  Democratic 
President  do  in  regard  to  any  of  these,  with  a  Congress  in  both  branches 
controlled  by  the  carpet-baggers  and  their  allies  ?  He  will  be  powerless 
to  stop  the  supplies  by  which  idle  negroes  are  organized  into  political 
clubs — by  which  an  army  is  maintained  to  protect  these  vagabonds  in 
their  outrages  upon  the  ballot.  These,  and  things  like  these,  eat  up 
the  revenue  and  resources  of  the  Government  and  destroy  its  credit — 
make  the  difference  between  gold  and  greenbacks.  We  must  restore 
the  Constitution  before  we  can  restore  the  finances,  and  to  do  this  we 
must  have  a  President  who  will  execute  the  will  of  the  people  by  tram 
pling  into  dust  the  usurpation  of  Congress  known  as  the  reconstruction 
acts.  I  wish  to  stand  before  the  Convention  upon  this  issue,  but  it  is 
one  that  embraces  everything  else  that  is  of  value  in  its  large  and  com 
prehensive  results.  It  is  the  one  thing  that  includes  all  that  is  worth  a 
contest,  and  without  it  there  is  nothing  that  gives  dignity,  honor,  or 
value  to  the  struggle. 

"Your  friend, 

FRANK  P.  BLAIR. 

"  Colonel  James  O.  Broadhead" 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

Is  this  the  language  of  peice  ?  Is  this  the  pledge  of  security  to  the 
country?  Is  this  the  return  to  the  settled  pursuits  of  civil  life  and  the 
calm  routine  of  trade,  which  shall  reassure  our  people  and  restore  our 
prosperity  ?  Does  it  not  rather  suggest  the  clarion-trump  and  the  clash 
of  arms— the  neigh  of  steed  and  the  shriek  of  death  ?  Are  our  taxes  to 
be  lessened  under  these  threats?  Will  our  credit  be  made  better  bv 
these  means  ?  Gentlemen  shall  not  tell  rne  that  this  is  not  an  utterance 
of  the  party,  nor  a  binding  declaration.  The  letter  was  written  before 
the  Convention  met,  in  view  of  its  meeting,  and  in  order  to  bring  the 
writer  and  his  doctrines  before  that  Convention  as  a  candidate.  Both 
ends  were  attained.  The  letter  was  published  ;  the  writer  was  nominat 
ed.  The  doctrines  are  his  and  his  party's,  and  are  embodied  in  the 
platform  by  the  declaration  that  "  we  regard  the  reconstruction  acts  (so 
called)  as  usurpations,  and  unconstitutional,  revolutionary,  and  void." 
It  seems,  then,  from  this,  that  all  we  have  done  is  to  be  undone.  No 
matter  that  the  voice  of  the  country,  in  election  after  election,  year  after 
year,  has  sanctioned  it  and  said  it  was  well  done  ;  the  Democratic  Party 
says  it  must  be  undone,  or  that  the  swords  shall  be  unsheathed  and  des 
olation  sweep  over  the  land. 

Where,  now,  are  the  pledges  of  specie  payment,  of  redeemed  bonds, 
of  equal  currency,  of  wise  legislation,  of  amicable  feeling,  of  restored 
confidence,  of  judicious  economy  and  reduced  taxation  ?  Gone  !  gone  ! 
The  loud  note  of  insurrection  has  dispelled  them  all,  and  the  possibility 
of  our  national  parliament  being  dissolved  by  the  sword,  as  in  Crom 
well's  day,  has  put  all  lingering  hope  to  flight.  We  are  promised  a  uni 
form  and  valuable  currency — one  currency — which  is  to  be  sufficient 
"for  the  Government  and  the  people,  the  laborer  and  the  office-holder, 
the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  producer  and  the  bondholder."  We 
are  promised  "payment  of  the  public  debt  as  rapidly  as  practicable." 
We  are  notified  of  "equal  taxation  of  every  species  of  property,  includ 
ing  bonds  and  other  securities."  We  are  to  expect  "  economy  in  the 
administration  of  the  Government,"  and  the  "  abolition  of  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau."  How  is  all  this  to  be  brought  about  ?  For  fear  I  may 
do  injustice  to  the  platform,  I  wish  to  quote  some  extracts  from  the 
World  newspaper  of  July  8th,  the  day  after  the  platform  was  made.  I 
may  add  that  the  World  is  the  authoritative  exponent  of  the  views  of 
the  distinguished  gentleman,  Horatio  Seymour,  who  has  been  nominated 
for  President  by  that  party,  and  therefore  this  interpretation  is  his  in 
terpretation. 

"The  declarations  relating  to  the  finances  are  scattered  through  dif 
ferent  sections  of  the  platform.  They  need  to  be  brought  together 
before  we  can  get  an  intelligent  view  of  their  scope.  The  platform  is 


144 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


explicit  enough  upon  each  particular  point,  but  its  several  declarations 
so  limit  and  modify  one  another  that  it  would  be  very  misleading  to 
consider  any  one  of  them  apart  from  the  rest." 

It  is  somewhat  singular,  if  this  document  were  all  fairness  and  hon 
esty,  that  its  different  subjects  could  not  be  put  close  enough  together 
to  afford  an  "intelligent  view"  of  each,  and  that  "its  declarations  are  so 
misleading"  as  to  require  an  expert  like  the  World  to  bring  them  to 
gether  in  harmony.  Why  is  it  that  "  its  several  declarations  limit  and 
modify  one  another,"  if  these  are  the  declarations  and  the  principles 
upon  which  our  people  are  asked  to  stake  their  happiness? 

But,  says  the  World,  this  is  what  it  means  : 

"  Payment  of  the  principal  of  the  five-twenty  bonds  in  greenbacks 
will  easily  be  found  in  the  platform  if  searched  for.  The  language  is 
that  'when  the  obligations  of  the  Government  do  not  expressly  state  upon 
their  face,  or  the  law  under  which  they  were  issued  does  not  provide,  that 
they  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  they  ought  in  right  and  in  justice  to  be  paid  in 
the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States;  that  is  to  say,  in  greenbacks. 
This  is  explicit  enough  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  medium  of  payment ;  but 
how  does  the  platform  propose  to  provide  the  means  ?  In  other  words, 
where  are  the  greenbacks  to  come  from  ?  On  this  also  the  platform  is 
explicit.  They  are  not  to  be  manufactured  by  the  printing  press,  but 
to  be  raised  by  taxation.  By  this  method  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt  cannot  be  very  rapid.  The  bondholders  need  have  no  fear  that 
their  property  is  to  be  swept  away  by  a  new  inundation  of  paper  money. 
Payment  of  the  public  debt  in  greenbacks  without  increasing  their 
present  amount,  payment  in  greenbacks  out  of  the  proceeds  of  a  reduced 
taxation,  will  leave  the  greater  portion  of  the  debt  standing  for  many 
years  to  come." 

Two  things  appear  from  this  :  first,  that  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt  cannot  be  very  rapid  ;  and  second,  that  the  greenbacks  wherewith 
to  pay  it  are  to  be  raised  by  taxation.  This  is  a  novel  way  indeed  to 
"equalize  the  currency"  and  to  "reduce  taxation."  We  are  to  be  taxed 
additionally  to  pay  the  public  debt,  and  to  be  taxed  a  long  time  to  come 
before  it  can  be  discharged,  and  the  Democracy  call  this  "  reform  of 
an  existing  abuse."  There  is  another  fact  concealed  in  this  statement 
which  it  were  well  to  bring  to  light.  We  have  heard  that  much  of  our 
miseries  are  due  to  the  "  bloated  bondholders."  They  are  lepers  who 
have  infected  us  in  our  persons,  and  tainted  our  financial  atmosphere. 
But  they  are  assured,  by  this  platform,  that  "they  need  have  no  fears 
that  their  property  is  to  be  swept  away  by  a  new  inundation  of  paper 
money." 

If  these  bonds  are  vile  as  they  say,  why  should  they  not  be  swept 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 

away  under  a  Democratic  dispensation  ?  We  do  not  think  they  are  ; 
but,  if  we  are  to  rely  on  Democratic  testimony,  they  are  the  gangrene 
of  our  body  politic.  Again,  if  there  is  to  be  no  "  new  inundation  of 
paper  money,"  how  are  the  greenbacks  to  be  raised  which,  levied  in 
taxation,  are  to  pay  off  the  national  debt  ?  First,  it  is  said,  they  will 
raise  greenbacks  by  taxation  and  pay  off  the  bonds.  It  must  be  ad 
mitted  that  the  greenbacks  already  in  circulation  arc  not  adequate  for 
this,  and  so  more  must  be  issued.  But,  next  it  is  said,  that  there  will 
be  no  more  issued.  Then  how  are  the  bonds  to  be  paid  ?  It  may  be 
that  this  is  all  clear  to  other  eyes,  and  that  the  end  will  certainly  be 
reached  by  the  means  ;  but  I  trust  I  may  be  pardoned  if  I  confess  at  once 
that  I  am  not  able  to  take  that  "intelligent  view"  which  shows  me  how  it 
is  to  be  done.  It  seems,  too,  that  the  World  has  the  same  opacity  as  my 
self,  if  its  vision  is  confined  to  this  point,  and  so  it  takes  another  stretch  : 
"  There  is  another  part  of  the  platform  which  has  a  pertinent  bearing 
on  this  subject.  It  is  the  declaration  in  favor  of  'one  currency  for  the 
Government  and  the  people,  for  the  bondholder  and  the  producer.' 
Now,  although  nothing  is  expressly  said  upon  that  point,  we  suppose 
the  platform  contemplates  the  payment  of  the  duties  on  imports  in  coin 
as  heretofore.  This  seems  to  us  a  justifiable,  nay,  an  inevitable  infer 
ence  from  what  is  said  about  paying  in  coin  such  obligations  of  the 
Government  as  stipulate  for  coin  upon  their  face.  The  interest  upon 
both  the  ten-forty  and  the  five-twenty  bonds  is  payable  in  coin  by  the  very 
terms  of  the  law,  and  also  the  principal  of  the  ten-forties.  If  the  Gov 
ernment  keeps  this  express  engagement,  it  must  by  some  means  raise 
the  coin,  and  no  other  method  is  suggested  than  by  collecting  it,  as 
now,  at  the  custom-houses.  Now,  as  the  platform  pledges  the  party  to 
pay  specie  to  the  bondholders  to  meet  their  interest  and  that  part  of 
their  principal  which  the  law  requires  to  be  paid  in  coin,  it  seems  evi 
dent  that  the  'one  currency  for  the  Government  and  the  people,  the 
bondholder  and  the  producer,'  must  contemplate  an  early  return  to 
specie  payments.  The  'one  currency'  must  mean  either  a  uniform 
good  currency  or  a  uniform  bad  currency.  It  is  inconceivable  in  itself 
and  inconsistent  with  the  platform  that  the  old,  hard-money  Demo 
cratic  Party  should  promise  a  uniform  currency  of  bad  money.  The 
one  currency  means  a  sound  currency  ;  a  currency  equivalent  to  coin 
and  at  all  times  exchangeable  for  it.  One  currency  of  depreciated 
greenbacks  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  payment  in  coin  of  that 
part  of  the  public  obligations  which  are  acknowledged  by  the  platform 
to  be  due  in  coin  ;  inconsistent  with  the  collection  of  the  revenue  from 
imports  in  gold  ;  inconsistent  with  the  idea  that  we  are  ever  to  return, 
to  specie  payments." 

10 


346  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

"Another  declaration,  in  still  another  section  of  the  platform, 
evinces  an  intention  to  make  an  early  return  to  specie  payments. 
After  calling  for  a  reduction  of  the  public  expenses  and  a  reform  of  the 
system  of  taxation,  the  platform  proceeds  thus  :  *  So  that  the  burden  of 
taxation  may  be  equalized  and  lessened,  the  credit  of  the  Government 
and  the  currency  made  good.'  The  credit  of  the  Government  is  not 
'good'  so  long  as  its  promises  sell  for  less  than  their  face  ;  the  currency 
is  not  'good'  so  long  as  it  is  inflated  and  irredeemable/' 

"The  platform  proposes  to  pay  the  five-twenties  in  greenbacks; 
proposes  to  raise  the  money  for  this  purpose  by  taxation  ;  promises  un 
equivocally  that  'the  burden  of  taxation  shall  be  lessened  ,  the  credit  of 
the  government  made  good  ;  the  currency  made  good ;  and  that  the 
good  currency  shall  be  the  same  for  all  classes,  including  the  bond 
holders.'  We  do  not  regard  these  several  declarations  as  contradictory, 
but  as  mutually  explanatory,  perfectly  consistent,  and  harmonious. 
The  Democratic  Party  is  pledged  by  the  platform  to  appreciate  the 
greenbacks  to  par,  and  use  them  for  the  payment  of  that  part  of  the 
public  debt  which  is  not  by  express  provision  of  law  due  in  coin." 

Now,  having  got  all  the  light  of  which  the  subject  is  capable,  let 
us  see  exactly  what  it  is  that  is  promised  by  these  reformers.  They 
say  to  the  people  :  "The  bloated  bondholder  is  eating  out  your  sub 
stance,  and  we  will  tax  his  property  just  as  we  tax  yours."  They  say 
to  the  bondholder:  "Have  no  fears  for  your  bonds;  we  will  issue 
no  more  greenbacks  to  depreciate  them  ;  and  we  will  pay  them  in  a 
good  and  lawful  currency.  If  it  is  not  gold,  it  shall  be  as  good  as 
gold."  They  say  to  the  people  :  "  We  will  reduce  your  taxes."  They 
say  to  the  capitalist :  "  We  will  pay  our  debts  by  taxation."  They  say  to 
the  people  :  "We  will  have  but  one  currency  for  all  alike,  and  that  shall 
be  greenbacks."  They  say  to  the  creditor:  "We  will  pay  you  in  gold, 
as  the  law  requires  ;  but  we  will  make  the  greenback  of  the  value  of  gold 
if  we  can."  And  then  they  say  to  all,  to  the  bondholder  and  the 
people,  the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  laborer,  the  office-holder, 
and  the  producer:  "We  will  reform  all  abuses;  we  will  equalize  taxa 
tion  by  a  uniform  currency  ;  we  will  pay  the  bonds  in  gold,  or  green 
backs  at  par  ;  and  we  will  pay  off  our  debts."  When  ?  After  many 
years  to  come  ! 

So,  Mr.  Chairman,  admitting  that  all  this  is  to  be  brought  about  in 
the  very  letter  and  spirit  of  the  promise,  it  appears  that  the  first  con 
dition  of  its  fulfilment  is  that  the  Democratic  Party  shall  have  unlim 
ited  power  for  many  years  to  come,  or  else  it  cannot  keep  its  word.  If 
it  should  be  asked  what  recourse  or  remedy  will  the  people  have  if, 
after  having  given  that  power  to  that  party  for  many  years  to  come, 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 

those  promises  should  not  be  kept,  these  pledges  should  not  be  fulfilled, 
I  am  at  a  loss  to  reply  ;  I  do  not  find  any  remedy  stated  in  the  platform  ; 
1  am  not  aware  of  any  recourse.  Still,  however,  it  may  be  impertinent 
and  useless  to  make  the  inquiry  or  to  seek  for  redress.  A  ruined  debt 
or,  bankrupt  to  the  last  farthing,  need  trouble  himself  but  very  little  as 
to  the  disposition  of  the  assets  which  lie  has  not  got.  This,  then,  sir,  is 
the  much-vaunted  financial  policy  which  is  to  be  inaugurated  by  the 
Democratic  Party,  and  through  which  this  country  is  to  be  rescued 
from  all  her  present  difficulties.  This  is  the  key-note  of  their  complaint 
and  the  battle-cry  of  their  campaign.  It  is  a  platform  which  was  made 
to  suit  a  candidate  who  was  defeated  for  the  nomination.  The  platform 
was  made  for  one  man,  but  that  man  is  not  the  one  who  is  standing  on 
it.  The  man  who  wanted  that  platform  did  not  get  the  nomination, 
and  the  man  who  did  get  the  nomination  did  not  want  that  platform. 
It  is  not  of  record  that,  like  another  memorable  candidate  of  by-gone 
years,  "  he  spat  upon  it."  Indeed,  his  well-known  habits  of  decorum 
and  aristocratic  breeding  forbid  the  possibility  of  such  a  thing.  But  it 
is  of  record  that  he  made  two  earnest  and  powerful  speeches  to  prevent 
the  enunciation  of  a  doctrine  which  he  knew  was  absurd  in  the  present 
and  would  be  falsified  in  the  future.  If,  then,  their  financial  declara 
tions  are  vague  and  false,  how  can  we  trust  aught  else  they  say?  The 
country  wants  peace  ;  through  peace  will  come  prosperity.  Prosperity 
thrives  under  a  government  of  fixed  principles,  and  principles  are  most 
firmly  fixed  when  they  are  most  generally  and  best  understood  by  the 
people  at  large.  If  their  finances  fail,  all  else  fails.  Now,  what  do  they 
say  upon  another  most  essential  and  remunerative  branch  of  the  na 
tional  finances, — that  branch  which  is  now,  and  must  continue  to  be,  the 
only  gold-yielding  portion  of  our  revenue, — I  mean  the  tariif  ?  I  quote 
again,  sir,  from  the  World  : 

"There  is  only  one  other  subject  embraced  in  the  platform  which 
seems  to  call  for  any  remark,  and  that  is  the  tariff,  or  '  protection.'  This 
part  of  the  platform  is  a  muddle.  The  language  is  a  *  tariff  for  revenue 
upon  foreign  imports/  which  is  good,  sound  Democratic  doctrine,  but  it 
is  immediately  followed  by  this  unintelligible  jumble  :  *  and  such  equal 
taxation  under  the  internal-revenue  laws  as  will  afford  incidental  pro 
tection  to  domestic  manufactures.'  We  are  here  treated  to  the  paradox 
of  a  revenue  tariff,  and  protective  internal  taxes.  But  the  wonder  does 
not  end  here.  A  protective  tariff  discriminates,  but  internal  taxes  are 
to  protect  without  discriminating.  It  is  *  equal '  internal  taxes  that  are 
to  accomplish  the  feat  of  protecting  domestic  manufactures.  If  all  in 
terests  are  taxed  alike,  how  can  any  be  protected  ?  What  are  they  to 
be  protected  against  ?  Not  against  foreign  rivals  by  internal  taxes  ;  not 


I48  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

against  domestic  competition  by  equal  taxes.     The  promise  of  '  a  tariff 
for  revenue '  is  excellent  ;  all  beyond  that  is  nonsense." 

You  will  observe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  it  is  not  I  who  say  that  this 
is  a  muddle,  an  unintelligible  jumble,  a  paradox,  and  nonsense,  but  the 
leading  Seymour  paper  in  the  United  States. 

I  turn  now  to  another  topic,  and  still  I  quote  the  World: 

"  All  that  the  Democratic  Party  promise  to  do,  in  relation  to  negro 
supremacy,  is  comprised  in  these  words  :  'The  reduction  of  the  stand 
ing  army  and  navy,  the  abolition  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  and  all 
political  instrumentalities  designed  to  secure  negro  supremacy/  The 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  with  the  army  to  back  it,  is  a  tremendous  election 
eering  machine  intended  to  control  the  negro  vote.  When  it  is  abol 
ished,  the  negro  vote  will  fall  under  the  control  of  the  white  citizens  of 
the  South,  and  there  will  then  be  no  difficulty  in  carrying  all  the  South 
ern  States  for  the  Democratic  Party." 

That  is,  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  is  an  outrageous  institution,  because 
it  prevents  the  Democratic  Party  from  controlling  the  negro  vote,  and 
getting  supremacy  in  every  Southern  State  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  Freed 
men's  Bureau  would  be  all  right  if  it  were  in  Democratic  hands,  and 
the  negro  will  be  a  good  enough  man  to  vote  so  soon  as  he  can  be  got 
to  vote  the  Democratic  ticket.  The  World  further  adds  : 

"  The  platform  promises  to  smash  the  political  machine  called  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  and  all  other  Federal  agencies  for  controlling  the 
Southern  elections  ;  but  beyond  this  it  wisely  promises  nothing  in  re 
lation  to  negro  suffrage.  It  promises  that  the  Federal  Government 
shall  not  interfere  to  cajole  the  negroes  into  voting  against  the  interests 
of  their  section,  and  trusts  to  the  natural  ascendency  of  white  intelli 
gence  to  accomplish  whatever  else  may  be  deemed  expedient.  In  this 
matter  the  platform  is  equally  wise  in  what  it  promises  and  in  what  it 
abstains  from  promising." 

In  other  words,  it  is  admirable  because  it  is  so  happy  in  suppressing 
the  truth  to  an  extent  as  great  as  in  suggesting  a  falsehood  ;  and  this, 
sir,  is  the  whole  of  it  beyond  the  usual  quantity  of  empty  phrases,  "  full 
of  sound  and  fury  and  signifying  nothing,"  with  which,  from  time  im 
memorial,  the  Democratic  Party  have  been  in  the  habit  of  garnishing 
their  platforms.  I  might  make  a  closer  analysis  of  it  all,  and  I  think  I 
might  make  a  stronger  show  of  its  utter  worthlessness  ;  but  I  am  con 
tent  to  accept  the  rendition  of  the  World^  in  order  that  I  may  not  be 
charged  with  partisan  prejudice.  I  take  the  World^  because  it  is  the 
word. 

It  explains  the  deed,  for  him  who  is  to  perform  it ;  and  surely,  where 
we  decide  evidence  of  intention  and  of  faith,  we  can  ask  for  nothing 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

stronger  than  the  word  and  the  deed  combined.  But  I  have  not  done 
yet.  I  desire,  with  your  indulgence,  to  go  a  little  behind  the  promise, 
to  inquire  as  to  the  character  of  those  who  make  the  promise.  It  is  an 
axiom,  with  all  business  men,  that  the  value  of  a  note  is  determined  not 
at  all  by  what  it  promises  to  pay,  but  wholly  and  exclusively  by  the 
character  of  the  makers  and  indorsers.  I  wish  to  inqtaire,  Mr.  Chair 
man,  who  are  the  men  that  made  up  that  Democratic  Convention,  and 
who  are  the  men  that  indorsed  its  candidates  ?  I  have  already  referred 
to  the  men  who,  in  time  of  peace,  plotted  war.  I  have  shown  how  it 
was  that  this  country  became  charged  with  its  load  of  debt.  I  have 
dwelt  upon  the  struggles  and  the  difficulties  of  that  hour,  and  the  wails 
and  the  woes  of  our  mourners.  I  have  stated  how  we  did  all  that  we 
did,  because  it  was  the  only  thing  to  do.  I  have  shown  how  we  wrestled 
with  our  adversity,  and  finally  how  we  overcame  our  enemies.  We  bore 
the  brunt  of  arms,  for  the  sake  of  our  country,  and  to  uphold  its  consti 
tution,  its  laws,  and  its  liberties.  We  had  but  one  desire,  and  that  was 
"  Peace  to  our  country."  We  had  but  one  anxiety,  and  that  was  to  pre 
serve  intact  this  chosen  land.  Well,  sir,  as  I  said,  the  war  was  over,  and 
the  victory  was  ours.  There  was  no  longer  a  rebel  in  arms.  They  had 
dispersed,  as  we  supposed,  never  to  meet  again. 

But,  sir,  we  were  mistaken.  They  have  met  again.  Where  ?  Why, 
this  time  upon  Northern  soil  and  in  a  Northern  city— in  the  city  of  New 
York,  the  great  metropolis  of  this  country — in  the  Democratic  Convex 
tion.  I  do  not  say  that  every  man  who  met  there  had  been  a  rebel  ; 
but  I  do  say  that  all  the  rebels  met  there,  who  are  now  leading  in  pub 
lic  life,  and  who  hope  for  public  position.  It  was  the  same  old  story 
over  again  ;  the  same  old  faces  to  see.  The  men  who  had  held  this 
Government  for  years,  and  plotted  to  destroy  it  while  they  held  it,  were 
there.  The  men  who  fought  to  destroy  this  Government  when  they 
could  no  longer  hold  it,  were  there.  The  men  who,  though  they  had 
never  plotted  to  destroy  it  or  fought  against  it,  yet  quietly  acquiesced 
in  the  designs  of  those  who  did,  were  there.  The  men  who  have  always 
given  blind  allegiance  to  the  behest  of  party,  regardless  of  the  good  of 
the  country,  were  there.  The  men  who  have  always  been  the  praters 
and  croakers  and  false  prophets  of  the  country,  were  there  ;  and  a  few 
men  who  had  once  served  their  country,  but  were  lured  off  by  fatal  am 
bition  and  the  hope  of  spoils,  were  there.  Good  men  may  have  been  there, 
but  bad  men  were  most  certainly  there  ;  and  just  as  certainly  the  bad 
outnumbered  the  good.  And  these  are  the  men,  sir,  who  complain  of  us. 
These  are  the  men  who  say  we  have  violated  the  law,  and  have  usurped 
the  Constitution.  We  have  told  them  to  the  contrary,  many  and  many 
a  time.  In  these  very  halls,  before  they  deserted  their  places,  we  as- 


150  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

sured  them  that  we  desired  nothing  but  the  law  and  the  Constitution. 
After  they  had  erected  their  first  batteries,  and  before  they  fired  on  Fort 
Sumter,  they  were  again  assured  that  the  law  and  the  Constitution 
should  be  kept  inviolate.  Even  after  they  had  waged  their  fiercest  war 
upon  us,  the  President  of  the  United  States  once  more  proclaimed  that 
we  fought,  only,  to  protect  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 

Again  and  again,  by  the  camp-fire,  under  the  flag  of  truce  and  in 
the  hospitals,  and  in  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  in  parleys  and  com 
munications,  they  were  made  acquainted  with  the  fact  that  we  had  but 
one  object,  and  that  was  to  enforce  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  And 
yet  again,  sir,  when  the  battle  was  at  a  white  heat,  and  strong  arms  and 
strong  hearts  wrought  wounds  and  death,  when  the  air  was  filled  with 
lamentations  and  pierced  by  cries  of  agony,  when  the  greedy  earth 
drank  up  the  gushing  blood  of  our  bravest  and  our  best,  we  still  ad 
vanced  but  the  one  standard,  which  was  the  old  starry  banner,  emblem 
atic  of  the  Constitution,  the  laws,  our  unity,  and  strength.  Ah,  sir,  it 
must  have  been  a  humiliating  scene  at  that  Convention  !  Were  the 
loyal  soldiers  and  citizens  of  this  country  looking  on,  when  the  rebel 
General  Preston  nominated  the  former  Union  General  Blair  ?  Did  the 
loyal  sailors  and  soldiers  hear  the  rebel  Wade  Hampton  second  the 
nomination  !  Did  the  rank  and  file  of  the  loyal  men  listen  to  the 
butcher  of  Fort  Pillow — Forrest  ?  Where  were  then  the  memories  of 
former  treacheries,  of  a  nation  outdone  and  a  Constitution  usurped,  of 
laws  violated  and  civil  slaughter  instituted  ? 

I  have  no  desire  to  keep  alive  old  animosities,  or  to  recall  the  past 
with  a  view  to  let  it  rankle.  I  am  willing  that  the  lessons  of  the  war 
should  be  their  own  monitor  to  those  who  learned  them.  But  when  I 
hear  those  who  risked  their  lives  to  save  our  country  ;  when  I  hear  those 
whose  shorn  limbs  and  maimed  trunks  are  witnesses  of  their  devotion 
to  the  laws,  charged  with  breaking  the  laws  ;  when  I  hear  those  who 
are  now  lying  in  their  premature  graves  for  the  cause  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  charged  with  usurping  that  Constitution, — I  cannot  help  it  if  my 
indignant  heart  beats  fast  and  my  utterance  grows  thick,  while  I  de 
mand  to  know  "Who  are  ye  that  denounce  us?" 

It  is  for  this  reason,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  say  the  present  issue  is 
one  which  concerns  our  young  men  greatly,  because  it  contains  the 
question,  whether,  in  any  future  war,  it  is  worth  while  for  our  younc^ 
men  to  embark  in  it.  Heretofore  it  has  always  been  held,  in  all  ages, 
ancient  and  modern,  that  he  who  defended  his  country,  was  entitled  to 
the  gratitude  of  his  country.  But  if  it  shall  be  decided,  by  this  election, 
that  he  who  defends  his  country,  is  to  be  aspersed  by  his  country,  then 
the  sooner  it  is  understood,  the  better  it  will  be  for  those  who  would 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

have  otherwise  perilled  their  existence  at  the  call  of  their  people.  That 
issue  is  involved  in  this  campaign,  and  no  artifice  or  chicanery  should  be 
permitted  to  bury  it  out  of  sight.  But  what  right  have  those,  to  com 
plain,  who  were  in  the  Democratic  Convention,  but  yet  were  not  in  the 
rebel  ranks  ?  Did  they  aid  us  to  suppress  the  rebellion  ?  Were  they 
prompt  with  men  and  money  in  our  need  ?  Were  they  hopeful  in  our 
dark  days,  and  joyful  in  our  bright  days  ?  Did  they  cheer  our  soldiers 
and  give  them  the  strength  of  their  blessings  and  a  God-speed  ?  '  Did 
they  nurse  them  when  sick,  and  succor  them  when  wounded?  No,  sir; 
they  did  not,  or  else  they  would  not  be  found  to-day  in  such  company. 
The  civilian  who  supported  the  military  in  the  day  of  the  war,  has  never 
yet  complained  that  we  have  done  great  wrong,  nor  ever  yet  desired  to 
take  the  reins  of  government  from  the  Republican  Party. 

This  is  no  schism  in  our  own  ranks.  This  is  no  falling  off  of  those 
who  once  were  with  us,  because  of  our  misdeeds.  This  is  no  branch  of 
the  Union  party,  saying  that  we  are  tyrants  and  usurpers  and  robbers 
and  destroyers,  and  that  therefore  they  can  support  us  no  longer.  Not 
at  all.  It  is  simply  our  old  enemies  who  have  fought  us  in  the  Halls  of 
Congress,  and  on  the  battle-field,  and  in  campaigns,  for  years  ;  never 
winning,  ever  failing,  but  always  fierce  and  hateful. 

It  affords  me  sincere  pleasure  that  I  may  look  again  upon  those  who 
met  so  lately  in  convention  at  the  city  of  Chicago.  What  a  sight  was 
there  !  Mr.  Chairman,  there  were  gathered  together  the  men  who  had 
served  their  country  in  every  capacity  to  which  duty  called  them.  The 
men  whose  devotion  had  been  as  unswerving  as  their  fidelity  was  un 
questioned.  Men  whose  sole  thoughts  and  whose  constant  thoughts 
were  for  their  country's  good,  and  how  best  and  soonest  to  make  it 
manifest  and  permanent.  Men  from  the  closet,  men  from  the  camp, 
men  from  the  public  station,  men  from  private  life,  men  of  distinction, 
men  unknown  ;  but  all  of  them,  whithersoever  they  came  and  whatso 
ever  they  were,  all  of  them  men  who  came  on  the  one  thought  of  how 
yet  to  aid  their  country. 

Whom  did  they  select,  and  how  were  they  selected  ?  Not  after  days 
of  balloting,  and  nights  of  intrigue  ;  not  upon  bargains  by  politicians, 
and  tradings  by  tricksters;  not  upon  appliances  of  questionable  moral 
ity,  and  through  stimulants  of  debasing  tendency.  In  a  moment,  as  it 
were,  and  by  one  spontaneous  accord,  the  hearts  of  all  these  men  came 
together,  and  their  judgments  approved  their  instincts.  With  one  un 
faltering  acclaim,  they  selected  the  hero  whose  valor  had  been  resplen 
dent  in  the  field,  and  the  statesman  whose  wisdom  had  been  acknowl 
edged  in  Congress.  The  popular  judgment  is  seldom  wrong,  but  never 
was  it  so  right  as  when  it  asked  that  this  Government  should  be  put  in 


1 52  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  hands  of  Grant  and  Colfax.  They  had  seen  Grant  clothed  with  the 
powers  of  a  dictator,  and  seen  him  use  them  with  the  moderation  of  a 
patriot.  They  had  seen  him  at  the  head  of  an  irresistible  army,  and  had 
seen  him  disband  it  as  from  a  dress  parade.  They  had  watched  him 
achieve  victory  after  victory,  and  yet  quietly  put  off  all  the  shows  and 
trappings  of  war.  Thev  had  found  him  sagacious  as  a  counsellor,  and 
safe  as  a  chieftain.  He  had  proved  himself  to  be  honest,  and  they  knew 
he  could  be  trusted. 

Sir,  on  that  day  three  hundred  thousand  sainted  martyrs  to  the  cause 
of  liberty,  for  whom  the  earth  had  bared  her  bosom  to  receive  their 
manly  forms,  and  heaven  opened  wide  her  gates  to  receive  their  noble 
spirits,  looked  down  approvingly  upon  our  action,  because  it  was  the 
action  of  true  and  faithful  men,  intending  the  honor,  prosperity,  and 
happiness  of  their  country. 

I  have  no  doubt,  sir,  of  their  election.  To  doubt  it  would  be  to  im 
pugn  the  judgment  of  my  countrymen.  The  country  demands  that  the 
political  power  for  that  "  many  years  to  come,"  desired  by  the  Demo 
crats,  shall  be  intrusted  to  the  Republican  Party.  The  people  have 
faith  in  the  Republican  Party.  They  judge  it  by  what  it  has  done,  and 
hence  they  know,  full  well,  what  it  will  do.  They  know  that  the  Repub 
lican  Party  is,  in  fact,  the  only  party  of  peace  and  prosperity.  It  was 
that  party  which  led  the  hosts  of  the  Union,  to  the  haven  of  pence, 
through  the  red  ordeal  of  war.  These  questions,  which  now  embarrass 
us,  are  but  the  debris  of  war.  We  have  cared  for  the  wounded,  we  have 
buried  the  dead.  We  have  disbanded  our  armies,  as  part  of  the  work 
remaining  after  the  war.  To  give  stability  to  the  currency,  to  equalize 
taxation,  to  harmonize  States,  and  to  insure  prosperity,  is  still  another 
and  probably  quite  as  difficult  a  portion  of  that  same  labor.  But  the 
party  which  did  the  one,  is  unquestionably  equal  to  the  other. 

I  am  not  an  enthusiast,  when  obstacles  are  to  be  overcome,  and  when 
intricate  questions  are  to  be  solved.  I  do  not  wish,  therefore,  to  be 
called  visionary,  or  enthusiastic,  when  I  predict  the  results  which  will 
certainly  follow  from  the  administration  of  the  Republican  Party  in 
four  years  more.  We  will  see,  sir,  then,  the  admirable  results  of  having 
all  the  different  departments  of  the  Government  acting  in  entire  unison 
and  accord.  Heretofore,  during  the  eight  years  that  our  party  has  been 
in  power,  we  have  had  to  give  four  of  them  to  stay  the  tide  of  rebellion, 
and  the  rest  have  been  rendered  nearly  useless  to  us  by  the  obstinacy, 
the  perversion,  and  the  machinations  of  a  designing  executive.  When 
we  marched  into  the  field,  our  foe  was  before  us.  We  knew  what  we 
had  to  meet.  There  were  no  surprises  in  store  for  us.  It  was  the  dread 
arbitrament  of  battle.  But  after  that,  we  had  another  foe  to  meet — a 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

dangerous  foe,  powerful,  and  insidious  ;  one  whose  assaults  were  made, 
in  the  garb  of  peace,  and  under  the  pretexts  of  law  ;  one  who  sought  to 
check  every  step  of  our  progress,  and  retard  every  advance  of  our 
civilization.  Our  time  has  been  occupied  in  detecting  the  hidden  am 
bushes  of  this  enemy,  and  saving  ourselves  from  his  surprises.  But 
soon  he  will  pass  away. 

Like  the  armed  foe  whose  accessory  he  was,  he  will  disappear  from 
the  public  gaze,  and  become  impotent  for  further  harm.  With  the' Ex 
ecutive  to  encourage  the  Congress,  and  with  a  Congress  which  will 
respect  and  hearken  to  the  Executive,  then,  indeed,  the  fruits  of  our 
legislation  will  be  visible,  and  gratifying.  Commerce  will  revive,  for 
the  country  will  have  stability.  Our  ships  shall  once  again  multiply 
upon  the  seas,  for  our  flag  will  denote  security.  Our  name  shall  be 
respected  abroad,  for  we  shall  have  demonstrated  the  doctrine  of  self- 
government.  Our  bonds  will  be  sought  for  investment,  for  we  shall 
have  vindicated  our  integrity.  Our  currency  shall  be  unsuspected  at 
home,  for  we  shall  have  proved  its  value.  Our  revenue  shall  be  in 
creased,  for  the  country  will  have  become  inspired  with  confidence.  Bad 
men  will  be  hurled  from  power,  and  honest  ones  put  in  their  places. 
Our  taxes  shall  be  diminished,  for  all  will  unite  in  yielding  them.  The 
Southern  States  will  be  reorganized  and  recognized,  for  they  will  have 
seen  that  therein  lies  their  welfare. 

We  will  go  on,  sir,  as  a  Nation,  hand-in-hand,  treading  the  broad 
pathway  which  leads  up  to  prosperity  and  progress,  with  our  march 
unimpeded  by  the  difficulties  which  now  surround  us,  and  posterity 
shall  bless  our  work,  unceasingly,  forever. 

LOGAN    IN    THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1 868 WHAT    WAS  THOUGHT  AND 

SAID    OF    HIS    EFFORTS HIS    GREAT  SPEECHES  AT  POUGHKEEP- 

SIE,   N.   Y.,  AND  MORRIS,   ILL. 

During  the  Presidential  contest  which  followed,  Mr. 
Logan  was  untiringly  active,  making  many  speeches,  in 
other  States,  as  well  as  his  own,  which  were  acknowledged 
to  be  among  the  most  powerful  of  that  campaign.  Of  one 
of  them,  the  New  York  City  special  correspondence  of  the 
Chicago  Evening  Journal,  August  i8th,  said: 

General  Logan's  speech  at  Poughkeepsie  on  Friday  evening  is 
winning  golden  opinions  for  him.  Several  of  our  papers  reproduce  it 
entire,  while  all  the  Republican  sheets  copy  more  or  less  of  it.  Many 


154  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

pronounce  it  the  very  best  campaign  speech  yet  delivered,  while  others 
rank  it  among  the  very  best,  classifying  it  with  the  one  just  delivered 
by  Matthew  H.  Carpenter  in  your  city.  ...  I  never  heard  General 
Logan  but  once,  at  the  Cooper  Institute  in  1865,  when  the  ovation,  ir 
respective  of  party,  wras  extended  to  him,  Grant,  and  Blair.  I  sat  beside 
him  on  the  stage,  and  as  I  watched  the  effect  of  his  remarks  on  the  vast 
assemblage,  how  he  seemed  to  lead  them  captive  at  his  will,  it  seemed 
to  me  that  he  must  be  one  of  the  very  best  campaign  speakers  in  the 
country.  We  are  very  thankful  for  his  services  here,  in  New  York,  to 
assist  us  in  overcoming  the  fifty  thousand  majority  under  which  the  Em 
pire  State  nowr  staggers. 

Another  great  speech,  delivered  September  i,  1868,  at 
Morris,  111.,  which  fairly  discussed  the  claims  of  both  parties 
to  the  support  of  the  people,  refuted  the  charge  of  Republi 
can  extravagance,  riddled  the  Democratic  ideas  of  finan- 
ceering,  defended  the  Republican  reconstruction  policy,  and 
exhibited  the  criminal  folly  of  permitting  the  Democrats  to 
undo  all  that  the  armies  of  the  Union  and  the  Republican 
party  had  done, — covering  twelve  columns  of  the  Chicago 
Republican, — was  not  alone  a  thoroughly  exhaustive  and 
compendious  review  of  the  political  situation,  but  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  efforts  ever  made  in  this  country  upon  the 
stump.  The  following  extract  from  it,  touching  Republican 
good  faith  and  Democratic  repudiation,  is  interesting  as  a 
sample  of  General  Logan's  stump-speech  style : 

Now,  my  fellow-citizens,  I  want  to  add,  inasmuch  as  I  am  upon  this 
subject  of  expense,  that  our  debt  being  $2,510,000,000  and  a  little  over, 
we,  the  Republican  Party,  propose  to  pay  that  debt.  [Cheers  and  great 
applause.]  That  is  to  say,  if  we  control  the  Government,  we  propose 
that  that  debt  shall  be  paid.  [Renewed  applause.]  And  not  only  paid, 
but  we  also  propose  that  the  Democrats  and  rebels,  or  rebels  and  Dem 
ocrats  [applause],  shall  help  pay  it.  [Tremendous  enthusiasm.]  Yes, 
we  propose  that.  [Loud  applause.] 

Now  how  do  we  intend  to  do  that?  I  differ  with  the  Democracy  in 
this  country.  I  am  not  in  a  hurry  to  pay  this  ;  and  I  will  give  you  my 
reasons  for  saying  and  feeling  so.  Our  proposition  is  to  liquidate  this 
debt  in  twenty-five,  thirty  or  forty  years.  And  why  do  we  propose  to 
do  that  ?  Because  in  that  length  of  time,  owing  now  $2,510,000,000,— 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

if  we  reduce  the  public  debt  as  rapidly  as  we  have  within  the  last  two 
years,— how  long  will  it  take  to  pay  it,  reducing  taxation  at  the  same 
time  ?  Why  we  shall  cancel  it,  in  twenty-five  years  ;  at  the  same  time 
—mind  that ! — at  the  same  time  doing  away  with  taxation  almost  en 
tirely.  We  will  pay  it  in  twenty-five  years  without  our  feeling  it,  by  a 
tariff  that  will  not  be  oppressive  to  the  people,  and  by  a  light  income- 
tax,  together  with  a  tax  upon  the  luxuries  of  life.  That  is  the  policy  of 
the  Republican  Party.  [Great  applause  and  long  cheering.] 

We  proposed,  this  last  Congress,  to  fund  this  debt,  and  to  fund  it  so 
that  the  interest  would  only  be  four,  to  four  and  a  half,  percent.,  instead 
of  five  and  six  per  cent.  But  Mr.  Johnson  stuck  the  bill  in  his  pocket, 
and  it  didn't  become  a  law.  But,  according  to  the  platform  of  the  Re 
publican  Convention,  we  make  the  proposition  to  reduce  the  interest 
on  the  public  debt,  and  thereby  lighten  the  burthens  of  the  people. 
And  we  propose  to  do  it,  not  by  passing  a  law  that  a  man  shall  take  this 
thing  for  that,  but  to  do  it  in  such  a  way  that  it  will  cause  the  bond 
holders  to  exchange  the  one  bond  for  the  other,  by  letting  that  other 
run  a  time  at  a  lower  rate  of  interest,  as  is  the  policy  of  England  and 
other  European  powers,  because  the  great  capitalists  prefer  a  bond  run 
ning  thirty  or  forty  years,  instead  of  say  ten,  as  it  saves  them  the  trouble 
of  reinvesting  the  money.  And  for  that  reason  a  bond  running  for 
a  long  term  of  years,  is  better  than  one  running  for  a  short  term,  and 
can  be  put  upon  the  market  at  a  lower  rate  of  interest. 

This  is  our  plan  of  paying  the  public  debt.  The  Democratic  Party 
propose  to  pay  it  differently.  I  do  not  agree  with  them,  as  I  remarked, 
in  their  proposition.  They  say  they  are  in  favor  of  paying  it  within  five 
years.  They  want  it  paid  right  off.  They  say,  "  You  are  paying  six 
per  cent,  interest  on  this  great  debt  all  the  time."  That  is  true,  or  the 
most  of  it.  You  pay  six  per  cent,  on  about  $1,600,000,000,  and  five  per 
cent,  on  the  balance — that  is,  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent,  on  the  5~2o's 
and  five  per  cent,  on  the  10-40*5,  in  gold.  They  say  that  while  we  are 
paying  that  interest,  they  want  to  stop  that  interest.  How  do  they 
propose  to  stop  that  interest  ?  It's  the  easiest  thing  in  the  world 
to  do,  the  way  they  propose  to  do  it.  [Laughter.]  They  say  they 
want  to  stop  this  interest,  by  issuing  greenbacks  to  pay  off  this 
debt,  and  they  have  a  stump  speech  on  that  point  that  is  calculated  to 
deceive  a  great  many  ignorant  people.  It  won't  deceive  any  man  of 
ordinary  sense  and  information,  but  it  may  deceive  a  man  who  is  desti 
tute  of  that  article  which  is  very  necessary  in  a  country  where  a  man 
should  understand  his  business  and  the  affairs  of  the  Nation.  [Laugh 
ter  and  applause.] 

We  have  now  $700,000,000  of  currency.     Over  $350,000,000  of  it  is 


156  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

in  United  States  Treasury  notes,  and  the  balance,  in  National  Bank 
notes.  They  say,  they  propose  to  pay  off  the  interest  of  these  notes — 
the  National  Bank  bonds  that  are  deposited  as  collaterals,  and  all  the 
bonus  in  the  hands  of  the  bondholders — because  they  are  mad  at  the 
bondholder.  They  don't  like  him.  They  say  he  is  a  rich  man  and  an 
aristocrat,  and  they  want  him  paid  off  ;  they  want  to  lift  the  burthens 
off  the  shoulders  of  the  people.  They  are  going  to  issue,  besides  the 
$700,000,000  of  currency  we  now  have,  a  fresh  lot. 

Now  suppose  you  for  a  short  time  examine  this  question  as  sensible 
men.  Suppose  we  issue  "greenbacks"  to  pay  off  these  bonds  and  stop 
the  interest,  how  much  do  you  make  by  that  ?  They  say  currency  is  good 
•enough  fur  the  bondholder.  But  "that  ain't  the  question."  The  ques 
tion  is,  How  does  it  affect  the  people  ?  You  are  the  men  to  be  con 
sidered.  The  money  goes  into  your  hands.  It  is  issued  by  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  the  bondholder  gets  it  for  his  bonds,  but  he  pays  it 
directly  over  to  you.  He  buys  your  horses,  your  cattle,  your  land,  your 
products — for  that  is  what  you  sell  your  produce  for — and  if  there  is  any 
loss  on  it,  who  loses  it  ?  You  are  the  men  who  lose  it.  The  farmers, 
the  mechanics,  the  laborers,  are  the  men  who  must  receive  it,  and  they 
are  the  men  in  whose  hands  it  must  depreciate,  and  they  are  the  men 
who  must  be  responsible.  But  if  they  had  not  the  gold  and  silver  to 
pay  off  these  $1,600,000,000  of  bonds,  and  liquidate  them,  instead,  in 
-greenbacks,  how  are  you  going  to  pay  off  the  greenbacks  when  issued  ? 
We  have  got  to  pay  them  in  something.  They  issue  ten  or  sixteen  hun 
dred  millions  of  greenbacks  to  pay  off  all  the  bonds,  because  they 
haven't  the  gold  to-day  to. pay  off  the  bonds.  Then,  when  you  get  the 
greenbacks,  and  come  to  a  bank  to  have  them  redeemed,  what  will  you 
have  to  redeem  them  with  ?  [Applause.]  You  have  got  no  gold  to  do 
that  with,  and-your  currency  will  be  worth  nothing.  Your  money  will 
be  just  in  the  condition  the  rebel's  money  was,  over  there,  in  Richmond, 
Va.  He  had  been  over  there,  in  the  rebellion,  and  had  been  making 
cannon  for  the  Confederacy.  When  he  went  there,  the  money  was  first- 
rate.  Confederate  money  was  good  enough.  He  got  up  in  the  morn 
ing,  put  a  two-dollar  bill  in  his  vest  pocket,  took  his  basket  on  his  arm 
to  buy  his  breakfast,  which  he  would  bring  home  in  his  basket  and  have 
it  about  full.  He  stayed  there  a  year  or  so,  and  he  said  he  then  had  to 
take  the  basket  to  carry  his  money  in,  and  could  almost  bring  his  break 
fast  back  in  his  vest  pocket.  [Laughter.]  And  you  would  be  in  that 
condition,  precisely,  if  you  were  to  pay  off  this  debt  in  the  manner  the 
Democracy  want  to  pay  it. 

Let  us  illustrate  it  another  way.     .     .     .     Suppose  you, \  my  friend, 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

are   in   distress  ;     .  you   go  to  a  neighbor  and  borrow  money  of 

him,  and  give  him  a  note  drawing  ten  per  cent.  You  give  him  a  note  ;. 
he  has  lent  you  his  money  ;  you  get  out  of  your  difficulty.  As  soon  as. 
you  are  fairly  out  of  it,  he  wants  you  to  pay  him,  and  you  say,  "Yes  ;  I 
will  pay  you."  How — how  are  you  going  to  pay  your  debt  ?  Accord 
ing  to  the  Democratic  theory  you  will  give  him  a  new  note,  drawing  no- 
interest.  That  is  the  doctrine  ;  that  is  it  precisely.  [Laughter  and  ap 
plause.] 

The  close  of  this  great  speech  was  wonderfully  effective. 
Said  the  speaker : 

If  you  elect  Grant  and  Colfax,  you  will  have  peace.  Because,  let 
me  tell  you,  that  man,  Grant,  will  keep  peace.  These  rebels  know  it, 
and  that  is  the  reason  they  do  not  want  him  to  be  President.  [Great 
applause.]  With  Seymour  and  Blair,  you  will  have  revolution,  in  my 
judgment  ;  with  Grant  and  Colfax,  you  will  have  peace  and  prosperity,, 
in  my  judgment.  Now  if  there  are  any  soldiers  here,  ["  Here's  one  !  "] 
I  want  to  ask  them  this  question.  Let  me  illustrate  our  position  as  sol 
diers,  because  you  know  that  there  is  a  sympathy  between  us  that  hardly 
ever  exists  between  other  men.  It  matters  not  how  much  we  may  dif 
fer  in  politics,  we  have  yet  a  respect  the  one  for  the  other,  if  we  know 
we  have  each  done  our  duty  in  the  cause  of  our  country.  That  is  uni 
versally  so  among  soldiers,  whether  they  are  Democratic  soldiers,  or 
Republican  soldiers.  Suppose,  for  the  purpose  of  looking  at  this  thing 
in  the  light  of  a  soldier,  we  soldiers  could  have  the  matter  arranged  ac 
cording  to  our  taste  to-day.  Suppose  that  we  had  a  stand  built  on  this 
side  of  the  street,  and  one  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street.  Suppose 
that  we  had  Seymour — and  Blair  and  the  Democratic  Convention — on 
the  platform,  on  this  side  of  the  street ;  Forrest  on  his  right,  Wade 
Hampton  on  his  left,  Joe  Williams  behind  him  a  little,  and  the  balance 
of  the  rebels  bringing  up  the  rear.  Suppose  on  the  other  side,  we  had 
Grant  and  Colfax,  and  the  six  hundred  and  thirty  men  in  the  Chicago 
Convention  (three  hundred  of  that  number  had  served  in  the  Union 
army).  Suppose  we  had  that  arrangement,  and  suppose  we  had  the 
power  to  call  from  their  graves  the  three  hundred  thousand  martyred 
brothers  who  sleep  in  the  far-off  vale,  and  who  died  that  you  and  I  might 
have  protection.  Suppose  that  we  could  bring  all  the  widows  in  their 
weeds,  and  the  orphans,  and  the  one-legged  and  the  one-armed  soldiers, 
and  we  could  place  them  in  one  grand  row  along  that  street,  and  pass 
them  in  review  between  these  two  conventions.  I  ask  you,  soldiers,  if 
you  could  be  at  one  side,  and  see  that  grand  review,  as  it  marched  by 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

these  two  stands,  how  would  you  be  affected  ?  As  the  three  hundred 
thousand  sainted  martyrs  passed  by,  clothed  in  white,  as  spirits  from 
above,  casting  their  eyes  to  the  right  and  left,  there  would  be  Grant,  and 
his  three  hundred  soldier  followers,  (and  no  rebels  on  his  stand,)  shed 
ding  tears  of  mourning  over  the  ones  that  were  left  behind.  These 
spirits  could  say  to  them,  "  We  died  for  your  benefit,  and  for  your  pro 
tection."  When  they  turned  their  faces  toward  the  stand  on  this  side, 
what  could  they  say  ?  "  Mr.  Seymour,  you  said,  we  could  not  save  this 
country  ;  that  the  draft  was  unconstitutional.  You  said,  the  war  was  a 
failure  ;  you  signed  a  platform  that  said,  the  further  prosecution  of  it 
would  lead  to  anarchy  and  misrule.  You  have  been  nominated  for  the 
Presidency,  and  there  are  your  friends,  who  represent  your  party,  sitting 
about  you."  "Here  is  Forrest,"  says  one,  "who  butchered  me."  An 
other  cries,  u  I  am  the  spirit  of  that  man  who  was  burned,  by  that  mur 
derer  Forrest  who  sits  there,  while  I  was  lying  sick  in  my  tent."  Another 
one  says  to  Wade  Hampton,  "  I  am  the  man  upon  whose  breast  was 
pinned  a  ticket,  that  my  General  and  friends  might  see  that  I  had  been 
hanged,  while  foraging  in  South  Carolina."  And  these  rebels  sit  there 
and  see  these  men  as  they  go  by,  followed  by  the  widows,  who  hold  up 
their  weeds  and  say,  "  That  stand  bears  the  man  that  caused  me  to  be 
dressed  in  mourning  to-day."  As  the  one-legged  man  goes  by,  holding 
up  his  crutch  he  cries  out,  "  You  are  the  man  that  caused  me  to  have 
but  one  leg;"  the  one-armed  man  would  shake  his  stump  at  Forrest 
and  Hampton  and  Preston,  and  their  rebel  brothers,  and  say,  "  You  men 
are  the  cause  of  my  being  a  cripple  for  life  ;"  and  as  the  child  came 
along,  it  would  prattle  and  say,  "When  will  my  father  return  ?  Thou 
art  the  man  that  gave  me  not  my  father  back,  but  made  me  an  orphan 
— thou  art  the  man  who  murdered  my  parent — thou  art  the  man  who 
made  my  mother  a  widow."  I  ask  you  soldiers,  to-day,  if  you  could 
stand  and  gaze  upon  a  scene  like  that,  and  then  turn  around  and  say, 
"  I  will  vote  for  the  man  who  sits  upon  that  platform  with  his  rebels, 
Forrest  and  Hampton,  and  all  of  them  around  him,  who  have  made  those 
three  hundred  thousand  dead  brothers  arise,  and  given  us  half  a  million 
of  widows  and  orphans,  and  crippled  and  wounded  soldiers  ?  "  ["  Nev 
er  !  "  '•  Never  !  "]  I  say  there  is  not  a  soldier,  to-day,  except  he  has  lost 
his  manhood,  and  there  is  not  one  man,  except  he  has  lost  his  patriotism 
and  is  lost  to  every  sense  of  honor  and  propriety,  in  this  country,  who 
could  gaze  upon  such  a  scene  as  that,  and  refuse  to  cast  his  ballot  for 
Grant,  and  his  friends  who  go  along  with  him  and  head  the  great  col 
umn  of  liberty  and  progress  as  we  go  through  this  land.  I  ask  you  men, 
1  ask  you  women  and  children, — the  little  boys  and  the  little  girls, — to 
picture  a  lesson  of  this  kind  in  your  midst,  because,  although  you  may 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

say,  "  This  is  one  of  Logan's  fancies,"  it  is  not.  It  is  true  as  Holy  Writ. 
There  you  can  see  the  whole  lesson.  It  is  written  upon  the  graves, 
upon  the  bodies,  upon  the  arms  and  legs  of  men  in  this  country,  and 
upon  the  clothing  of  the  widows  and  the  orphans  of  this  whole  land  ; 
and  that  lesson  was  written  there  by  the  hands  of  these  men  that  I  have 
mentioned,  who  to-day  are  asking  you  for  your  suffrage  and  for  the  con 
trol  of  this  country.  I  say,  in  the  name  of  Heaven,  in  the  name  of  pa 
triotism,  in  the  name  of  three  hundred  thousand  murdered  dead,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  flag  and  the  Constitution  and  all  there  is  that  is  near 
and  dear  to  the  people  of  this  great  land  of  ours,  let  us  never  disgrace 
ourselves  by  fighting  four  years  to  save  a  country,  and  then  turn  it  over 
into  the  hands  of  the  men  who  during  that  same  four  years  attempted 
to  destroy  it.  ["  Never!"  "  Never  !" — and  intense  excitement.]  But 
let  us  say,  inasmuch  as  we  have  saved  this  land,  we  will  perpetuate  its 
institutions,  and  will  make  liberty  and  progress,  and  civilization  and 
Christianity,  our  watchwords.  We  will  make  this  great  country  of  ours 
what  it  should  be,  by  putting  it  into  the  hands  of  men  that  can  protect 
it.  We  have  preserved  it,  and  will  perpetuate  it. 

LOGAN    RE-ELECTED    TO    CONGRESS THE    JENCKES   "  TENURE    OF 

OFFICE/'     OR     ''CIVIL     SERVICE,"     BILL LOGAN     ATTACKS     IT, 

AND    SHOWS    THE    DANGER    OF    CENTRING    THE    POWER    OF    AP 
POINTMENT    IN    ONE    MAN. 

On  January  8,  1869,  Mr.  Logan  made  a  speech,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  exposing  and  denouncing  the  dan 
gers  to  the  Republic,  hidden  in  the  Jenckes  "  Tenure  of  Office," 
or  Civil  Service,  Bill.  That  bill  provided  for  a  very  different 
sort  of  a  civil  service  from  that  which  has  since  been  adopted 
and  which  is  now  in  successful  operation.  In  his  opposition 
to  that  measure,  as  was  remarked  at  the  time,  no  one  could 
question  General  Logan's  disinterestedness.  His  position 
was  unique.  Other  Representatives,  from  his  own  and  other 
States,  had  their  several  districts, — and  it  was  customary  for 
Republican  Representatives,  as  being  the  best  informed 
touching  the  worth  and  merit  of  applicants  for  place,  to  be 
consulted,  to  a  considerable  extent,  in  the  disposition  of  the 
patronage  of  those  districts, — but  he  had  no  particular  dis 
trict.  He  was  the  Representative-at- Large  from  his  State,  — 


1 60  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

as  was  no  other  in  that  Congress, — and  hence  had  no  interest 
in  preserving  such  local  patronage.  He  honestly  believed 
the  Jenckes  bill  was  not  alone  a  vicious  and  unconstitutional 
measure,  but  one  dangerous  to  the  privileges  and  to  the  lib 
erties  of  the  people.  He  refused  to  discuss  the  measure 
upon  the  idea  that  "  to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,"  because, 
said  he,  "the  question  involved  in  this  bill  rises  far  above 
that,  and  overshadows  all  such  minor  and  petty  influences.'* 
Passing  the  details  of  the  bill  in  critical  review,  Mr.  Logan 
said  : 

It  provides  that  a  new  executive  department  shall  be  created  ;  that 
the  Vice-President  shall  be  the  head  of  it ;  that  a  Board  of  Commis 
sioners  shall  be  appointed  who  shall  have  power  to  make  rules  and  or 
dain  examinations  under  them,  to  divide  the  country  into  districts,  and 
to  delegate  all  their  power  to  other  parties.  It  further  provides  that  all 
persons  who  may  hereafter  desire  to  be  employed  in  the  civil  service  of  the 
Government,  in  any  capacity  whatever,  shall  be  obliged  to  submit  them 
selves  for  examination  as  to  their  qualifications,  after  paying  a  fee,  to 
this  Board  of  Examiners  or  some  deputy  thereof.  The  appointments 
shall  be  made  from  the  list  of  those  who  prove  themselves  to  be  the  best 
qualified,  and,  when  once  appointed,  they  are  to  hold  their  appoint 
ments  for  life,  upon  good  behavior.  Every  branch  of  the  service  is  to 
be  divided  into  grades,  and  every  incumbent  is  to  be  promoted  from  the 
lower  grades  whenever  a  vacancy  occurs.  A  list  is  to  be  kept  of  all 
applicants,  and  as  vacancies  occur,  from  any  cause,  they  are  to  be  filled 
by  the  applicants  who  are  awaiting  their  turn.  The  "  Board  "  is  to 
provide  a  species  of  court-martial  or  commission  to  try,  adjudge,  and 
punish  all  offenders.  The  decision  of  the  Board  is  to  be  final  as  to  ap 
plications.  There  is  no  power  of  appeal  or  review.  The  President, 
Senate,  or  head  of  any  Department,  may  not  only  require  all  applicants, 
in  the  future,  to  submit  themselves  to  this  Board,  but  may  order  all 
present  incumbents  to  appear  before  it,  and  abide  by  their  decision. 

Touching  this  vast  concentration  of  power  in  the  hands 
of  the  Vice-President, — which  was  his  chief  objection  to  the 
bill, — he  continued  : 

Whether  he  would  use  the  power  judiciously  and  disinterestedly  is 
not  now  to  be  known  ;  but  certain  it  is,  that  if  you  desire  to  keep  pub 
lic  patronage  out  of  party  politics,  the  power  of  appointment  must  not 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

all  be  centred  in  one  man.  Is  it  not  palpable  that,  if  he  so  desired  to 
use  his  power  of  appointment,  the  Vice-President  could  make  himself  the 
President,  spite  of  all  opposition  and  beyond  all  the  efforts  of  the  people  ? 
The  organization  of  office-holders  which  he  could  make,  would  be  so 
firm  and  invincible,  that  the  will  of  the  people  could  never  be  expressed, 
nor  executed.  And  the  immense  number  of  persons  now  employed, 
and  to  be  employed,  who  cause — the  report  says — the  patronage  to  be 
a  political  evil,  would  only  make  him  the  more  compact.  If  it  is  an 
evil,  in  its  present  shape  ;  how  much  more  would  it  be  an  evil,  in  such 
a  shape  !  Who  would  be  the  fountain-head  of  all  power  of  promotion  ? 
The  Vice-President.  Who  would  be  the  arbiter  to  whom  they  would 
look  in  the  last  resort  ?  The  Vice-President.  Who  would  be  their 
benefactor  ?  The  Vice-President.  To  whom  would  their  gratitude  be 
due  ?  The  Vice-President.  Whose  interests  would  they  desire  to  serve, 
and  to  whom  show  their  gratitude  ?  The  Vice-President.  Who  would 
command  that  vast  number  of  civilians,  whose  number  would  be  greater 
than  the  peace-list  of  the  regular  army?  The  Vice-President.  He 
might  be  a  man  so  void  of  ambition  as  not  to  use  his  power ;  he  might 
be  so  regardless  of  exalted  station  as  not  to  attempt  to  gain  it ;  he  might 
be  so  virtuous  that  all  his  influence  would  be  for  his  country's  good  ; 
he  might  be  so  conscientious  as  never  to  know  favor  or  affection  ;  he 
might  be  a  paragon  in  public  life — or  he  might  not  be  ;  and  I  never 
will  consent  to  place  the  whole  liberties  of  the  people  in  the  hollow  of 
his  hand,  be  he  who  he  may. 

The  bill,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say,  was  defeated. 

EARLY    STAND    OF    GENERAL    LOGAN    AGAINST    MONEY    SUBSIDIES 

TO      RAILROADS THE     EASTERN-DIVISION     PACIFIC     RAILROAD 

BILL HE     URGES     A     SUBSTITUTE,     CALLS     A     HALT    TO     SUCH 

RECKLESS    EXPENDITURES,    AND    DEFEATS    THE    BILL. 

It  was  on  January  25,  1869,  that  Mr.  Logan  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  called  a  halt  to  further  money  subsidies  to 
railroads — the  measure  under  consideration  being  Senate  bill 
No.  570,  "  for  a  grant  of  lands,  granting  the  right  of  way  over 
the  public  lands  to  the  Denver  Pacific  Railway  and  Telegraph 
Company,  and  for  other  purposes."  His  position  was,  that 
the  Government  had  already  given  a  subsidy  to  this  railroad, 
of  lands  and  money  ;  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  the  advance- 


1 62  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

ment  of  the  interests  of  the  country  that  this  additional  aid, 
of  $16,000  a  mile  asked  for,  should  be  granted  ;  that  the 
company  was  amply  able  to  complete  this  road  to  the  point 
desired  (Cheyenne  Well),  fifty-four  miles,  without  such  aid  ; 
and  that  deception  had  already  been  practised  upon  the 
country  and  upon  Congress  in  subsidizing  this  road.  The 
speech  created  a  great  stir  at  the  time,  and  raised  quite  a 
commotion  in  the  House  itself.  To  this  subsidy  bill,  Mr. 
Logan  offered  a  substitute — his  explanation  of  which  will 
show  the  advanced  position  he  took  on  the  subject  of  rail 
road-subsidies  at  that  early  day.  Said  he  : 

What  do  I  propose  ?  I  propose  this  policy  to  be  applied  to  this  road. 
I  propose  that  the  Government  shall  guarantee  the  interest,  for  $16,000 
per  mile,  of  the  bonds  of  the  road  to  Cheyenne  Wells.  I  propose  that 
that  guarantee,  when  written  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  the 
bonds,  shall  become  ipso  facto  a  first  mortgage  on  the  railroad  and  all  its 
fixtures  and  furniture.  That  is  my  proposition.  What  else  ?  In  order 
to  guarantee  the  Government  against  loss,  to  guarantee  the  Government 
against  expenditures,  to  guarantee  the  Government  against  increase  of 
public  debt,  I  propose  that  all  transportation  of  supplies  of  every  kind, 
telegraphing,  or  any  other  indebtedness  to  this  road,  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  reserved  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
from  payment  to  the  road  and  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  interest 
on  the  bonds  as  far  as  it  will  go,  and  that  the  company  shall,  ten  days 
before  said  interest  is  due,  deposit  the  money  with  the  Treasurer  of  the 
United  States  for  the  payment  of  said  interest.  I  propose,  in  addition 
to  that,  that  the  lands  heretofore  granted  to  this  company,  and  the  lands 
granted  to  the  Denver  Company,  joining  them  together,  shall  be  put 
into  the  market,  as  every  twenty  miles  of  the  road  is  built,  at  $2.50  per 
acre,  and  sold  to  actual  settlers,  the  money  received  from  such  sales 
to  be  deposited  in  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  as  a  sinking  fund, 
and  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  apply  that  sinking  fund  to 
the  purchase  or  redemption  of  the  bonds  of  this  road  upon  which  the 
interest  is  guaranteed  by  the  Government,  and,  as  redeemed,  purchased, 
or  cancelled,  they  shall  be  turned  over  to  the  company.  I  propose  that 
the  Government,  as  well  as  the  holders  of  said  bonds,  shall  be  protected, 
so  that  it  shall  not,  by  indebtedness  or  in  any  other  way,  lose  one  cent. 

I  go  further  than  that.  I  propose  that  if  this  company  shall  fail  to 
pay  the  interest  or  any  part  of  the  interest  every  six  months,  then  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


163 


Government  shall  have  power  to  take  possession  of  the  road  and  its 
fixtures  and  furniture,  and  apply  its 'earnings,  etc.,  to  the  payment  of 
the  interest  or  the  liquidation  of  the  debt.  That  is  my  proposition.  I 
propose  to  protect  the  Government,  and  at  the  same  time  I  propose  to 
put  it  in  such  a  position  that  the  road  itself  can  be  built.  These  gentle 
men  say,  "Oh,  we  cannot  build  the  road."  I  say  you  can  build  the 
road.  Why  ?  Because  when  you  get  the  interest  on  the  bonds  guaran 
teed  they  will  go  on  the  market,  and  the  Government  will  be  protected, 
and  the  taxpayers  will  be  protected  and  not  oppressed,  which  I  think 
is  a  very  important  item  in  all  matters  of  legislation,  especially  at  this 
time. 

I  look  upon  these  grand  improvements  of  the  age,  as  a  great  thing. 
I  look  upon  the  work  of  stretching  iron  bands  across  the  country,  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  as  one  of  the  great  marks  of  the  intelligence 
of  this  great  age.  I  look  upon  fastening  together  the  East  and  the  West, 
as  a  barrel  is  strapped  and  bound  by  hoops  of  iron,  as  one  of  the  grand 
events  of  the  age.  You  have  almost  completed  what  may  be  termed  a 
bridge,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  This  has  been  done  at  great 
cost  to  the  Government,  and  in  my  judgment  it  has  expended  enough, 
without  any  sufficient  security  against  liability.  You  have  now  opened 
the  communication  and  shown  what  the  country  is.  If  it  is  inviting  to 
capital,  it  will  go  ;  if  not,  it  shrinks  from  the  task  of  struggling  against 
the  decrees  of  Nature.  The  Government  has  given  aid,  to  the  extent  of 
millions  and  millions  of  dollars.  Now  let  the  Government  stop  giving 
in  this  manner,  for  it  is  recklessness.  We  have  done  more  than  our 
duty  toward  the  country  in  this  matter  of  money-subsidy,  and  now  let 
us  stop.  I  say  let  us  stop,  and  stop  now. 

We  hear  much  said,  in  favor  of  economy.  Many  gentlemen  make 
speeches,  in  favor  of  economy.  One  member  says,  "  I  am  in  favor  of 
economy — as  soon  as  I  get  my  little  bill  through."  It  reminds  me  of  Rip 
Van  Winkle,  when  he  became  a  temperance  man.  After  he  had  waked  up 
from  his  twenty  years'  sleep,  he  said  that  he  was  going  to  quit  drinking, 
yet  he  did  drink, — "  Here's  to  the  health  of  your  family  ;  may  they  live 
long  and  prosper," — always  saying,  in  reference  to  his  promise  to  quit 
drinking,  "This  time  doesn't  count."  And  I  suppose  that  is  the  way 
with  gentlemen  here.  They  are  all  in  favor  of  economy  ;  but  one  says, 
"I  want  this  little  stump-tail  railroad  bill  passed — this  time  doesn't 
count ; "  and  so  another  says,  about  another  road.  As  Van  said,  "  Here's 
to  the  health  of  your  family  ;  may  they  live  long  and  prosper — this  time 
doesn't  count." 

Sir,  I  say  it  is  time  to  stop  now.     If  you  are  going  to  apply  the  prin- 


1 64  Z/ra   OF  LOGAN. 

ciple  at  all,  you  should  apply  it  now.  But  gentlemen  say,  this  is  only 
fifty-four  miles.  That  is  true  ;  this  bill  is  only  for  fifty-four  miles. 
When  the  last  bill  was  up,  you,  by  strategy,  made  it  seventy  miles.  If 
we  put  this  fifty-four  miles  on,  it  will  be  one  hundred  and  twenty-four 
miles.  And  then,  the  next  Congress,  they  will  ask  you  to  give  them 
subsidies  from  Cheyenne  Wells  to  another  place. 

Perhaps  these  gentlemen  will  say  to  me,  "Why,  Logan,  you  do  not 
understand  that  great  country  we  are  going  into,  New  Mexico."  Per 
haps  I  do  not  know  anything  about  it.  But  I  tell  these  railroad-men 
that,  in  1847  and  1848,  I  travelled  over  the  very  route  laid  down,  on  this 
map,  as  their  survey.  I  know  all  about  the  country  through  which 
their  road  will  run,  if  ever  built.  I  have  been  over  nearly  every  moun 
tain-path  in  that  country. 

The  lands  in  those  valleys  of  Mexico  are  as  beautiful  as  the  eye  of 
man  ever  beheld,  and  the  climate  is  one  of  the  finest  that  God  has  given 
to  man.  Fresh  meat  will  cure  there,  while  hanging  in  the  open  air,  with 
out  the  application  of  salt.  It  will  cure,  out  in  the  hot  sun,  as  I  know, 
from  my  own  observation.  The  country  abounds  with  birds,  goats, 
sheep,  antelopes,  and  a  great  variety  of  animals,  both  domestic  and  wild. 
It  is  a  country  that  will  develop  itself,  as  fast  as  a  railroad  goes  through 
it,  and  become  rich  and  prosperous  without  any  Government  subsidy  of 
$16,000  or  $32,000  a  mile,  and  these  railroad-men  know  it  well. 

Now,  sir,  I  say  that  I  am  in  favor  of  the  great  march  of  improvement, 
of  civilization,  and  a  general  development  of  all  the  wealth  and  re 
sources  of  this  country.  But,  sir,  that  is  no  reason  why,  as  a  Repre 
sentative  of  my  constituents,  I  should  stand  by,  and  see  the  Treasury 
every  day,  grow  leaner  and  leaner  by  the  inroads  made  upon  it  by  these 
railroads  and  other  corporations.  I  am  not  willing  to  do  it.  I  say  to 
my  friends  in  this  House  ;  I  say  to  my  Republican  friends — though  I  do 
not  regard  this  as  a  political  measure  by  any  means — that  we  pledged 
ourselves  to  our  constituents,  in  the  Convention  that  nominated  our 
President-elect,  that  economy  should  be  our  watchword.  If  we  are 
true  to  the  men  that  elected  us,  we  should  stand  by  that  pledge  to-day. 
What  are  we  now  asked  by  this  corporation  to  do  ?  We  are  asked  to 
vote  $16,000  a  mile,  against  reason  and  against  the  will  of  our  constit 
uents,  and  against  the  declaration — not  express,  but  clearly  implied — of 
the  Convention  that  nominated  your  candidate  for  President.  We  are 
asked  to  support  this  bill,  which  is  in  opposition  to  the  policy,  regarded 
as  proper,  expressed,  as  I  understand,  by  the  President-elect,  his  decla 
ration  having  been  made — not  with  reference  to  this  particular  bill,  but 
generally  with  reference  to  subsidies  of  the  character  heretofore  given 
to  railroads — that  it  is  unwise,  at  least  in  the  present  embarrassed  con- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


'65 


dition  of  the  Treasury.  But  this  company  comes  modestly  forward  and 
says,  "Subsidize  for  us  these  fifty-four  miles  of  road  ;  slap  you  constit 
uents  in  the  face  ;  violate  your  party  platform  ;  violate  your  pledges 
made  upon  the  stump  ;  and,  on  the  eve  of  the  new  administration  com 
ing  into  power,  make  a  direct  issue  with  it,  on  the  question  of  involv 
ing  us  in  further  liability.  Let  him  understand  that  you  are  all-power 
ful,  tiiat  you  ask  no  odds  from  him.  Give  the  people  of  the  country  to 
understand  that  you  defy  their  will  in  toto."  This,  and  nothing  le'ss,  is 
what  we  are  modestly  asked  by  this  company  to  do. 

This  railroad-subsidy  bill  was  defeated,  and  its  friends  at 
tributed  that  defeat  to  Logan's  powerful  speech. 

THE   ELECTORAL  COUNT  OF   1869 — A  TURBULENT  SCENE  IN  JOINT 
CONVENTION BEN.   BUTLER's  ATTEMPT  TO  BULLY  CONGRESS- 
LOGAN  SQUELCHES  HIM. 

When  the  electoral  count  was  made  in  the  hall  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  Acting  Vice-President  Wade, 
in  February,  1869,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House, 
General  Butler  objected  to  counting  the  vote  of  Georgia. 
The  scene  which  followed,  was  thus  described  by  the  Gales- 
burg  Free  Press  of  February  18,  1869  : 

Truculent,  fierce,  insulting  in  demeanor,  manifestly  under  the  in 
fluence  of  vinous  excitement,  and  wearing  a  look  of  pride  and  self- 
assertion,  his  (Butler's)  voice  was  the  battle-cry  for  all  his  followers  and 
dupes.  Tumult  reigned  supreme  ;  sober  members  blushed,  while  men 
who  would  not  have  supported  Butler  in  his  revolutionary  atrocity  had 
they  not  been  drunk,  hooted,  yelled,  and  strove  to  make  speeches — a 
dozen  at  once.  Finally,  when  the  Senate  resolved  in  separate  session 
that  the  vote  of  Georgia  should  be  counted,  Butler  grossly  insulted 
their  honorable  body,  refused  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the  presid 
ing  officer,  appealed  from  him,  and  declared  that  the  House  should 
"kick"  the  Senate  from  its  presence.  The  count  was  finished,  amid  a 
continuous  scene  of  tumult  verging  upon  actual  riot;  and  not  until  the 
supreme  moment  of  the  solemn  announcement  of  the  choice  of  the 
American  people  for  their  chief  magistrate  was  even  a  semblance  of 
order  obtained. 

Butler,  it  seems,  had  given  a  party  on  the  previous  evening,  which 
did  not  break  up  till  daybreak.  Here  he  had  all  his  confederates,  as 


!66  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

well  as  many  others,  and  no  doubt  thought  by  plying  them  with  wine 
to  fit  them  for  his  purpose.  There  is  but  little  doubt  that  the  animus 
of  the  whole  thing  was  Butler's  personal  hostility  to  Grant.  For  this 
purpose  he  made  this  attempt  to  throw  the  country  into  another  rev 
olution. 

Subsequently,  Butler  had  the  assurance  to  introduce  into  the  House 
a  resolution  censuring  Wade,  the  Senate's  presiding  officer,  and  urged 
its  adoption  with  his  utmost  ability.  Fortunately  there  were  men  upon 
the  floor  bold  enough  to  meet  him  upon  all  issues,  and  wreck  his  scheme 
for  the  conquest  of  Congress.  Bingham  of  Ohio  opened  the  attack 
upon  him  on  Thursday,  and  General  John  A.  Logan,  the  eloquent,  ear 
nest,  and  courageous  man  of  whom  Illinois  has  so  much  reason  to  be 
proud,  finished  it  on  Friday  by  a  resolution  to  lay  Butler's  motion,  and 
as  a  consequence  all  connected  with  it,  on  the  table.  This  was  adopted 
by  the  emphatic- vote  of  130  to  55. 

REMOVAL  OF  THE  CAPITAL  TO  THE  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY A  GREAT 

SPEECH — LOGAN'S  POWERFUL  APPEAL  FOR  THE  READMISSION 
OF  VIRGINIA. 

In  January,  1870,  General  Logan  made  an  exhaustive  and 
able  speech  on  the  question  of  the  proposed  removal  of  the 
capital  from  Washington  to  some  central  point  in  the  Missis 
sippi  Valley.  Of  this  speech  it  was  said  at  the  time  by  an 
experienced  pen :  "  Logan's  speech  was  probably  the  best 
he  ever  made,  rising  to  fervor  in  speaking  of  the  destiny  of 
the  country,  and  acute  and  powerful  in  other  respects."  The 
closing  sentences  of  this  speech  were  these  : 

And  now,  sir,  is  the  time  to  do  this.  A  more  favorable  time  will 
perhaps  never  occur — a  time  when  it  can  be  done  with  as  little  commo 
tion  as  now.  A  ne\v  republic  is  springing  into  being  ;  the  disgraceful 
blot  of  slavery  has  been  wiped  out,  and  our  Government  may  truly  be 
said  to  be  remodelling  on  the  basis  of  genuine  freedom.  The  Goddess 
of  Liberty,  freed  from  her  trammels,  steps  forth  clothed  in  her  snowy 
garments  of  true  freedom. 

Sir,  the  bronze  statue,  above  us,  is  not  a  true  representation  of  the 
new  republic.  It  should  be  clothed  in  snowy  white.  Yes,  a  new 
republic  has  arisen  upon  the  old  ;  not  on  its  ruins,  but  by  its  redemp 
tion.  It  has  been  baptized  with  the  blood  of  more  than  two  hundred 
thousand  patriots.  Then  let  us  plant  our  capital  in  the  centre  of  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE   WAR. 


167 


Nation,  at  the  commencement  of  the  new  epoch.  The  ashes  of  the 
martyred  Lincoln  have  gone  westward  as  the  vanguard  of  empire.  Let 
us  follow  them,  I  was  about  to  say,  with  the  remains  of  Washington. 
But  no.  Brave  hearts  met  the  foes  of  our  country  as  well  here,  as  there. 
The  honor  of  the  victory  is  as  much  due  to  the  East  as  to  the  West. 
Joined,  heart  and  hand,  in  the  great  battle  of  freedom,  we  will  remain 
thus  joined  in  our  efforts  to  perpetuate  it.  Let  the  Father  of  the  Re 
public,  remembered  and  honored  by  the  people,  rest  quietly  beside  the 
old  homestead  of  the  Nation,  while  the  father  of  the  new  republic 
sleeps  near  the  new  home  of  empire. 

About  this  time  the  bill,  to  readmit  Virginia  without  con 
ditions,  came  up.  In  a  brief  speech  he  said,  as  one  report 
gives  it : 

He  intended  to  vote  for  the  amendment,  offered  by  Mr.  Bingham,  to 
admit  Virginia  without  conditions  ;  and  if  he  could  not  get  that,  he 
would  take  the  next  best  thing  he  could  get  for  accomplishing  her 
admission — not  because  of  Virginia  statesmen  or  warriors,  living  or 
dead,  but  because  the  honor  of  the  House  and  of  the  Nation  was 
pledged  to  her  admission  on  the  proposition  presented  by  the  gentle 
man  from  Ohio.  If  he  made  a  contract  with  a  rebel,  he  would  live  by 
it  and  stand  by  it.  Congress  had  made  a  contract  with  Virginia,  know 
ing  her  people  to  be  rebels.  Virginia  had  performed  her  part  of  the 
contract,  arid  Congress  was  bound  to  perform  its  part. 

Another  acute  Washington  observer,  George  Alfred  Town- 
send,  in  referring  to  an  acrimonious  personal  debate  which 
took  place  between  Butler  and  Bingham,  wrote  at  this  time 
to  the  Chicago  Tribune  : 

It  struck  every  intelligent  man  listening  to  that  personal  debate, 
that  a  man  like  Butler,  who  had  done  so  much  to  drive  the  South  into 
rebellion,  spurred  it  on,  helped  it  to  abandon  Douglas,  and  supported 
to  the  brink  of  rebellion  all  the  worst  pretentions  of  slavery,  should  be 
one  of  the  foremost  to  hail  the  restoration  of  Virginia,  deceived  by  such 
as  he.  Not  so  !  This  bedfellow  of  Davis  and  comrade  of  Breckenridge 
stood  at  the  door  of  the  Union,  the  last  man  to  forgive  the  people  he  had 
seduced.  Political  baseness  has  seldom  an  exemplification  like  this. 
General  Logan,  who  had  been  a  Democrat,  made  haste  to  say  frankly 
that  he  hailed  the  readmission  of  the  State,  the  more  that  he  had  voted 
with  the  South  up  to  the  time  of  the  rebellion.  Logan's  speeches  of 


!68  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

late  have  been  the  best  of  his  whole  career,  more  prudent,  in  better 
diction,  more  national,  and  yet  a  fine  fervor  of  feeling  bears  them  on. 
His  speech  on  the  removal  of  the  capital  was  one  of  the  most  elaborate 
arguments  I  have  ever  heard,  and  this  speech  of  to-day  closed  with  a 
piece  of  spontaneous  eloquence  which  the  Republican  Party  and  the 
whole  North  would  do  well  to  indorse  : 

"  I  am  in  favor  of  the  admission  of  the  State  at  the  earliest  practi 
cable  moment,  so  as  to  get  these  vexed  questions,  that  have  been  before 
Congress  and  before  the  Union  for  years  past,  out  of  the  way  ;  that  all 
this  strife  may  pass  away  from  the  halls  of  Congress ;  that  all  the  States 
may  again  take  their  positions  in  the  family  of  States  ;  that  they  again 
may  bow  to  the  old  flag  of  the  Union  ;  that  they  again  may  turn  their 
eyes  up  to  the  shining  stars  and  there  receive  the  light  which  the 
fathers  of  the  country  received,  and  which  they  transmitted  to  the  gen 
erations  to  come  after  them.  I  am  for  it,  that  the  gloom  which  hangs 
around  this  country,  and  the  dark  cloud  that  has  hovered  over  us  so 
long,  may  pass  away,  and  the  light  of  heaven  serenely  shine  once  more 
upon  the  Republic  of  America." 

GENERAL  LOGAN  SECURES  THE  BRANDING,  BY  THE  HOUSE,  OF 
REPRESENTATIVE  WHITTEMORE,  FOR  CORRUPTION HE  AP 
PEALS  TO  THE  COURAGE  OF  THE  HOUSE. 

In  February,  1870,  charges  made  against  Representative 
Whittemore,  of  South  Carolina,  for  selling  cadetship  appoint 
ments  to  West  Point  and  Annapolis,  having  been  examined 
and  reported  upon  by  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
through  its  chairman,  General  Logan,  the  guilty  Representa 
tive  undertook  to  resign,  but  owing  to  the  efforts  of  General 
Logan,  and  in  spite  of  the  determined  opposition  of  Butler 
to  the  punishment  of  Whittemore,  the  House  very  properly 
refused  to  accept  the  resignation,  by  which  he  thought  to 
escape  condemnation,  and  unanimously  adopted  a  resolution 
declaring  him  unworthy  of  a  seat  in  the  House.  In  the  run 
ning  debate  that  took  place  between  Butler  and  Logan,  on  a 
resolution  to  postpone  action  in  this  case,  which  resulted  in 
the  defeat  of  such  resolution,  by  a  vote  of  155  nays  to  38  yeas, 
General  Logan  took  strong  ground  in  favor  of  preserving  the 
moral  character  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  As  repre- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 

sented  in  the  condensed  report  of  the  Chronicle,  he  said,  in 
answer  to  appeals  for  delay  : 

He  would  go  as  far  to  protect  the  innocent,  as  any  man  who  lived. 
He  would  judge  a  man  justly,  and  even  tenderly,  and  would  invoke  on 
his  behalf  the  mercies  which  Heaven  had  implanted  in  the  human  breast. 
But  while  he  would  invoke  on  the  side  of  an  unfortunate  man  ail  the 
tenderness,  all  the  charity,  and  all  the  mercies  which  the  human  heart 
could  have  within  it,  he  would  at  the  same  time  invoke  the  God  of 
Heaven  to  give  men  judgment,  to  give  them  nerve,  to  give  them  hon 
esty  enough  to  decide  what  the  law  is,  and  what  the  standard  of  morality 
should  be,  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  would  invoke  every 
man  that  had  a  right  to  pass  upon  this  question,  to  nerve  himself  to 
cut  down  crime,  so  that  virtue  and  honesty  might  stand  upright  before 
the  world,  and  be  vindicated  instead  of  condemned.  What  excuse 
was  there  for  this  delay  ? 

And  just  before  moving"  the  previous  question,  on  the 
motion  to  postpone,  he  said,  in  reply  to  Butler's  attack  on 
the  press : 

The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  had  spoken  about  the  news 
papers  howling  about  this  thing.  Certainly  they  did  howl  about  it,  and 
he  did  not  blame  them  for  doing  so.  If  members  of  the  House  were 
willing  to  sell  themselves  like  sheep  in  the  shambles,  he  did  not  blame 
the  newspapers  for  howling  about  it ;  and  if  the  decision  of  this  case 
were  to  be  postponed,  the  people  would  have  a  right  to  suspect  all  of 
them.  If  the  House  expected  its  committees  to  do  their  duty  in  in 
vestigating  frauds,  the  House  itself  would  have  to  do  its  duty  in  jDunish- 
ing  those  frauds  when  they  were  reported  ;  otherwise  the  HouseWould 
be  saying  to  its  committees,  "  We  instructed  you  to  do  this,  but  we  did 
not  expect  you  would  do  it.  We  told  you  to  investigate  this  thing,  and 
to  report  if  you  found  men  guiity,.but{<we  bicf  not  expect  you  would  do 
it."  If  the  House  did  not  perform'its  cluty  in  this  matter,  it  would  have  to 
send  its  resolutions  of  inquiry,  in  future,  to  some  other  committee  than 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 

LOGAN'S  PLEA  FOR  STRUGGLING  CUBA — HE  ASKS  FOR  THE  REC 
OGNITION    OF   BELLIGERENT   RIGHTS. 

February  17,  1870,  General  Logan  having  already  intro 
duced,  in  the  House,  a  resolution  recognizing  Cuban  belliger 
ency,  called  it  up.  The  resolution  was  as  follows: 


i;0  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Whereas,  The  people  of  Cuba  have  for  more  than  fifteen  months 
carried  on  active  hostilities  against  Spain,  for  the  purpose  of  gaining 
their  independence  and  establishing  a  republican  government  ;  and 

Whereas,  They  have  established  and  are  maintaining  a  de  facto  gov 
ernment,  and  now  occupy  with  their  armies,  and  control,  a  large  portion 
of  said  island.  Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  be  instructed  to 
inquire  what  reason  now  exists,  if  any,  why  the  Republic  of  Cuba  should 
not  be  recognized  by  the  Government  as  a  belligerent,  and,  as  such, 
entitled  to  the  rights  of  belligerents. 

The  circumstances  occasioning  the  introduction  of  this 
resolution  were  these  :  The  patriots  in  Cuba  had  long  been 
in  revolt,  as  stated  in  the  preamble,  and  at  this  time  occu 
pied  quite  a  large  part  of  the  island.  There  was  a  great  deal 
of  feeling  throughout  the  country  over  the  fact  that  we  had 
helped  Spain,  and  done  nothing  for  the  struggling  islanders, 
—that  we  had,  in  fact,  supplied  Spain  with  thirty  gunboats 
with  which  to  help  suppress  the  revolution  in  Cuba,  and  had 
done  nothing  to  help  the  revolutionists,  with  whom  the 
American  heart  naturally  sympathized.  General  Logan  rep 
resented  this  widespread  feeling, — the  desire  to  do  at  least 
as  much  for  the  patriot  republican  cause,  as  for  its  enemies. 
Hence  the  resolution,  and  the  very  able  speech  he  made 
upon  it.  In  it,  he  said: 

The  question  as  to  whether  this  Government  shall  or  shall  not  accord, 
to  the  Cuban  patriots,  belligerent  rights,  is  one  of  grave  importance. 
On  the  one  hand  it  involves  the  great  principles  of  freedom  and  right 
of  self-government ;  on  the  other  important  national  principles  and  nice 
distinctions  of  international  law.  Therefore,  I  hesitated  on  account  of 
the  somewhat  meagre  details  and  conflicting  reports  we  have  received 
in  regard  to  the  contest  which  has  been  going  on  in  the  island  of  Cuba  ; 
but  this  uncertainty,  I  think,  now  no  longer  exists,  as  I  expect  to  show 
in  the  course  of  these  remarks.  Another  reason  why  I  hesitated  was, 
that  this  action  places  me  in  apparent  opposition  to  that  administration 
which  I  heartily  support  and  with  which  I  am  in  full  sympathy. 

But,  sir,  I  do  not  feel  that  I  can  discharge  my  duty  and  remain  silent. 
If  I  should  err,  I  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  it  is  better  to  err 
in  behalf  of  liberty,  than  against  it ;  and  if  there  is  any  doubt  in  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


171 


minds  of  members  on  this  subject,  surely  the  benefit  of  that  doubt 
should  be  cast  in  favor  of  freedom  and  the  right  of  self-government. 
Let  our  various  views  as  to  policy  be  what  they  may,  I  think  I  can 
safely  assert  that  all  feel  the  deep  current  of  opinion  pressing  upon  us. 
Though  smothered  to  comparative  silence,  we  feel  it  like  the  hot  breath 
of  the  slumbering  volcano  which  precedes  the  rending  upheaval ;  we 
know  it  is  there.  Though  the  tongue  of  the  Nation  is  comparatively 
mute  on  this  subject,  yet  the  mighty  heart  palpitates  with  sympathy  for 
the  struggling  patriots  of  the  Queen  of  the  Antilles,  and  we  feel  the 
beating  strokes.  Even  the  voices  of  those  who  tell  us  to  wait,  bear  in 
their  tones  an  indication  that  behind  the  words  lie  deep  fountains  of 
sympathy  anxious  to  gush  forth  in  words  of  cheer. 

Sir,  a  greater  mark  of  respect  was  never  shown  an  administration 
than  this  ;  and  while  I  regret  that  this  particular  combination  of  cir 
cumstances  surrounds  this  particular  .case,  yet  I  am  proud  of  it  as  an 
evidence  of  the  high  regard  felt  for  our  present  Chief  Magistrate.  And 
while  I  feel  impelled,  by  a  sense  of  duty,  to  differ  with  him  as  to  the 
line  of  policy  the  Government  should  adopt  in  this  matter,  I  do  it  with 
no  desire  to  cast  a  shade  of  censure  upon  his  action  in  the  premises. 
I  believe  that  in  his  own  breast  there  lurks  the  deepest  sympathy  for 
this  struggling  people,  and  that  he  has  in  reality  curbed  his  desires  in 
order  to  carry  out  what  he  believed  to  be  the  better  policy.  Being  com 
pelled  to  act  on  the  imperfect  data  he  then  possessed,  he  has  cast  the 
doubt  in  the  legal  end  of  the  balance. 

But,  sir,  the  matter  has  now  been  transferred  to  Congress  as  a  co-or 
dinate  branch  of  the  Government,  for  its  action  thereon,  and  we  must 
decide  for  or  against. 

After  quoting  the  authorities  to  show  what  constituted  an 
actual  condition  of  war,  he  proceeded  to  prove  that  the 
"  Cuban  Republic"  was  such  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name,  and 
that  the  Spanish  Government  had  itself  recognized  the  fact  of 
war,  if  not  the  de  facto  existence  of  the  Cuban  Republican 
Government.  He  considered  there  were  but  two  questions 
to  be  determined.  One :  had  the  Cubans  reached  the  point 
where  they  should  be  recognized  ?  The  other :  Was  it  the 
duty  of  the  United  States  to  recognize  them  now,  without 
delay  ?  He  held  that  the  Cuban  cause  had  reached  such  a 
condition  as  to  demand  immediate  recognition.  He  con 
cluded  in  these  words : 


172 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Thus  far,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  viewed  this  question  in  its  strictly  tech 
nical  bearing,  but  there  is  a  moral  bearing  which  should  not  be  forgot 
ten  in  the  discussion.  We  claim  to  be  the  friends  of  freedom,  and  the 
advocates  of  liberty.  We  point  the  world  to  our  Nation,  as  the  great 
type  of  government.  The  Stars  and  Stripes  are  emblems  of  liberty, 
and  the  people  of  the  world,  wherever  they  have  floated  in  the  breeze, 
have  learned  to  appreciate  them  as  such.  Would  it  not  be  a  mockery 
to  unfurl  this  glorious  flag,  in  one  of  the  Cuban  ports,  beside  the  gun 
boats  which  have  left  our  shores  to  crush  out  the  struggle  for  liberty 
there, — perhaps  it  might  be  where  Spanish  bullets  shed  the  innocent 
blood  of  Speakman,  a  citizen  of  my  neighboring  State  ? 

I  appeal  to  the  members  of  this  House.  Sirs,  what  would  be  your 
feelings  were  you  there,  striving,  at  the  sacrifice  of  everything  near  and 
dear  to  you,  to  acquire  that  boon  of  freedom  you  had  learned  from  your 
neighbor  to  love,  and  then  see  that  teacher,  in  the  embrace  of  your  op 
pressor,  flaunting  the  emblem  of  liberty  in  your  very  face?  Have  we 
learned  to  love  royalty  so  much,  that  we  fear  lest  we  should  cross  its 
desires  or  run  counter  to  its  plans  ?  Shall  we  exercise  no  discrimina 
tion  as  to  whom  we  will,  or  will  not,  accord  the  rights  of  belligerency  ? 
Must  we  wait  as  long  in  the  case  of  those  who  are  struggling  for  free 
dom  and  the  right  of  self-government  against  bondage  and  oppression, 
as  in  the  case  of  those  who  are  fighting  to  impose  burdens  ?  What  is 
the  basis  from  which  our  international  policy  springs?  Is  it  freedom, 
or  oppression  ?  Is  it  monarchy,  or  self-government  ?  Is  it  bondage,  or 
liberty  ?  If  we  claim  that  it  is  based  on  the  right  of  representation  and 
true  liberty,  then  let  us  extend  that  policy  to  every  bright  oasis  that 
springs  up  amid  the  regions  of  oppression. 

Our  Chief  Magistrate  has  said,  that  the  people  of  this  Nation  sympa 
thize  with  that  people  struggling  to  free  themselves  from  a  government 
they  believe  to  be  oppressive.  Yes,  sir,  the  heart  of  this  mighty  Nation 
swells  and  heaves  with  sympathy  for  Cuba  ;  and  could  one  vast  chorus 
of  cheers  sweep  across  the  narrow  strait,  in  spite  of  all  conventionali 
ties  and  legal  crotchets,  it  would  sound  above  the  waves  that  dash 
against  the  coast  one  hearty  "God  speed  the  cause  of  freedom  in 
Cuba!" 

LOGAN'S  ARMY  BILL — IT  EFFECTS  A  SAVING  OF  MILLIONS  ANNU 
ALLY ITS  PASSAGE  "  THE  GREATEST  TRIUMPH  OF  THAT  CON 
GRESS." 

March    10,  1869,  Mr.   Logan,  as  Chairman  of  the   Com 
mittee  on  Military  Affairs,  reported,  and  secured  the  passage 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 

through  the  House,  of  his  bill  reducing  the  army,  mustering 
out  between  four  hundred  and  five  hundred  officers  thereof. 
A  special  despatch  of  that  date,  in  the  Chicago  Republican, 
thus  alludes  to  the  brilliant  success  of  his  speech  and  man 
agement  : 

General  Logan  achieved  the  greatest  triumph  of  this  Congress  to 
day  when  his  army  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  without  an  amend 
ment,  except  such  as  were  proposed  by  himself,  and  without  even  a 
call  of  the  yeas  and  nays.  He  prefaced  the  measure  by  a  speech  which, 
by  unanimous  consent,  the  House  allowed  him  to  extend  to  nearly  two 
hours'  length,  full  of  suggestions,  facts,  and  figures.  He  showed  that 
the  staff  corps  for  our  37,000  men,  is  as  numerous  as  France  supports 
for  her  500,000,  or  Russia  for  her  800,000  ;  that  the  prices  paid  for 
office-rents  by  some  of  these,  as  by  General  Ingalls  in  New  York,  are 
enormous.  He  pointed  out  the  evils  of  allowing  army  officers  to  hold 
civil  positions,  citing  the  case  of  Butterfield  in  New  York,  who,  after 
holding  one  of  the  most  important  offices  there,  returns  to  his  rank  of 
colonel  in  the  army,  and  cannot  be  tried  for  misconduct  in  his  civil  po 
sition.  General  Sherman,  Secretary  Robeson,  and  a  number  of  army 
officers  were  on  the  floor  while  he  was  speaking,  and  Sherman  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing  Logan's  argument  in  favor  of  cutting  his  pay  down 
nearly  $8,000  a  year. 

In  the  course  of  his  speech,  General  Logan  said,  that 
"the  saving  effected  by  this  bill  would  approximate  to 
$3,000,000"  annually. 

LOGAN'S  REPLY  TO  GENERAL  SHERMAN'S  LETTER  OPPOSING  ARMY 

REDUCTION  AND  REFORM HE  DEMOLISHES  IT AN  ELOQUENT 

PROTEST  AGAINST  MILITARY  DICTATION DEFENCE  OF  THE  LIB 
ERTIES  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

On  March  29,  1869,  Mr.  Logan, — after  calling  attention 
to,  and  having  placed  upon  the  record,  a  letter  writteYi  by 
General  Sherman  to  Senator  Wilson,  Chairman  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  adversely  criticizing  General 
Logan's  bill  for  the  reduction  of  the  army,  which  had  passed 
the  House  by  the  latter's  efforts  and  was  then  being  consid 
ered  by  said  Committee, — made  a  speech  which  fairly  demol- 


174  LIFR   OF  LOGAN. 

ished  the  statements  contained  in  the  letter,  and  exhibited  at 
once  the  readiness  and  thoroughness  of  information  which 
characterized  the  man  in  matters  of  legislation,  as  in  others. 
General  Sherman's  attack,  through  the  medium  of  this  let 
ter,  upon  General  Logan's  position  and  statements — how 
ever  trenchant  it  had  at  first  seemed  to  be — was  so  rapidly, 
vigorously,  and  convincingly  repelled  by  General  Logan  on 
the  floor  of  the  House,  that  it  fell  flat,  and  utterly  failed  in  its 
object,  which  was  the  defeat  of  army  reduction  and  reform. 
In  concluding  that  speech, — which  he  did  amid  ll  Long-con 
tinued  applause  upon  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries," — Repre 
sentative  Logan  said : 

General  Sherman  says,  that  if  his  pay  be  reduced  he  cannot  give  re 
ceptions.  I  do  not  care  whether  he  can,  or  not.  It  makes  no  difference 
to  me.  Sir,  I  remember  a  grand  reception  which  was  once  given  to  him. 
I  remember  that  on  the  22d  of  May,  1865,  I  marched  around  this  Cap 
itol  and  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue  at  the  head  of  many  thousand  vet 
eran  soldiers,  constituting  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  General  Sher 
man  was  marching  in  advance.  He  then  commanded  General  Slocum's 
army,  the  Army  of  Georgia,  and  my  army,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 
He  was  greeted  with  cheers  by  men  and  women,  by  white  and  black. 
Bouquets  were  strewn  everywhere.  Every  heart  leaped  with  joy  ;  and 
if  the  dead  could  have  spoken,  they  would  have  shouted  hallelujahs  to 
his  name. 

Nearly  all  of  those  soldiers  who  followed  me  down  Pennsylvania 
Avenue  were  volunteer  soldiers.  They  had  been  engaged  in  more  than 
a  hundred  battles.  They  constituted  the  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
which  was  first  commanded  by  Grant,  and  which  I  commanded  last. 
They  never  knew  defeat.  They  are  forgotten  to-day.  Their  memories 
live  but  a  short  time.  Fifty  years  hence,  history  will  hardly  know  that 
these  men  were  engaged  in  the  war.  A  few  regular  officers  will  claim 
all  the  credit,  and  will  get  it  all.  I  am  willing  they  shall  have  it.  I 
want  none,  myself:  I  claim  none.  But  while  this  officer,  the  general  of 
the  regular  army,  is  attacking  us,  there  are  in  this  House  a  great 
many  men  who  were  volunteer  soldiers — perhaps  not  so  great  as  he,  but 
equally  patriotic.  They  were  mustered  out  of  the  service.  They  are 
content  to  obey  the  laws  and  do  their  duty. 

There  sits  a  man  [Mr.  Paine]  who,  with  one  leg  gone,  slept  upon  the 
field,  hearing  during  the  dark,  dismal  night,  no  sound  save  the  groans 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 

of  the  wounded  and  the  dying.  He  votes  for  this  bill,  and  for  that  rea 
son  he  is  an  "  inhuman  "  man.  Another  gentleman  [Mr.  Stoughton],  a 
member  of  our  Committee,  who  concurred  in  reporting  this  bill,  slept 
upon  the  battlefield  in  the  same  way,  and  now  goes  around  this  House 
on  a  wooden  leg.  I  could  name  twenty  men  on  this  floor  who  bear  the 
marks  and  scars  of  rebel  lead.  They  are  to  be  forgotten.  Let  it  be  so  ; 
I  have  nothing  to  say  ;  but  I  have  a  word  to  say  in  behalf  of  the  tax 
payers,  in  behalf  of  the  soldier,  and  the  soldier's  widow.  In  their  name, 
in  the  name  of  those  brave  Union  men  who  sleep  beneath  the  sod  of  the 
South,  in  the  name  of  their  widows  and  children,  in  the  name  of  the 
one-legged  and  one-armed  soldiers,  I  protest  against  the  use  of  such 
power  in  the  hands  of  these  few  men  to  defeat  a  great  measure  of  pub 
lic  reform  like  this  army  bill. 

I  protest  against  this  thing  of  dictating  legislation  to  the  country,  be 
cause  a  man  is  in  a  high  place.  I  protest  against  any  attempt  to  stifle 
legislation.  I  protest  against  the  iron  bands  of  power  being  woven 
like  a  net-work  around  the  minds  of  independent  legislators  of  this 
Nation.  The  people  demand  that  the  legislative  branch  of  this  Govern 
ment  shall  be  free,  shall  be  untrammelled,  shall  be  independent,  and 
shall  be  unfettered,  so  far  as  military  dictation  is  concerned  ;  and  I  say 
to  the  men  who  hold  high  positions  in  this  country,  that  they  are  not 
the  law  makers,  but  the  law  obeyers,  and  that  they  shall  not  dictate  the 
amount  of  taxation  to  be  paid  for  their  benefit,  or  the  benefit  of  any 
body  else.  And,  sir,  whenever  legislation  is  so  stifled  and  so  crip 
pled  that  a  man,  who  has  independence  enough  to  stand  up  here  in 
defence  of  economy  and  efficiency  in  the  public  service,  is  attacked  by 
high  officials,  through  the  columns  of  the  newspapers,  for  the  perform 
ance  of  his  duty  as  a  Representative  of  the  people,  and  legislation 
thwarted  thereby,  then  farewell  to  the  liberties  of  this  glorious  Repub 
lic. 

General  Sherman  parades,  as  if  for  our  imitation,  the  British  army, 
with  four  hundred  generals.  If  we  should  adopt  the  suggestion,  and  have 
four  hundred  generals,  as  in  the  British  army,  to  one  hundred  thousand 
men,  then,  Mr.  Speaker,  we  should  give  the  death-knell  to  our  free 
institutions.  With  such  a  military  establishment,  the  Oriental  world  to 
day  is  blighted  and  accursed.  It  puts  upon  the  people  the  heavy  bur 
den  of  a  titled  nobility.  I  demand  that  the  people  of  this  country  shall 
not  receive  any  such  strain.  I  demand  that  this  country  shall  not  be 
put  in  the  same  position  as  Europe.  If  a  man  in  Europe  gets  to  be  a 
general  he  must  be  a  duke,  and  if  he  gets  to  be  a  colonel  he  must  be  a 
marquis  ;  and  while  the  people  get  two  shillings  a  day,  for  hard  labor, 
the  duke  or  marquis  must  get  $30,000  per  annum,  for  doing  nothing. 


I76  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Such  is  the  rule,  and  such  is  the  condition  of  things,  in  Europe.  I  wish 
to  know  whether  this  attack  on  me,  means  that  this  country  shall  be 
subverted  into  the  hands  of  powerful  military  men,  who  are  to  become 
aristocrats,  as  they  are  in  Europe  ?  I  wish  to  know  whether  titles  are 
to  be  established  here  ?  I  wish  to  know  whether  a  body  of  nobility  is 
to  grow  up  here. 

I  know  the  people  are  honest,  as  we  have  been  told  in  that  letter. 
Yes,  sir,  the  people  are  honest,  the  people  are  brave,  and  the  people  are 
true.  He  [Sherman]  would  not  have  been  a  general,  if  it  had  not  been 
for  the  people.  It  was  the  boy  who  carried  the  musket,  who  made  him 
what  he  is.  The  boys  who  carried  muskets  so  gallantly  during  the  late 
war,  made  all  these  men  who  now  hold  themselves  so  high.  They  are 
the  boys  who  made  generals,  and  presidents,  and  can  unmake  them  ; 
and  I  say,  for  one,  I  shall  stand  up  here  as  the  defender  of  these  boys, 
and  these  men,  of  their  widows  and  their  orphans,  and  for  the  liberties 
of  all  the  people  in  this  country,  against  all  generals,  or  marshals,  or 
governors,  or  princes,  or  potentates,  regardless  of  whatever  aristocracy 
may  be  attempted  to  be  set  up  in  this  land.  While  I  live,  I  will  stand 
as  their  defender.  Living  or  dying,  I  shall  defend  the  liberties  of  this 
people,  making  war  against  dictation  and  against  aristocracy,  and  in 
favor  of  republicanism. 

The  Army  bill,  although  somewhat  modified  by  the  Sen 
ate,  still  preserved  its  essential  reform  features  when  finally 
enacted  into  law — a  result  admittedly  due  to  this  powerful 
speech. 

GENERAL  LOGAN'S  AUTHORSHIP   IN  THE    FIFTEENTH    AMENDMENT 
AS    FINALLY  AGREED  TO. 

It  is  a  fact,  not  generally  known,  because  of  General  Lo 
gan's  modesty,  that  he  was  as  much  the  author  of  the  Fif 
teenth  Amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitution  as  some 
of  those  who  have  heretofore  claimed  to  be.  As  that  Amend 
ment  came  from  the  Senate  to  the  House  its  first  section  read 
as  follows : 

"  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  or  hold 
office  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States 
or  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condi 
tion  of  servitude." 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


177 


Mr.  Logan  sought  to  amend  this  section  in  the  House  by 
striking  out  the  words  "or  hold  office,"  as  superfluous,  the 
right  to  vote  always  carrying  with  it  the  right  to  hold  office. 
The  House,  however,  refused  to  adopt  his  amendment,  but 
instead  agreed  to  amendments  offered  by  Bingham  of  Ohio, 
and  sent  it  back  to  the  Senate  in  the  following  shape  : 

"  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  or  hold 
office  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  any  State  on  account 
of  race,  color,  nativity,  property,  creed,  or  previous  condition 
of  servitude." 

The  Senate  disagreeing  to  this,  a  conference  committee, 
comprising  Senators  Stewart,  Conkling,  and  Edmunds,  on 
the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  Messrs.  Boutwell,  Bingham,  and 
Logan,  on  the  part  of  the  House,  settled  the  disagreement  by 
adopting  Logan's  draft,  so  that  the  section  should  read  thus : 

"  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall 
not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any 
State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servi 
tude." 

And  in  this  shape,  there  being  no  disagreement  as  to  the 
second  section  giving  power  to  enforce  it,  it  passed  both 
Houses  by  the  constitutional  two-thirds  majority.* 

*  By  reference  to  the  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  3d  session,  Fortieth 
Congress,  the  following  proceedings  will  be  found  :  On  February  20,  1869,  Mr.  Boutwell 
moved  that  the  rules  be  suspended  so  as  to  take  up  and  consider  the  joint  resolution  of  the 
Senate  (S.  R.  8),  proposing  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
Agreed  to  :  yeas,  144  ;  nays,  37. 

Mr.  Logan  submitted  an  amendment  to  it,  to  strike  out  the  words  "or  hold  office." 
Disagreed  to. 

Mr.  Shellabarger  submitted  an  amendment  in  the  nature  of  a  substitute  for  the  first  sec 
tion,  but  subsequently  withdrew  it. 

Mr.  Bingham  submitted  an  additional  amendment,  to  strike  out  the  words  "by  the 
United  States"  and  insert  "nativity,  property,  creed  ;"  so  that  it  would  read  as  follows  : 

"  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  or  hold  office  shall  not  be  denied  or 
abridged  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  nativity,  property,  creed,  or  previous  con 
dition  of  servitude." 

This  was  agreed  to,  and  the  joint  resolution  was  read  a  third  time  and  passed  by  140 
yeas  to  37  nays. 

On  February  23d  a  message  was  received  by  the  House  from  the  Senate,  notifying  it 

12 

\ 


178 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


LOGAN'S  EULOGY  ON  GENERAL  THOMAS — A  FITTING  TRIBUTE  TO 

"  THE  ROCK  OF  CHICKAMAUGA." 

On  April  6,  1870,  in  the  Masonic  Hall  at  Washington, 
General  Logan  delivered  an  oration  before  the  Department 
of  the  Potomac,  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  upon  the  life, 
character,  and  death  of  General  George  H.  Thomas,  the  hero 
of  Nashville,  "The  Rock  of  Chickamauga."  Briefly,  but  in 
telling  words,  he  thus  sketched  the  turning-point  in  that  great 
soldier's  military  career : 

When  the  army  swung  loose  from  its  moorings  at  Atlanta,  to  sweep 
across  the  plains  of  Georgia,  the  troops  left  behind  were  placed  under 
command  of  General  Thomas  to  hold  the  enemy  in  check  in  Tennessee. 
And  here,  in  some  respects,  was  perhaps  the  most  trying  position  of  his 
life.  Gradually  falling  back  on  Nashville  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  cut 
ting  off  his  communications,  concentrating  his  forces  and  strengthening 
his  cavalry  arm,  his  delay  and  apparent  inaction  was  misunderstood  and 

that  the  Senate  had  disagreed  to  the  House  amendments,  asking  a  conference  on  the  dis 
agreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses,  and  stating  that  Mr.  Stewart,  Mr.  Conkling,  and  Mr. 
Edmunds  had  been  appointed  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

The  same  day,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Boutwell,  the  rules  were  suspended,  the  joint  resolu 
tion  with  its  amendments  taken  up,  the  House  agreed  to  the  conference,  and  Messrs.  Bout- 
well,  Bingham,  and  Logan  were  appointed  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

On  February  25th  Mr.  Boutwell  reported  from  the  conference  committee  as  follows : 
"The  committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  on  the  joint 
resolution  (S.  K.  8),  proposing  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  having 
met,  after  full  and  free  conference  have  agreed  to  recommend  and  do  recommend  to  their 
respective  Houses  as  follows  : 

That  the  House  recede  from  their  amendments  and  agree  to  the  resolution  of  the 
Senate,  with  an  amendment  as  follows  : 

In  section  one,  line  two,  strike  out  the  words  "or  hold  office;"  and  that  the  Senate 
agree  to  the  same. 

Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL. 
JOHN  A.  BINGHAM. 
JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate, 

WILLIAM  M.  STEWART. 
ROSCOE  CONKLING. 

This  report  was  agreed  to  by  both  House  and  Senate,  by  the  constitutional  majority  of 
two-thirds  in  each  House. 


LOGAAr  AFTER    THE   WAR. 

his  motives  misinterpreted.  The  news  of  Hood's  rapid  and  persistent 
advance  into  Tennessee,  and  apparently  no  strong  effort  on  the  part  of 
Thomas  to  check  him,  was  a  riddle  for  a  time,  even  at  the  headquarters 
of  the  army.  Sensitive  to  every  insinuation  against  his  honor  or  his 
integrity,  as  one  of  his  nature  must  ever  be,  it  required  all  his  self-con 
trol  to  keep  his  own  counsel.  But  he  was  equal  to  the  task,  and  mov 
ing  steadily  onward,  perfecting  his  plans,  he  waited  patiently  the  mo 
ment  at  which  to  strike  the  decisive  blow.  When  it  arrived,  it  came 
like  a  thunder-bolt  upon  the  enemy. 

Hood's  army,  shattered  and  broken,  was  scattered  to  the  four  winds, 
never  to  be  again  reorganized. 

This  cleared  away  effectually  the  cloud  which  for  a  moment  had  ob 
scured  his  fame,  and  his  star  shone  forth  with  increased  splendor.* 

Of  Thomas'  characteristics,  General  Logan  said : 

He  brought  no  peculiar  trait  into  stronger  relief  than  another,  but 
blended  them  all  in  one  harmonious  whole.  If  there  was  any  excep 
tion  to  this,  any  feature  that  predominated  over  others,  it  was  the 
power  of  his  will,  especially  its  power  over  himself — self-control.  And 
this,  united  with  his  uniform  urbanity,  was  doubtless  the  secret  of  that 
facility  with  which  he  acquired  control  over  the  troops  under  his  com 
mand,  who  seemed  to  -obey,  not  more  because  duty  compelled  them 
than  because  they  loved  to  execute  the  orders  of  their  general.  It  was 
the  secret  of  that  power  he  possessed  of  instilling  into  his  men  his  own 
indomitable  and  deliberate  courage,  that  won  him  the  sobriquet  of  "  The 
Rock  of  Chickamauga." 

Intellectually  he  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  military  life  ;  the  very  har 
mony  of  his  nature  begat  system  ;  and,  possessing  strong  comprehen 
sive  powers,  readily  he  grasped  the  points  of  his  situation,  and  deliberate 
judgment  concentrated  the  advantages  and  matured  his  plans,  and  en 
ergy  executed  them. 

His  heart  was  that  of  a  giant,  and  swelled  and  palpitated  with  none 
but  the  noblest  impulses.  Sincere  in  all  his  words,  his  unreserved 
frankness  and  evident  truthfulness  in  all  his  reports  and  communica 
tions  extorted  admiration  even  from  those  who  love  to  censure.  Strict 
conscientiousness  and  punctual  fidelity  marked  all  his  actions.  <-  No 
taint  of  sordid  selfishness,  no  miserable  caprices,  no  stain  of  dishonor, 
ever  soiled  his  fair  escutcheon."  His  name  will  go  down  to  posterity 
without  a  blot  upon  his  character  as  a  soldier,  a  patriot,  or  a  gentleman. 

*But  for  Logan's  self-abnegation,  Thomas  would  not  have  had  this  chance.  See  pages 
87-88,  and  foot-note. 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Envy  and  jealousy  will  seek  in  vain  for  a  flaw  or  defect  upon  which 
to  hang  a  doubt  or  fix  a  criticism. 

The  peroration  of  this  eloquent  oration  was  very  fine — as 
these  few  lines  of  it  will  show  : 

He  is  gone  !  Grief  sits  visibly  on  every  soldier's  brow,  and  pervades 
every  loyal  heart  of  the  Nation.  His  noble  form  lies  low,  ready  to  be 
committed  to  its  kindred  dust.  Earth  never  received  into  her  bosom  a 
manlier  form  or  a  nobler  breast.  The  halo  of  his  deeds  and  the  bril 
liancy  of  his  achievements  may  almost  be  said  to  illumine  the  grave  into 
which  his  body  descends,  and  the  fragrance  of  his  acts  of  kindness  per 
fume  his  sepulchre. 

He  has  gone  from  our  sight,  but  not  from  our  hearts  and  our  mem 
ories;  there  his  name  must  live  on,  embalmed  by  our  love  and  garlanded 
with  our  affections,  growing  brighter  and  brighter  as  time  rolls  on. 
The  cold  marble  often  bears  in  mockery  a  name  forgotten  but  for  the 
letters  chiselled  in  the  icy  slab.  It  cannot  be  so  with  the  name  of  Gen 
eral  George  Henry  Thomas  :  it  is  chiselled  on  the  tablets  of  too  many 
hearts  to  need  the  aid  of  marble  or  bronze  to  perpetuate  it. 

As  a  soldier,  a  gentleman,  a  patriot,  a  man,  his  memory  will  go  down 
to  future  generations,  emblazoned  upon  the  pages  of  history,  pregnant 
with  a  lesson  of  wholesome  emulation  to  those  who  shall  in  the  future 
lead  armies  to  battle,  not  alone  in  this  Republic,  but  throughout  the 
civilized  world. 

This  oration  was  very  highly  praised  by  the  press  at  the 
time — although  delivered  at  a  disadvantage,  in  this :  that  ex 
tended  memorial  services,  including  an  oration  by  Garfield, 
had  been  had  in  honor  of  General  Thomas,  the  evening  be 
fore,  in  the  hall  of  the  House,  in  the  presence  of  the  President 
and  his  Cabinet  and  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Yet  one 
paper  said:  "The  night  after,  at  Masonic  Hall,  Logan's  ora 
tion  flashed  out  with  all  its  electricity  and  descriptive  magnifi 
cence,  throwing  completely  in  the  shade  everything  hereto 
fore  delivered."  Another  paper,  alluding  to  this  meeting,  said : 

General  Schenck,  Chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means,  presided.  Members  of  the  Cabinet,  Senators,  Members  of  the 
House,  and  Governors  of  States  were  present,  some  of  whom  took  part 
in  the  proceedings.  The  hall  (Masonic  Hall)  was  crowded  to  reple- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 

tion  by  an  enthusiastic  audience,  who  had  assembled  to  listen  to  the 
eulogy  upon  the  life  and  character  of  General  Thomas  delivered  by 
Major-General  Logan.  General  Logan  is  an  orator  whose  cast  of 
thought  rendered  him  peculiarly  qualified  to  handle  such  a  subject ;  and 
liis  personal  knowledge  of  General  Thomas,  and  experience  with  him 
upon  many  well-fought  fields,  lent  inspiration  to  the  effort.  The  result 
xvas  that  as  the  orator  rose  with  his  theme  and  the  grand  and  beautiful 
incidents  were  portrayed  with  all  the  fascination  of  the  speaker's  art — 
the  power  of  pathos,  the  moving  appeal,  the  awaking  of  emotion, — the 
assembly  was  constrained  to  manifest  its  feeling  in  frequent  outbursts 
of  applause. 

GENERAL     LOGAN'S     GENERAL     ORDERS      TO     THE      GRAND     ARMY 

OF    THE    REPUBLIC,  TOUCHING    DECORATION    DAY ELECTED    A 

THIRD  TIME  ITS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF GRAND  ARMY  ENCAMP 
MENT    RESOLUTIONS — A    HANDSOME    TRIBUTE    TO     "THE    SOL- 

DIER'S  FRIEND." 

On  April  30,  1870,  the  following  order  was  issued  by 
General  Logan,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Grand  Army 
of  the  Republic,  touching  Memorial  Day : 

HEADQUARTERS,  G.  A.  R.,       7 

WASHINGTON,  April  30,  1870. 

I.  The   annual   ceremonies  of  "  Memorial  Day "  which   have  been 
firmly  established  by  National  choice  and  consent,  will  take  place  on 
Monday  the  3oth  day  of  May. 

II.  All   departments,    districts,    posts,   and   comrades  of  the  Grand 
Army  of  the   Republic,  wherever  dispersed   throughout  the  land,  will 
unite  in  such  manner  and  with  such  ceremonies  for  the  proper  observ 
ance   of  the  day   as  may  be   best   suited   to   each   respective  locality; 
and  all  organizations,  communities,  and  persons,  whose  grateful  aid, 
sympathy,    and    prayers   sustained    us   through   the   dark   days    of    the 
Nation's  peril,  and   those  whose  loyal,  patriotic  hearts  beat  in  unison 
with  our  own,  and  who  have  heretofore,  or  may  hereafter,  join  with  us 
in  the  observance  of  this  National  Memorial  Day,  are  hereby  cordially 
invited  so  to  unite,  and  are   earnestly  requested  to  lend  their  aid  and 
assistance  in  strewing  the  pure  garlands  of  spring,  that  come  with  votive 
memories  of  love  and  prayer,  o'er  the  mounds  that  mark  the  country's 
altar,  and  fold,  in  rest  eternal,  our  martyred  dead. 

This   is  the  third   public  observance   of  a   day  which   has  become 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

marked,  and  National,  for  this  sacred  occasion.  Many  are  now  missing 
from  our  ranks,  who  were  with  us  before.  Time,  with  busy  finger, 
counts  the  hours  for  all.  "In  the  midst  of  life  we  are  in  death,"  and 
one  by  one  our  comrades  are  "  mustered  out"  to  join  the  grand  army 
on  high.  Let  this  teach  us  that  we  should  so  live  that,  when  we  too 
are  gone,  it  can  be  said,  "He  was  a  citizen,  a  soldier,  and  a  comrade, 
without  fear  and  without  -reproach." 

III.  It  is  desirable  that  the  memorial  services  may  be  preserved,  and 
the  department  and  post  commanders  will  forward  direct,  to  the  Ad 
jutant-General  at  National  Headquarters,  a  record  of  such  proceedings 
as  may  occur  in  each  locality.  Should  the  same  appear  in  the  press,  or 
by  pamphlet,  a  duplicate  corrected  copy  is  requested. 

By  order. 

WILLIAM  T.  COLLINS,  JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

A  dj ut ant-  General.  Commander-in-  Chief. 

It  was  at  the  National  Encampment  of  the  Grand  Army 
of  the  Republic,  held  at  Washington  this  year  (1870),  that 
General  Logan  was  again,  for  the  third  time,  unanimously 
elected  its  Commander-in-Chief,  and  the  following  resolutions 
were  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  memory  of  those  who  died  that  the  Nation  might 
live,  should  be  kept  green  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  by  the  sacred  observance  of  the  3oth  of  May  as  a  day  dedicated 
to  the  decoration  of  their  graves  ;  and  we  trust  that  the  General  Gov 
ernment  will  not  fail  to  exercise,  under  the  war-power,  its  sovereignty 
over  such  of  those  hallowed  resting-places  of  our  departed  comrades  as 
are  in  that  section  of  country  which  they  bravely  aided  in  conquering, 
and  not  ask  the  permission  of  the  conquered  that  the  soil  thus  conse 
crated  may  be  the  Nation's  forever. 

Resolved,  That  all  departments  and  posts  of  the  Grand  Army,  and  all 
comrades  in  their  individual  capacities,  use  their  utmost  endeavors  to 
promptly  secure  legislative  action  in  their  respective  States  in  aid  of  the 
establishment  and  maintenance  of  homes  and  schools  for  the  support 
and  education  of  the  orphans  of  all  Union  soldiers,  sailors,  or  marines, 
without  distinction  of  birthplace  or  of  race,  who  were  killed,  or  who 
died  in  consequence  of  wounds  received  or  disease  contracted,  while  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  while  we  recognize  the  equality  of  all  soldiers  who 
were  mustered  in  we  respectfully  suggest  to  the  officers  of  the  National 
Asylum  for  Disabled  Soldiers,  so  liberally  endowed  by  Congress,  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  ^3 

propriety  of  promoting  the  comfort  of  the  colored  veterans  entitled  to 
a  home,  by  establishing  a  branch  asylum  at  the  South  for  their  occupa 
tion. 

Resolved,  That  we  earnestly  request  Congress  to  consider  the  pro 
priety  and  justice  of  passing  an  act  donating  suitable  tracts  of  the  pub 
lic  lands  to  those  soldiers,  sailors,  and  marines,  who  honorably  served 
in  the  Army  or  Navy  of  the  Nation  during  the  late  war  for  the  suppres 
sion  of  the  rebellion,  in  accordance  with  the  precedents  established  in 
former  wars. 

After  congratulating  the  Grand  Army  on  the  re-election 
of  General  Logan,  and  speaking  in  high  terms  of  praise  of  his 
address,  the  Grand  Army  Journal  ot  May  21,  1870,  says: 

General  Logan  is  eminently  a  man  of  the  people  in  all  his  sympa 
thies  and  aspirations.  He  is  a  representative  man — engaged  in  a  ca 
reer  carved  out  by  his  own  vigorous  and  indomitable  nature.  His 
friendly  sentiments  toward  the  volunteer  soldiers  are  known  to  all  men. 
In  and  out  of  Congress  he  has  labored  for  their  benefit,  because,  with 
out  detracting  from  the  merit  of  the  regular  army,  he  believes  the  vol 
unteer  soldiers  bore  the  heat  and  the  burthen  of  the  day  in  the  war 
against  the  rebellion. 

Brave  in  the  field,  wise  in  council,  kindly  of  heart,  and  earnest  in 
purpose,  with  a  record  emblazoned  on  the  annals  of  his  country  of 
which  he  may  be  well  proud,  he  is  yet  in  the  prime  of  life.  Such  men 
render  yeoman  service,  and  are  held  in  especial  esteem.  Faithful  to 
the  cause  of  right  and  truth  and  progress,  he  has  had  no  devious  ends 
to  work  out,  no  corrupt  motives  to  keep  from  sight.  Earnest  and  will 
ing  to  perform  the  labor  of  the  sphere  in  which  he  moves,  his  own  in 
stincts  press  him  onward  and  upward  to  attempt  greater  achievements. 
This  ambition  is  laudable — laudable  because  it  is  just,  as  its  object  is 
the  public  good  ;  and  a  brilliant  future  lies  open  before  him,  on  which 
he  enters  with  our  warmest  wishes. 

HOW    GENERAL    LOGAN    WAS    REGARDED     IN     "  EGYPT  "     AT    THIS 

TIME. 

In  hoisting  to  its  mast-head  the  name  of  General  John  A. 
Logan  for  Congressman  from  the  State-at-Large,  the  Egyp 
tian  Sun  of  May  4,  1870,  paid  the  following  fine  tribute  to  him : 

We  do  this  with  great  pleasure,  not  only  because  we  are  for  Logan 
for  any  position  that  he  asks  from  the  people  of  this  State,  but  because 


T84  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

he  has  proved  himself  to  be  the  best  soldier,  the  most  efficient  legislator, 
and  the  most  eminent  statesman  that  the  State  of  Illinois  has  produced. 

General  Logan  is  a  native  Illinoisan,  has  been  identified  with  the  in 
terests  of  this  State  all  his  life  ;  has  labored  for  its  prosperity  and  the 
promotion  of  the  best  interests  of  its  people  for  more  than  twenty 
years.  From  the  time  his  public  career  began,  to  the  present,  his 
course  has  been  onward,  and  his  life  a  practical  exemplification  of  the 
motto  "  Excelsior."  He  has  never  disappointed  his  constituents,  nor 
brought  the  tinge  of  shame  to  their  faces.  Whatever  has  been  his  po 
sition,  he  has  honored  it,  and  wherever  the  people  have  placed  him,  he 
has  worked  unremittingly  and  faithfully.  He  has  been  no  drone  in  the 
public  hive,  nor  a  hanger-on  to  the  skirts  of  others.  He  has  always 
acted  independently.  A  strong  partisan,  he  lias  been  unwavering  in 
the  support  of  the  principles  that  he  believed  best  for  the  guidance 
of  the  American  people,  but  has  never  hesitated  at  the  call  of  duty, 
nor  neglected,  to  expose  wrong-doing  among  the  members  of  his 
party.  Always  progressive,  he  has  ever  been  in  the  front  rank  of  those 
who,  looking  to  the  good  of  mankind  and  the  political  salvation  of  the 
world,  are  ready  to  make  any  sacrifice,  consistent  with  the  principles 
of  justice  and  the  genius  of  free  institutions,  in  order  to  secure  "the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number." 

But  we  need  not  dwell  on  the  life,  services,  or  ability  of  General 
Logan.  His  name  is  written  in  living  letters  on  the  history  of  this 
State  and  country.  At  the  bar,  on  the  stump,  in  the  legislative  halls  of 
the  Nation,  or  at  the  head  of  his  legions  on  the  field  red  with  carnage, 
he  has  been  equal  to  any  emergency,  and  covered  his  country,  his  State, 
and  his  name,  with  glory  and  renown. 

ANOTHER  BIG  DEBATE  ON  CUBA LOGAN  TAKES  PROMINENT  PART 

IN    IT HE    HANDLES    BUTLER    WITHOUT    GLOVES. 

Again,  June  15,  1870,  the  Cuban  question  came  up  in  the 
House,  and  a  great  debate  of  eight  hours  ensued,  which  was 
graphically  depicted  in  the  New  York  Tribune  of  the  follow 
ing  day.  From  that  report  the  following  is  taken  : 

When  Mr.  Butler  closed,  Mr.  Logan  obtained  the  floor,  Judd  having 
yielded  the  rest  of  his  hour.  There  was  "  fight  "  in  every  line  of  Logan's 
face  as  he  stepped  out  from  his  desk  and  denounced  Butler's  use  of 
Cuban  bonds  on  the  floor  of  the  House  as  unmanly,  and  unworthy  of  a 
patriot  or  gentleman,  declaring  that  it  argued  known  weakness.  He 
distinctly  charged  Butler  with  being  on  both  sides  of  the  question,  stat- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

ing  that  not  three  weeks  ago  Butler  had  been  as  earnest  as  he  [Logan] 
claimed  to  be,  a  strong  advocate  of  belligerent  recognition.  His  con 
duct  on  this  Cuban  bonds  inquiry  was  not  to  be  regarded  as  the  act  of 
a  gentleman.  In  the  harshest  language  allowed  to  parliamentary  de 
bate,  and  some  that  transcended  it  even,  Logan  declared  that  the  so- 
called  Cuban  inquiry  was  "a  contemptible  trick,"  begun  by  Butler  with 
out  the  knowledge  of  the  House,  and  under  cover  of  another  matter. 
He  [Butler]  had  sent  his  spies  and  detectives  through  the  hovels  and 
dens  of  Washington,  seeking  to  drag  the  names  of  his  fellow-members 
down  among  those  of  thieves  and  felons.  At  this  point  Butler,  who  had 
sat  without  showing  any  sign  of  feeling  or  excitement,  remarked  quietly, 
"The  gentlemen  is  mistaken."  "Not  a  bit  of  it,"  was  the  sharp  re 
sponse.  During  this  exciting  personal  scene  Mr.  Logan  faced  Mr. 
Butler  steadily,  and  the  members  gathered  all  around  and  near  him. 
The  entire  Democratic  side  was  vacated,  and  there  was  evidently  an 
intense  though  su&dued  excitement.  On  the  whole,  the  scene  appeared 
to  be  enjoyed  by  all.  Mr.  Butler  seemed  to  be  the  only  one  perfectly 
at  his  ease.  Passing  from  this  personal  reference,  Logan  made  a  stir 
ring  and  strikingly  effective  appeal  to  the  House  on  the  merits  of  the 
question,  declaring  that  the  issue  was  a  question  between  despotism 
and  freedom,  and  the  only  point  for  the  House  to  decide  was  whether 
a  state  of  war  existed  in  Cuba.  Whether  a  reporter  had  bonds,  or  an 
attorney  had  used  them  improperly,  was  not  in  the  balance  at  all,  and 
did  not  affect  the  real  issue.  Did  war  exist  ?  Should  we  recognize  it? 
These  were  the  questions  handled  by  Logan  in  an  effectively  dramatic 
manner.  He  said  we  would  not*have  war,  nor  would  a-ny  evil  follow 
our  intervening  in  behalf  of  humanity,  ariti'our  recognizing  the  struggle 
as  one  for  free  institutions,  free  speech,  and  the  freedom  of  all  men  of 
all  races  and  colors.  He  made  a  most  effective  illustration  of  Mexico, 
when  Juarez,  as  he  said,  carried  the  Republican  Government  in  his  hat, 
with  not  twenty  followers,  among  the  mountains  of  Chihuahua,  while 
Maximilian  held  the  country  with  more  than  forty  thousand  men.  Did 
the  American  people,  he  asked,  fail  to  discriminate  then  ?  Was  there  an 
American  soldier,  he  asked  [turning  fiercely  on  Butler,]  who  was  then 
willing  to  recognize  Maximilian,  or  indulged  in  sneers  at  the  bonds  of 
the  Mexican  Republic  ?  In  rapid  speech,  with  ringing  sentences,  fall 
ing  quick  and  sharp,  like  rifle-volleys,  Logan  assailed  the  sophistries 
with  which  the  debate  had  been  entangled.  As  he  closed  with  an 
impassioned  denunciation  of  what  he  declared  was  a  growing  tendency 
to  ape  monarchical  and  aristocratic  opinion,  and  to  respect  only  strong 
governments, — a  sentiment  which  derided  the  people's  struggles,  and 
was  always  apt  at  excusing  the  acts  of  established  order,  however  tyran- 


1 86  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

nicnl, — Logan  made  one  very  effective  point  in  declaring  that  the  op 
position  to  Cuban  recognition  arose  mainly  from  an  intrigue  now  in 
progress  to  buy  it.  He  denounced  the  mere  talk  of  annexation  as  a 
cheat,  and  declared  his  sympathies  went  with  those  in  Cuba  who  desired 
to  make  a  free  and  independent  State,  and  not  annex  her  to  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Logan  left  an  excellent  impression,  which  it  was  expected 
Mr.  Banks  would  strengthen,  but,  to  the  disappointment  of  all,  it 
was  immediately  evident  that  he  was  physically  unable  to  hold  the 
House.  .  .  . 

WHITTEMORE  AGAIN — HAVING  SECURED  A  RE-ELECTION,  HE 
PRESENTS  HIMSELF  TO  THE  HOUSE  AND  ATTEMPTS  TO  GET 
HIS  SEAT — THE  HOUSE,  UNDER  LOGAN'S  LEAD,  EXCLUDES  HIM 
AND  SENDS  BACK  HIS  CREDENTIALS. 

We  have  seen  how  on  a  former  occasion  General  Logan 
had  secured  the  passage,  by  the  House,  of  a  resolution  de 
claring  that  Whittemore,  who  had  escaped  actual  expulsion 
from  his  seat  in  the  House  by  resignation,  had  made  appoint 
ments  to  West  Point  and  Annapolis  in  violation  of  the  law, 
that  such  appointments  were  influenced  by  pecuniary  consid 
erations,  and  "  that  his  conduct  in  the  premises  has  been 
such  as  to  show  him  unworthy  of  a  seat  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  therefore  is  condemned  as  conduct 
unworthy  of  a  representative  of  the  people."  This  was  on 
February  23,  1870.  Whittemore  at  once  went  back  to  his 
district  in  South  Carolina,  and  got  himself  re-elected  to 
Congress.  On  Saturday,  June  18,  1870,  his  certificate  of  re 
election  was  presented  to  the  House.  A  telegraphic  report 
of  that  day's  proceedings  condenses  the  action  had  thereon 
as  follows : 

Whittcmore got  out  to-day  without  the  trouble  of  resigning.  Logan 
presented  the  c%ase  against  him  very  forcibly,  which,  in  a  word,  was  that 
:i  man  who  had  been  declared  by  the  House  guilty  of  a  penitentiary 
offence,  might  properly  be  excluded.  Farnsworth,  Schenck,  and  Po 
land  tiied  to  have  the  whole  subject  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Commit 
tee,  but  Logan  insisted  on  the  previous  question,  on  a  preamble  setting 
forth  the  character  of  the  offence  and  actions  of  the  House  thereon,  and 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  187 

a  resolution  excluding  Whittemore  and  directing  a  return  of  his  creden 
tials  to  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina.  The  previous  question  was 
sustained  by  84  to  57,  about  30  Republicans  voting  in  the  negative; 
some  because  they  desired  further  debate,  and  some  from  a  wish  to  re 
ceive  him  on  the  ground  that  it  was  his  constitutional  right  to  be  ad 
mitted,  even  if  the  House  exercised  its  constitutional  right  of  expelling 
him.  Immediately  afterward,  on  a  direct  vote  of  ejection,  the  ayes. were 
231,  noes  24.  ...  The  Democrats  had  a  previous  agreement  not  to 
vote,  but  some  at  the  last  moment  decided  not  to  adhere  to  it.  ... 
Scarcely  a  member  spoke  to  Whittemore  during  the  two  hours  he  was 
in  the  hall,  and  when  the  vote  was  declared,  he  left,  without  a  word 
from  anyone. 

Alluding  to  this  matter,  the  Missouri  Daily  Democrat  of 
June  20,  1870,  said : 

Logan,  the  untiring,  "  never  in  haste  and  never  at  rest,"  does  excel 
lent  service  in  Congress.  When  there  is  a  disagreeable  duty  to  be  done, 
an  over-puffed  balloon  to  be  pricked,  an  ugly  customer  to  be  taught 
good-manners,  by  common  consent  Logan  comes  to  the  front.  To  him 
the  House  is  indebted  for  the  exposure  of  the  sellers  of  cadetships  and 
the  (practical  though  not  technical)  expulsion  of  Whittemore,  and  to  his 
ready  promptness  and  pluck  it  owes  the  defeat  of  the  attempt  to  smug 
gle  in  this  scoundrel,  while  the  House  was  thin,  on  Saturday. 

We  agree  entirely  with  the  New  York  Tribune  that  the  place  for  this 
man  is  the  penitentiary  instead  of  the  House,  and  shall  be  astonished 
and  mortified  if  the  Republican  majority  in  that  body  tolerate  the  pres 
ence  of  the  scamp  upon  the  floor. 

It  is  curious  that  the  only  argument  for  the  admission  of  Whitte 
more,  that  we  have  seen,  came  from  the  Republican,  a  Democratic  paper, 
patriotically  anxious  to  have  Congress  disgrace  itself. 

Another  of  the  many  papers   that  gave   him   high  praise 
said  : 

Whittemore  will  find  "  Jordan  a  hard  road  to  travel  "  while  Logan  is 
in  the  House.  General  Logan  has  won  more  praise  from  friends,  and 
xvrested  more  compliments  from  his  political  enemies,  during  the  Forty- 
first  Congress,  than  any  man  who  has  ever  held  a  seat  in  either  House. 
His  presence  has  grown  to  be  a  necessity. 


1 88  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

LOGAN  RENOMINATED  BY  ACCLAMATION  IN  1870 — HIS  GREAT 
SERVICES  ON  THE  STUMP  IN  ILLINOIS,  INDIANA,  AND  IOWA 
—SENSATION  IN  IOWA  WHEREVER  HE  APPEARED — THE  SEN- 
ATORSHIP. 

As  serving  to  indicate  the  conscientious  attention  given 
by  General  Logan  to  the  discharge  of  other  Congressional 
duties,  as  well  as  those  of  legislation, — duties  which,  in  con 
nection  with  the  departments  and  the  demands  of  constitu 
ents,  often  keep  a  Representative  at  Washington  even  after 
the  adjournment  of  Congress,  the  following  extract  from  the 
Washington  correspondence,  July  26,  1870,  of  a  Sioux  City, 
la.,  journal  will  afford  a  hint  : 

Washington  looks  like  a  deserted  village.  All  the  Congressmen  and 
Senators,  together  with  their  hangers-on,  have  left  to  seek  a  re-election 
at  the  hands  of  their  constituents.  .  .  .  General  Logan  was  the  last 
man  from  the  Great  West  to  leave  here.  It  is  believed  that  he  will  be  the 
next  Senator  from  Illinois,  and,  after  that,  his  friends  say  he  will  have  a 
walk-over  for  the  Presidency.  Logan  belongs  to  that  class  of  political 
men  that  will  not  give  you  the  kiss  of  peace  to-day,  and  betray  you  to 
morrow.  He  has  never  gone  back  on  a  friend,  and  I  don't  think  he 
ever  ran  from  an  enemy.  ...  I  believe  Logan  to  be  the  most 
honest  politician  in  America, and  further  predict  that  the  people  of  Illi 
nois  will  stand  by  his  retrenchment  measures,  and  give  him  the  Sena- 
torship  so  well  earned  by  him  this  session. 

General  Logan  was  nominated  by  acclamation  from  the 
State-at-Large  for  Congress,  September  i,  1870,  and  ad 
dressed  the  State  Convention  in  a  speech  of  one  hour,  which, 
said  the  Chicago  Tribune,  "  was  repeatedly  and  vociferously 
applauded."  But  he  had  not  awaited  this  renomination  be 
fore  commencing  the  campaign.  He  had  already  opened  it 
at  Cairo.  Said  the  Egyptian  Sun  of  Thursday,  September 
i,  1870: 

General  Logan's  speech  in  this  city  on  Saturday  night  was  one  of 
the  most  telling  ever  delivered  in  Cairo.  The  court-house  was  densely 
crowded,  and  the  General  held  his  audience  spellbound  for  at  least  two 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


189 


hours.  We  have  not  time  now  to  give  an  analysis  of  his  speech,  but 
must  content  ourselves  with  saying  that  it  was  a  glorious  effort,  worthy 
of  the  man  and  the  place.  We  hear  of  quite  a  number  of  men  in  the 
Democratic  ranks  who  were  well  pleased  with  it,  and  who  will  in  all 
likelihood  support  the  Republican  ticket. 

The  New  York  Sun  also  said  some  kind  things  of  the 
General  at  this  time.  In  its  issue  of  October  iSth,  it  said: 

General  John  A.  Logan  is  said  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  office  of 
United  States  Senator  from  Illinois,  in  the  place  of  Richard  Yates, 
whose  term  expires  in  March  next.  General  Logan  is  now  a  mem 
ber  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  the  State  of  Illinois  at 
large,  and  has  attained  a  very  distinguished  position  in  that  body.  He 
is  a  man  of  great  native  vigor  and  originality  of  mind.  His  course 
upon  the  Cuban  question  has  been  such  as  to  render  him  a  great  fa 
vorite  with  all  the  friends  of  universal  freedom. 

He  was  then,  as  the  Du  Quoin  Tribune  of  October  2Oth 
said,  "  making  a  lively  canvass  in  northern  and  central  por 
tions  of  the  State"  of  Illinois,  and  besides  speaking  in  Indi 
ana,  had  also  effectively  stumped  Iowa.  The  following,  from 
the  Des  Moines  (Iowa)  Register,  October  n,  1870,  will  give 
some  idea  of  the  effect  of  his  presence  in  that  State. 

Of  all  public  men  living  to-day,  there  are  but  few  whom  the  people 
of  Iowa  regard  with  equal  admiration  with  John  A.  Logan. 

General  Logan,  who  entered  the  State  of  Iowa  last  Thursday,  and 
has  since  made  speeches  at  Waterloo,  Newton,  and  Des  Moines,  has  had 
ovation  after  ovation  the  whole  journey.  The  State  is  filted  with  men 
who  followed  him  in  war,  who  were  with  him  in  battle,  who  idolized 
him  in  the  field,  and  who  almost  worship  him  and  his  greatness  now. 
His  journey  through  the  State  has  developed  how  unshaken  and  un- 
chilled  is  the  bond  of  esteem  and  affection  between  him  and  his  old  sol 
diers.  At  every  point  he  has  spoken,  they  have  flocked  in  to  see  him, 
to  shake  hands  with  him,  and  to  tell  him  how  proudly  they  have  watched 
him  in  his  public  career,  and  how  he  still  holds  their  unquestioning 
confidence  and  lasting  regard.  There  were  in  the  Register  office  yester 
day  two  men  who  had  walked  twenty-five  miles  to  come  in  and  see  their 
old  commander.  Many  affecting  incidents  occurred  in  the  interviews 
between  the  gallant  General  and  his  soldiers.  None  of  the  great  gen 
erals  who  have  visited  Des  Moines  since  the  war  have  been  received 


1 9o 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


with  so  much  of  cordiality  and  enthusiasm  as  General  Logan  has  been. 
As  there  is  no  brotherhood  like  that  of  comrades  in  war,  so  is  there 
no  admiration  like  that  which  soldiers  hold  for  an  illustrious  and  revered 
commander.  This  is  General  Logan's  first  visit  to  the  central  part  of 
Iowa  since  the  war,  and  he  has  been  made  to  see  how  warm  a  welcome 
Iowa  can  give  a  man  it  likes. 

The  Pontiac,  111.,  Sentinel  and  Press  of  October  20,  1870, 
after  stating  that  General  Logan  had  just  addressed  a  large 
audience,  notwithstanding  the  bad  weather,  at  that  place, 
and  that  "  never  was  a  more  thorough,  candid,  and  eloquent 
defence  of  Republicanism  heard  from  the  lips  of  man,"  pro 
ceeded  to  summarize  and  eulogize  his  public  record  of  ser 
vice,  and  continued  thus  : 

His  speech  here  on  Wednesday,  which  we  will  not  do  him  the  in 
justice  to  attempt  to  publish,  as  it  could  only  be  an  imperfect  condensa 
tion  at  best,  showed  him  to  be  master  of  the  subjects  which  he  handles  ; 
we  wish  that  more  of  our  citizens  could  have  heard  him.  His  com 
parison  of  the  country  under  Democratic  and  under  Republican  rule  was 
well  drawn  ;  his  eloquent  description  of  our  glorious  strides  in  wealth, 
enterprise,  and  progress,  since  the  rebellion  was  crushed  out  by  the 
power  of  the  Government,  was  grand  ;  his  home-thrusts  at  the  villanous 
double-dealing  of  the  Democracy  were  welltimed  and  rapturously  re 
ceived.  It  was  a  grand  day  for  the  Republicans  and  a  sorry  one  for 
our  opponents. 

The  Peoria  Review,  December  i,  1870,  in  discussing  the 
approaching  election  of  a  United  States  Senator,  said  of  him  : 

He  is  a  man  of  the  people,  ready,  outspoken,  and  sympathetic. 
His  canvass  in  1866-68,  and  in  the  present  year,  has  demonstrated  to 
the  crowds  who  have  heard  him,  that  he  has  the  independence  to  de 
clare  his  own  convictions  and  the  ability  to  defend  them.  As  a  political 
speaker  before  the  people,  he  is  at  once  the  ablest,  fairest,  and  most 
convincing  in  the  State.  As  a  member  of  Congress,  his  record  shows 
him  to  be  ready  in  debate,  fertile  in  expedients,  careful  in  legislation, 
liberal  in  his  views,  but  an  earnest  advocate  of  economy  in  every 
branch  of  the  Government.  During  the  rebellion  he  earned  the  reputa 
tion  of  being  the  best  volunteer  general  in  the  service.  A  Douglas 
Democrat,  he  followed  the  patriotic  counsels  of  that  able  statesman, 
and  threw  his  influence,  with  all  the  natural  impetuosity  of  his  char- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

acter,  into  the  scale  of  freedom  and  the  Union.  Since  1861,  no  citizen 
of  our  commonwealth  has  done  more  in  the  field,  on  the  stump,  or  in 
the  halls  of  Congress,  for  the  cause  of  progress,  equal  rights,  and  Re 
publicanism,  than  John  A.  Logan.  .  .  .  There  may  be  combina 
tions  at  work  that  will  set  aside  the  choice  of  the  Republican  Party. 
In  politics,  as  in  love,  the  race  is  not  always  to  the  swift  nor  the  battle 
to  the  strong.  But  if  the  members  of  the  Legislature  have  a  decent  re 
gard  for  the  preference  of  those  whom  they  owe  the  honor  of  their 
election,  we  hazard  nothing  in  saying  that  John  A.  Logan  will  receive  a 
majority  on  the  first  ballot. 

A  PEN-PORTRAIT  OF  GENERAL   LOGAN AN    EXCELLENT    ANALYSIS 

OF  HIS  METHODS  AND  MANNER  IN  SPEECH-MAKING,  BY  A  CLOSE 
OBSERVER. 

A  writer  in  the  New  York  Irish  Republic,  of  October  15, 
1870,  gives  the  following  excellent  pen-portraiture  of  General 
Logan : 

"  Be  sure  you  are  right,  and  then  go  ahead,"  was  the  motto  of  David 
Crockett,  and  it  also  seems  to  be  that  of  General  Logan.  And  a  glo 
rious  motto  it  is  !  But  it  answers  only  for  the  single-minded  and  true- 
hearted,  for  him  who  is  fashioned  from  the  oak,  not  from  the  willow,  and 
for  him  who  loves  the  truth -above  all  other  things,  and  who  is  deter 
mined  to  know  it  and  adhere  to  it,  sink  or  swim  ;  and  such  a  man  is 
General  John  A.  Logan. 

Among  all  the  young  and  growing  statesmen  of  the  country  there  is 
no  man  who  stands  as  high  with  our  loyal  and  patriotic  masses  as  does 
General  Logan.  His  intense  patriotism,  his  magnificent  military  record, 
his  great  oratorical  powers,  his  moral  and  intellectual  rectitude,  and  his 
physical  qualities  and  advantages,  all  combine  to  make  him  a  great  and 
enduring  favorite  with  the  brave,  generous,  and  intelligent  American 
people.  And  great  as  has  been  his  popularity,  it  seems  to  be  steadily 
increasing,  instead  of  diminishing.  The  country  sadly  needs  another 
"Old  Hickory,"  and  the  people  seem  to  be  making  up  their  minds  that 
General  Logan  is  the  man  for  their  purpose.  And,  by  my  soul,  I  think 
so  too.  And  as  the  Irish  Republic  is  read  in  other  lands,  by  those  who 
have  never  seen  the  General,  I  shall  endeavor  to  give  them  a  full-length 
portrait  of  him. 

General  Logan  is  now  in  the  full  bloom  and  vigor  of  his  mind  and 
body  ;  he  appears  to  me  to  be  about  forty  years  old,  five  feet  nine  inches 
in  height,  weighs  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  pounds,  and  is  black- 


192  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

haired  and  "dark-complexioned,"  as  the  ladies  would  phrase  it.  He  is 
as  straight  as  a  lance,  and  stands  as  erect  as  a  liberty-pole,  is  broad- 
shouldered,  full-chested,  sinewy  and  muscular.  His  limbs  are  finely 
turned  and  proportioned,  his  step  light,  yet  firm,  and  his  pace  easy, 
graceful,  and  measured,  while  he  looks  the  very  embodiment  of  mental 
energy  in  motion,  physical  strength  in  repose,  animation  in-  reserve,  and 
fire  in  slumber  ;  a  man  whom  no  reverse  of  fortune  could  render  ordi 
nary  or  commonplace,  and  one  evidently  intended  by  Nature  to  be  a 
leader  of  men. 

Nowhere  does  he  appear  to  such  advantage  as  when  addressing  an 
audience.  In  this  attitude  does  he  appear  in  all  his  vigor  and  glory, 
and  in  it  should  his  portrait  be  taken.  As  he  rises  from  his  seat,  whether 
it  be  on  the  rostrum  or  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
he  looks  like  a  man  who  has  come  to  speak  on  a  subject  of  the  most 
vital  importance  to  his  hearers.  He  appears  to  be  concerned  with  noth 
ing  else  on  earth  but  the  question  which  he  is  about  to  discuss,  and  the 
success  of  the  cause  which  he  has  undertaken  to  champion.  He  always 
seems  to  me  to  be  deeply  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  a  public 
man  does  far  more  good  or  evil  by  what  he  says  and  writes  than  by  what 
he  does  and  inflicts.  And  this  is  actually  the  case.  For  the  conduct  of 
an  individual  does  not  affect  but  a  small  circle  beyond  himself,  while  his 
teachings  or  sentiments  may  affect  for  good  or  evil  not  only  thousands 
of  men  and  women  living,  but  generations  yet  unborn.  And  this  is  but 
another  proof  of  the  General's  fitness  for  the  responsible  position  of  a 
public  speaker  or  teacher;  and  fully  accounts  for  his  habitual  thought- 
fulness  in  look  and  feature,  and  earnestness  in  speech  and  gesture — pe 
culiarities  which  in  him  are  so  striking  as  to  secure  the  attention  of  the 
most  careless  observer  of  men  and  their  ways. 

His  voice  is  full,  clear,  and  ringing  ;  and  when  aroused,  as  cheering 
and  spirit-stirring  as  the  call  from  a  trumpet.  His  gesticulation  is  grace 
ful  and  expressive,  his  pronunciation  classically  correct,  and  his  enun 
ciation  distinct  and  emphatic,  so  much  so  that  every  word  of  his  is  as 
plain  and  precise  as  the  note  from  a  bugle. 

As  he  progresses  in  his  discourse  he  continues  to  grow  more  and 
more  earnest  and  animated  in  look,  in  gesture,  in  form,  in  feature,  till 
his  features  glow,  till  his  eyes  flash,  till  his  whole  frame  trembles  and 
sways  with  that  passion  which  is  born  of  conviction  and  inspiration,  and 
which  commands  respect  for  himself  and  sympathy  for  his  cause,  from 
the  most  stolid  and  hostile  of  his  hearers  ;  instead  of  that  other  passion 
which  is  made  up  of  rant  and  fustian,  fuss  and  fury,  and  which  excites 
only  the  pity  of  friends  and  the  contempt  of  opponents.  He  is  at  all 
times  one  of  the  most  earnest  and  animated  speakers  ;  one  whose  looks 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


193 


and  words  and  gestures  are  full  of  inspiration  ;  one  who  carries  convic 
tion  to  every  intelligent  and  ingenuous  hearer,  and  inspires  his  friends 
with  his  own  courage  and  enthusiasm  ;  but  when  worked  up  into  a  rhe 
torical  frenzy,  so  to  speak,  he  is  grand  and  irresistible.  Then  he  bears 
down  upon  his  subject  as  cavalry  charge  a  hostile  square,  or  as  he  him 
self  was  accustomed  to  charge  the  public  enemy  on  the  field  of  battle, 
and  with  the  same  splendid  success.  When  mounting  to  a  climax,  when 
wrapped  up,  lost  in,  and  borne  onward  by  his  subject,  it  would  be  just 
as  futile  to  attempt  to  check  him  as  to  stem  a  mountain-torrent  in  it& 
headlong  race  to  the  sea. 

After  hearing  him  on  several  occasions,  and  closely  attending  to  his 
style  and  treatment  of  his  subject,  I  have  concluded  that  he  does  not 
attempt  to  write  out  his  speeches  and  commit  them  to  memory  before 
delivery,  after  the  barbarian  custom  of  Edward  Everett  and  Shiel  and 
others,  but  thoroughly  conjugates  his  topic  in  his  walks  or  in  his  study, 
makes  a  note  of  the  several  heads  into  which  he  divides  it  in  order  to 
help  his  memory,  and  trusts  to  the  time,  to  the  place,  and  to  the  occa 
sion  for  his  language  and  his  imagery,  after  the  healthful  habit  of  Grat- 
tan  and  Curran,  and  the  great  majority  of  our  Irish  orators.  And  this  is 
the  custom  which  best  bespeaks  a  man  of  genius,  and  best  befits  a  popu 
lar  orator  or  tribune  of  the  people  ;  as  the  other  best  bespeaks  the  patient 
drudge,  and  best  befits  the  stilted  sentence-grinder,  and  stale  and  stuffed 
lyceum-speaker.  And  hence  it  is  that  the  General's  speeches  have  all 
the  surprise  and  freshness  of  impromptu  effusions,  while  they  possess 
all  the  finish  and  solidity  of  carefully  digested  compositions.  And  hence 
also  it  is  that  frequent  interruptions  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
never  seem  to  disconcert  him,  while  they  often  seem  to  help  him. 

He  can  be  said  to  be  as  popular  in  the  House  as  he  is  outside  of  it. 
His  popularity  with  the  masses  is  mainly  due  to  his  enlightened  patriot 
ism  at  all  times,  but  especially  to  his  splendid  services  in  the  field  during 
our  civil  war  ;  while  his  popularity  with  the  House  of  Representatives 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  all  the  measures  which  he  introduces  are  of  an 
important  and  National  character,  and  that  he  is  not  only  a  steadfast, 
judicious  friend,  but  also  a  courteous  and  chivalrous  opponent.  And 
these  are  sufficient  reasons. 

I  have  never  known  General  Logan  to  fail  to  carry  any  of  his  meas 
ures  through  the  House  of  Representatives,  nor  do  I  know  of  any  reason 
why  he  should  not  always  succeed,  as  he  always  observes  all  the  condi 
tions  of  success.  While  he  is  addressing  the  House  all  eyes  are  turned 
toward  him,  and  all  tongues  are  still,  and  silence  reigns  supreme  where, 
13 


I94  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

as  a  rule,  there  is  nothing  but  bustle  and  clatter  and  confusion.  And 
no  wonder.  For  it  is  one  of  the  richest  and  rarest  of  intellectual  treats 
to  hear  him  while  urging  the  passage  of  some  favorite  measure  of  his. 
To  carry  a  grand  measure  expeditiously  and  triumphantly  through  the 
House,  give  me  the  General  in  preference  to  any  other  man  in  it ! 

He  gives  me  a  correct  idea  of  the  Roman  senator  and  General- 
tribune,  who  could  pass  at  will  from  the  rostrum  to  the  farm,  from  the 
farm  to  the  senate,  and  from  the  senate  to  the  battle-field,  and  back 
again.  In  truth,  I  never  meet  him  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington  or  see 
him  on  the  floor  of  the  House  without  being  instantly  reminded  of  those 
ancient  worthies.  For  he  is  as  brave  and  gifted  and  patriotic  and  chiv 
alrous  as  any  Roman  of  them  all.  We  have  to-day  in  America  as 
splendid  men  as  either  Greece  or  Rome  ever  produced,  and  I  am  con 
fident  that  the  men  and  women  of  the  future  will  say  the  same  thing. 

LOGAN    AT    SPRINGFIELD HE    CONTRASTS    THE    RECORDS  OF  THE 

TWO    PARTIES A    PASSAGE    OF    REMARKABLE    ELOQUENCE. 

In  a  most  telling  speech  delivered  at  Springfield,  111.,  Oc 
tober  15,  1870,  General  Logan  said  of  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  parties : 

Take  now  the  records  of  these  two  parties  ;  examine  them  and  see 
what  the  results  have  been,  and  by  what  they  have  been,  judge  what  the 
results  may  be. 

Thirty  years  or  more,  they  say,  the  Democratic  Party  had  control  of 
this  country.  While  they  had  this  control,  they  sowed  the  land  with 
Democratic  principles.  Now,  to  this  day,  we  see  these  Democratic 
principles  cropping  out. 

In  1860,  a  rank  growth  showed  itself  to  the  eye.  What  was  it  ?  The 
first  result  they  produced,  from  thirty  years'  exercise  of  power,  after 
sowing  Democratic  principles  broadcast  in  the  political  soil  of  the  land, 
was  a  crop  of  traitors  springing  up  throughout  the  South,  as  if  the  land 
had  been  sown  with  dragons'  teeth.  Following  upon  that,  came  war, 
devastation,  blood,  and  every  crime  in  the  red  catalogue  of  crimes,  which 
brought  pain,  agony,  despair,  woe,  and  calamities  upon  the  land  ;  and 
all  of  this  followed  upon,  and  was  the  legitimate  result  of,  the  sowing  of 
Democratic  principles  in  this  country  during  the  thirty  years  they  had 
control  of  power.  And  to-day,  all  the  woe  that  has  fallen  upon  this 
land,  and  all  the  calamities  that  have  befallen  us,  can  be  traced  back  to 
the  time  when  this  party  bore  sway. 

But  now  take  the  other  side  of  the  question.     Ask  yourselves  hon- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


195 


estly  and  fairly,  what  has  the  Republican  Party  done  ?  Have  they  done 
anything  ?  What  results  have  followed  their  action  ?  They  have  had 
control  of  this  country  for  ten  years.  They  too,  like  the  Democratic 
Party,  have  sown  political  principles  in  the  soil,  and  what  has  been  the 
result  ?  This  :  where  disorder  and  confusion  reigned  yesterday,  you 
have  peace  to-day  ;  and  where  treason  and  dismay  appeared  before, 
there  is  perfect  quiet  now.  Where  before,  to  the  view,  a  dissevered 
land  was  presented,  you  behold  now  the  restored  integrity  of  the  Union. 
Where  constitutions  were  duplicated,  flags  were  duplicated,  and  ensigns 
of  political  sovereignty,  you  behold  one  Government,  one  Constitution, 
one  Nation — that  Constitution  so  amended  as  to  be  much  better  than 
ever  before.  That  is  not  all.  This  land,  that  professed  to  be  a  free  land  ; 
this  land,  that  professed  to  be  a  land  of  liberty, — and  yet  in  such  pro 
fessions  told  that  which  was  not  true, — the  Republican  Party  went  forth 
in  might  and  strength  to  redeem,  declaring  that  this  land  should  be  in 
fact  what  it  professed  to  be  ;  and,  by  one  blow  of  the  sword  of  justice, 
they  severed  from  the  limbs  of  men  the  last  bonds  that  bound  them  ; 
and  the  slave,  and  the  oppressed,  leaped  from  the  dark  deep  dungeon 
of  his  despair  into  the  pure  bright  light  of  freedom  and  joy. 

Our  country  has  advanced  in  Christianity,  it  has  advanced  in  civiliza 
tion,  as  no  country  ever  advanced  before.  A  standard  of  morals  has 
been  erected  in  this  land,  within  the  last  ten  years,  far  beyond  what  this 
world  has  seen  before.  You  have  seen  the  spirit  of  civilization.  You 
have  seen  it  as  it  moved  upon  the  Far  West,  changing,  to  something 
brighter,  the  white  sands, — glistening  in  the  eyes  of  men  until  they 
almost  turned  sightless.  You  have  seen  it  sweep  over  savage  hordes 
till,  dazzled  by  effulgent  peace,  they  retire  at  its  coming.  Villages, 
towns,  cities,  spring  up  day  by  day  ;  school-houses  rise,  and  church-spires 
point  white  spires  to  the  destiny  above,  while  light  strikes  into  every 
place  of  shadow  ;  this  broad,  beautiful  West,  blooming  like  the  rose, 
glows  golden  under  the  feet  of  progress  ;  and  all  that  splendid  triumph 
has  been  wrought  out  under  the  lead  and  guidance  of  the  great  Repub 
lican  Party. 

You  are  to-day  a  freer  people,  a  happier  people,  a  more  prosperous 
people,  than  any  other  upon  the  habitable  globe.  For  princely  pros 
perity,  this  peace  and  happiness, — the  major  part  of  it, — you  are  in 
debted  to  the  Republican  Party.  .  .  . 

By  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  our  fathers  planted  the  blissful 
seed  of  the  hope  of  man.  This  soil  and  this  seed  were  never  truly  tilled 
until  the  Republican  Party  got  into  power.  That  seed  they  did  till,  until 
it  grew  and  spread  far  and  wide, — grew  broadly,  and  expanded  ;  and  now, 
beneath  these  kindly  skies,  behold  its  branches  wave  from  zone  to  zone, 


I90  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

from  sea  to  sea  ;  and  a",  the  sun  of  freedom  thrills  through,  gilding  the 
soft  foliage,  and  sparkles  and  dances  in  and  around  and  about  it,  the 
eye  is  tranced  and  sees  a  halo  of  joy  and  pride  above  it,  like  a  gleam 
from  Heaven,  so  rich,  so  divine,  so  pure,  so  lovely,  and  so  endearing, 
that  we  tremble  as  we  gaze  !  And  this  is  the  vine  to  whose  protecting 
shade  all  mankind,  of  every  color  and  from  every  clime,  are  coming  to- 
partake  its  fruit — rich  fruit,  grown  from  the  tree  of  liberty,  and  nurtured 
by  the  great  American  Republican  Party. 

LOGAN     PUTS    THROUGH    THE     HOUSE     A    BILL    TO    ABOLISH    THE 

OFFICES    OF    ADMIRAL    AND    VICE-ADMIRAL    OF  THE  NAVY HE. 

IS    ELECTED    TO    THE    UNITED    STATES    SENATE. 

Upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  in  December,  1870, 
General  Logan  at  the  first  opportunity  rose  and  offered  a 
bill,  of  which  he  had  previously  given  notice,  to  abolish  the 
offices  of  Admiral  and  Vice-Admiral  of  the  Navy.  Mr.  Sco- 
field  desired  that  the  bill  should  first  be  considered  by  the 
Naval  Committee,  whereupon  General  Logan  said  : 

I  offer  this  bill,  and  ask  immediate  action  upon  it,  without  meaning 
any  discourtesy  toward  the  Naval  Committee,  and  without  any  purpose 
of  inflicting  a  wrong  upon  any  individual.  I  have  no  personal  feeling 
in  the  matter.  I  offered  a  bill  containing  a  provision  of  similar  char 
acter  in  reference  to  the  army,  and  now  only  ask  that  the  navy  should 
be  put  on  the  same  footing.  I  care  nothing  about  the  present  vice- 
admiral,  nothing  about  his  quarrels.  I  have  no  concern  in  them.  I 
offer  this  bill  without  any  reference  to  him  at  all,  because  there  is  a 
vacancy  now  existing  in  the  office  of  admiral,  and  now  is  the  time  to 
pass  the  bill  before  the  vacancy  is  filled.  I  offer  this,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  a 
question  of  economy,  commencing  in  the  navy  as  we  have  already  done 
in  the  army.  I  tell  you  that  these  useless  ranks  should  be  lopped  off  as 
opportunity  is  afforded  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  do  so, 
in  order  that  the  people  may  be  relieved  of  some  of  the  burdens  of 
taxes  now  imposed  upon  them.  The  office  of  admiral  was  created  for 
Farragut,  and  as  a  compliment  to  him,  without  any  expectation  that  it 
would  descend  along  the  line.  But  it  seems  as  if  it  were  the  intention 
that  none  of  these  high  ranks  should  ever  be  abolished,  but  that  as  fast 
as  one  officer  dies  or  resigns,  the  vacancy  should  be  filled,  and  filled  in 
hot  haste,  before  opportunity  is  afforded  for  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  to  act  on  the  subject. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR, 


197 


Other  members  having  spoken,  Mr.  Butler  made  a  strong 
protest  against  allowing  Admiral  Porter  to  succeed  the  la 
mented  Farragut.  One  of  the  published  reports  of  the  de 
bate  said  at  the  time : 

Mr.  Butler  spoke  very  rapidly,  hesitated  several  times,  not  for  a 
word,  but  to  swallow  his  excitement,  and  had  evidently,  long  before  he 
•ceased,  carried  with  him  the  sentiment  of  the  House.  Mr.  Banks  fol 
lowed  in  support  of  the  bill  ;  but  the  House,  and  Mr.  Logan,  who  had 
remained  standing  during-  Mr.  Butler's  remarks,  felt  that  the  work  was 
done.  Mr.  Logan  said,  simply  and  calmly,  that  he  believed  the  measure 
would  redound  to  the  advantage  of  the  country,  and  particularly  to  the 
naval  branch  of  the  service,  and  that  the  bill  was  offered,  not  because 
•of  any  feeling  of  a  personal  character  toward  any  officer  who  might  be 
affected  by  its  passage,  but  because  he  thought  it  right,  as  a  question  of 
economy,  to  abolish  as  soon  as  possible,  an  office  never  before  created 
in  this  country,  and  a  rank  which  should  never  be  given  hereafter.  On 
his  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  and  pass  the  bill,  fully  three-fourths  of 
the  House  shouted  "  aye,"  and  the  severest  rebuke  ever  offered  to  an 
United  States  officer  had  been  administered  by  the  representatives  of 
the  people. 

During  this  same  year,  General  Logan  was  elected  by 
the  Illinois  Legislature,  an  United  States  Senator,  to  succeed 
Richard  Yates,  whose  term  would  expire  March  3,  1871. 
Touching  his  nomination  by  the  caucus,  an  Illinois  journal 
remarked : 

When  the  Republican  caucus  assembled  last  Friday,  Logan  had 
more  than  three  to  one  over  both  his  competitors  (ex-Governors 
Oglesby  and  Palmer).  It  was  a  battle  well  fought  and  handsomely 
won.  No  man  has  deserved  success  better  than  Logan.  Few  men  won 
a  higher  position  before  the  country,  during  the  war,  than  he  ;  and  few 
have  shown  higher  ability  as  an  orator  and  legislator  since  the  war. 
Bold,  earnest,  and  honest,  he  has  dared  to  denounce  corruption  and  ex 
travagance,  and  to  advocate  retrenchments  and  reform,  no  matter  upon 
whose  corns  they  pressed.  We  congratulate  the  country  on  his  acces 
sion  to  the  Senate,  where  a  re-enforcement  of  manliness  and  indepen 
dence  is  greatly  needed. 


I98  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

THE  GREAT  CHICAGO  FIRE  OF   1 87 1 — SENATOR  LOGAN*S    EFFORTS 

TO  SECURE  CONGRESSIONAL  RELIEF HIS  WONDERFULLY  VIVID 

DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  CATASTROPHE. 

The  speech  made  by  Senator  Logan,  January  16,  1872, 
before  the  United  States  Senate,  on  bills  for  the  relief  of 
Chicago,  then  lying  in  ashes,  was  one  of  the  most  vivid  de 
scriptions  of  calamity,  and  one  of  the  most  powerful  appeals 
for  assistance,  ever  made  to  a  legislative  body.  After  citing 
precedents  for  such  relief,  and  showing  the  reasonableness 
and  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  thing  in  itself,  in  such  an 
extraordinary  case  as  this,  and  paying  a  grand  tribute  to 
those  who  had  already  so  munificently  answered  the  call  for 
temporary  assistance,  he  gave  statistics  showing  the  mar 
vellous  growth  of  that  city  in  wealth,  population,  manufact 
ures,  trade,  and  otherwise  ;  showed  how  a  temporary  cessa 
tion  of  taxation,  as  proposed  by  the  bills,  would  permanently 
help  the  city  without  loss  to  the  Government,  and  in  a  meas 
ure  benefit  the  whole  country  ;  briefly  described  all  the  great 
fires  in  history:  the  burnings  of  Moscow  in  1366,  1571,  and 
1812;  of  Rome  in  the  time  of  Nero;  of  Venice  in  1514;  of 
Constantinople  in  1606;  of  London  in  1666;  and  showed 
that  the  great  fire  in  Chicago  far  surpassed  any  of  these. 
Then  he  proceeded  to  paint  the  scene,  of  which  he  was  a 
witness,  in  these  wonderfully  vivid  colors  : 

Here  a  storm  of  fire,  as  if  bursting  from  the  heavens,  which  for  four 
teen  weeks  had  been  like  brass  above  our  heads,  began  its  work  in  the 
southern  and  western  portions  of  our  city,  and  spreading  out  its  arms 
of  flame  to  the  breadth  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  swept  east  and  northward 
for  three  miles  and  a  half,  devouring  everything  in  its  pathway.  Its 
fury,  fed  by  the  hurricane  which  commenced  blowing  about  this  time, 
as  if  to  lend  a  hand  in  the  work  of  destruction,  caused  the  sea  of  fire 
to  roll  on  with  an  impetuosity  that  no  human  power  could  withstand. 
Engines  and  all  their  accompanying  appliances  were  of  no  more  avail 
than  human  effort  would  be  to  stay  the  waves  of  the  mighty  ocean.  The 
flames,  as  though  amused  at  the  efforts,  would  sweep  through  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

buildings  around  them  and  shoot  out  their  red  banners  from  the  win 
dows  and  roofs  behind  them  as  tokens  of  victory.  Leaping  from  house 
to  house,  and  often  with  mighty  strides  vaulting  over  an  entire  block 
as  avant-courriers  of  the  host  which  followed  behind,  the  very  flames,  as 
if  conscious,  seemed  to  revel  in  their  work  of  devastation  and  ruin. 
The  imagination  of  the  superstitious  at  that  time  needed  but  slight  im 
pulse  to  look  upon  them  as  fiery  demons  sent  upon  us  as  a  scourge. 
But  while  often  passing  by  holes  arid  sinks  of  ini'quity,  they  swept  with 
exultation  along  the  sacred  aisles  of  the  churches,  coiling  like  huge  red 
serpents  around  the  ascending  spires,  shooting  out  their  fiery  tongues 
from  the  summit.  Now  a  tall  spire  of  flame  would  shoot  up  with  a 
vivid  glow  from  some  lofty  edifice,  quivering  for  a  moment  in  the  rising 
whirlpool,  then,  sweeping  down  before  a  fresh  blast  of  wind,  it  would 
dash  with  wild  fury  against  another  building,  apparently  consuming  it 
at  one  stroke. 

The  fierce  hurricane  drew  the  fiery  billows  through  the  narrow 
alleys  with  a  shrill,  unearthly  screech,  dashing  into  every  opening,  like 
an  invisible  incendiary,  its  brands  kindling  each  into  a  blaze  with  un 
erring  certainty.  The  sheets  of  flame,  as  they  burst  forth  from  the 
windows,  eaves,  and  roofs,  leaping  upward  through  the  heavy  masses  of 
smoke,  literally  flapped  and  cracked  in  the  wind  like  the  sails  of  vessels 
in  a  storm. 

Mr.  President,  it  was  a  deeply  interesting  yet  melancholy  sight  to 
behold  the  magnificent  stone  and  marble  structures  bravely  resisting 
the  fiery  assaults  which  were  made  upon  them.  The  flames  gath 
ered  around  them  to  the  front  and  the  rear,  to  the  right  and  left,  yet 
they  stood  up  majestically  as  if  defying  the  enemy,  their  walls  rosy  and 
their  numerous  windows  bright  with  the  reflected  glare.  But  the  red 
surging  waves,  as  if  maddened  by  the  resistance  they  met,  rushed  to  the 
attack  with  redoubled  fury,  and  soon  fiery  banners  hung  out  from  every 
aperture,  and  twisted  columns  of  smoke  ascended  from  all  parts.  The 
giants  were  conquered,  and,  reeling  and  tumbling  before  the  fell  de 
stroyer,  soon  lay  but  masses  of  blackened  smouldering  ruins,  s  lent  and 
melancholy  monuments  of  the  former  greatness  of  the  "  Prairie  Queen 
of  the  West." 

The  sun  descended  behind  the  huge  clouds  of  smoke  like  a  burning 
globe,  and  rose  again,  and  still  the  rolling  sea  of  flame  rushed  onward 
unchecked.  The  tempest  tore  huge  fragments  from  the  roofs  and  swept 
them  like  floating  islands  of  fire  through  the  sky,  and  the  distant  quar 
ters  where  they  fell  were  instantly  wrapped  in  flame.  The  very  stones 
were  often  calcined  or  split  into  fragments  by  the  intense  heat  ;  the 
metallic  roofs  and  coverings  were  rolled  together  like  scrolls  of  parch- 


200  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

ment ;  iron,  glass,  and  metallic  substances  were  in  many  instances  melted 
as  though  they  had  been  submitted  to  the  flames  produced  by  some 
stupendous  blow-pipe. 

It  would  be  in  vain,  Mr.  President,  for  me  to  attempt  to  describe  the 
wild  confusion  and  despair  of  the  terror-stricken  inhabitants.  I  have 
been  amid  the  battle-roar  where  armies  a  hundred  thousand  strong  were 
struggling  in  fierce  conflict  for  victory  ;  where  the  smoke  of  the  combat 
rose  in  heavy  clouds  above  us  ;  where  the  dead  and  dying  lay  thick  on 
every  side  ;  but  never  yet  have  I  beheld  such  a  scene  of  despair  and 
wild  confusion  as  this  ;  and  may  God  grant,  that  I  shall  never  see  the 
like  again  !  The  people  were  mad  with  fright.  Wherever  there  ap 
peared  to  be  a  place  of  safety,  thither  they  rushed  in  hundreds  and  thou 
sands  to  escape  the  death  which  threatened  them  on  every  side.  Seized 
with  a  wild  panic,  immense  crowds  surged  backward  and  forward  in  the 
streets,  struggling,  threatening,  and  imploring  to  get  free  and  escape  to 
the  van.  Here  one,  frenzied  with  despair,  as  often  as  snatched  from  the 
flames,  would  rush  elsewhere  into  the  burning  caldron  ;  there  another, 
seeing  all  he  possessed  on  earth  reduced  to  ashes,  would  sink  down  in 
hopeless  despair.  At  other  points,  hundreds  could  be  seen  rushing  to 
the  lake-shore,  every  other  retreat  having  been  cut  off,  and  even  here, 
pressed  by  the  heat,  smoke,  and  showers  of  firebrands,  they  plunged 
into  the  water  as  the  only  hope  of  escape. 

To  attempt  to  paint  the  scene  in  all  its  true  and  horrible  colors  would 
be  in  vain  ;  all  was  confusion,  tumult,  and  wild  despair.  Chicago  was 
in  ruins.  Twenty-six  hundred  acres  of  ashes  marked  the  site  of  its  for 
mer  greatness  ;  twenty  thousand  houses  were  reduced  to  embers  ;  one 
hundred  and  ten  thousand  people  were  rendered  homeless  ;  $200,000,- 
ooo  worth  of  property  had  served  as  food  for  the  flames. 

Behold  the  spectacle  !  Can  anyone,  having  witnessed  this  sad  scene, 
do  less  than  plead  for  the  ruined  city  ? 

SENATOR  SUMNER'S  ATTACK  ON  PRESIDENT  GRANT — SENATOR 
LOGAN'S  WITHERING  REJOINDER — A  NOBLE  DEFENCE  OF  HIS 
OLD  COMMANDER. 

At  the  end  of  May,  1872,  Senator  Sumner  made  his  great 
attack  upon  President  Grant  and  his  administration  of  affairs, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  defeat  the  renomination  of  Grant 
by  the  National  Republican  Convention  then  soon  to  be  held 
at  Philadelphia.  On  June  jd,  Senator  Logan  made  a  speech 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE   WAR.  2Oi 

In  the  Senate,  in  reply,  that  completely  knocked  the  ground 
from  under  the  great  Massachusetts  Senator's  feet,  and  con 
victed  him  of  making  a  false  statement  of  a  declaration  as  to 
Grant  which  the  latter  Senator  pretended  had  been  made  to 
him  by  Secretary  Stanton  on  his  death-bed.  It  was  a  most 
crushing  rejoinder,  as  well  as  a  noble  defence  of  his  old  com 
mander.  After  referring  to  Sumner's  boast  that  he  had  him 
self  organized  the  Republican  Party  in  1854,  and  had  then 
and  there  proclaimed  that  "  we  go  forth  to  fight  the  oligarchy 
of  slavery  ;  "  and,  alluding  with  regret  to  the  splenetic  and 
vindictive  attitude  which  that  great  Senator  was  allowing 
himself  to  take,  Senator  Logan  said  : 

Being  at  the  birth  of  the  Republican  Party,  the  Senator  said  that  he 
did  not  desire  to  follow  its  hearse.  Let  me  say  to  him,  or  to  his  friends, 
he  not  being  present,  that  if  to-day  he  is  following  the  hearse  of  the  Re 
publican  Party,  he  is  following  that  hearse  because  he  himself  with  his 
own  hand  drew  the  dagger  which  struck  it  in  its  vital  parts.  If  the 
power  is  in  him,  he  has  wounded  it.  If  the  power  is  in  him,  he  has  de 
stroyed  it.  If  the  power  is  in  him,  he  has  become  its  slayer.  But,  sir, 
the  power  is  not  in  him,  to  perform  this  work,  to  wit,  the  assassination 
of  the  party  which,  he  says,  he  organized.  No,  sir  ;  strong  men  and 
honest  ones  by  the  many  thousands  stand  by  it,  and  will  ward  off  the 
blows  aimed  at  it  by  the  powerful  Senator  and  his  allies  ;  and,  sir,  it  will 
pass  through  this  ordeal  unscathed,  and  shine  forth  brighter  and  more 
powerful  than  ever. 

Mr.  President,  we  did  go  forth  and  fight  the  oligarchy  of  slavery. 
The  Senator  fought  it  here  in  the  Senate-chamber.  Time  and  again 
have  I  been  filled  with  pride,  and  been  made  to  respect  and  honor  and 
love  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  as  I  saw  him  engaged  in  the  severe 
and  fierce  battles  which  he  fought  against  the  oligarchy  of  slavery.  I 
have  seen  him  when  he  fought  it  face  to  face,  so  far  as  language  and 
oratory  were  concerned.  But,  sir,  let  me  reply  to  him,  slavery  was  not 
destroyed  by  his  speeches  ;  slavery  was  not  destroyed  by  his  oratory  ; 
slavery  was  not  destroyed  by  his  eloquence  ;  slavery  was  not  destroyed 
by  his  power;  slavery  was  not  destroyed  by  his  efforts  ;  but  by  war, — 
by  the  sword  in  the  hands  of  Grant,  and  the  bayonets  that  were  held  by 
his  followers,  the  chains  of  slavery  fell  and  the  manacles  dropped  from 
the  limbs  of  the  slaves.  It  was  not  done  by  the  Senator  alone,  but  by 
the  exertions  of  the  army,  led  on  by  this  man  against  whom  the  Senator 


202  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

has  made  the  vilest  assault  that  has  ever  been  made  in  this  or  any  other 
deliberate  body. 

Sir,  his  intention  was  to  strangle  and  destroy  the  Republican  Party — 
that  party  which  he  says  he  created.  If  he  did,  I  say  to  him  he  per 
formed  a  great  work.  If  he  was  the  architect  and  builder  of  the  Repub 
lican  Party  he  is  a  great  master-workman — its  dome  so  beautifully 
rounded,  its  columns  so  admirably  chiselled,  and  all  its  parts  so  ad 
mirably  prepared,  and  builded  together  so  smoothly  and  so  perfectly 
that  the  mechanism  charms  the  eye  of  everyone  who  has  ever  seen  it ! 
Since  the  Senator  has  performed  such  a  great  work,  I  appeal  to  him  to 
know  why  it  is  that  he  attempts  to  destroy  the  workmanship  of  his  own 
hands  ?  But  let  me  give  him  one  word  of  advice.  While  he  may  think, 
Samson-like,  that  he  has  the  strength  to  carry  off  the  gates  and  the  pillars 
of  the  temple,  let  me  tell  him  when  he  stretches  forth  his  arm  to  cause 
the  pillars  to  reel  and  totter  beneath  this  fabric,  there  are  thousands  and 
thousands  of  true-hearted  Republicans  who  will  come  up  to  the  work, 
and,  stretching  forth  their  strong  right  arms,  say,  "  Stay  thou  there  ; 
these  pillars  stand  beneath  this  mighty  fabric  of  ours,  within  which 
we  all  dwell  ;  it  is  -the  ark  of  our  safety  and  shall  not  be  destroyed." 
| Manifestations  of  applause  in  the  galleries.] 

I  say  to  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  that  while  he  has  struck 
this  blow,  as  he  believes  a  heavy  one,  on  the  head  of  the  political  pros 
pects  of  General  Grant,  he  has  made  him  friends  by  the  thousand,, 
strong  ones  too,  that  were  merely  lukewarm  yesterday.  He  has  aroused 
the  spirit  of  this  land,  that  cannot  be  quelled.  He  lias,  in  fact,  inflamed 
the  old  war  spirit  in  the  soldiers  of  the  country.  He  has  aroused  the 
feeling  of  indignation  in  every  man  that  warmed  his  feet  by  a  camp- 
fire  during  the  war.  lie  has  sent  through  this  land  a  thrill  which  will  re 
turn  to  him  in  such  a  manner  and  with  such  force  as  will  make  him  feel  it. 
For  myself,  I  will  say  that  I  have  sat  quietly  here  for  months,  and  had 
not  intended  to  say  anything  :  I  had  no  argument  to  make,  intending  to 
await  the  nomination  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  be  it  Grant,  or 
be  it  whom  it  might,  believing,  however,  it  would  be  Grant ;  but  when 
I  heard  these  vile  slanders  hurled  like  javelins  against  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  it  aroused  a  feeling  in  my  breast  whicli  has  been 
aroused  many  times  before.  I  am  now  ready  to  buckle  on  my  armor, 
and  am  ready  for  the  fiay,  and  from  now  until  November  next  to  fight 
this  battle  in  behalf  of  an  honest  man,  a  good  soldier,  and  a  faithful, 
servant.  [Applause  in  the  galleries.] 

The  Presiding  Officer — The  galleries  must  preserve  order. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  2O? 

vj1 

Mr.  Logan — And  I  tell  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  that  if  the 
voices  of  patriots  were  loud  enough  to  reach  the  tombs  of  the  dead  and 
sainted  heroes  who  now  lie  fattening  Southern  soil,  their  voices  would  be 
heard  repudiating,  in  solemn  sounds,  the  slanders  which  have  been  poured 
out  against  their  chieftain,  the  patriot-warrior  of  this  country.  You 
will  hear  a  response  to  this  everywhere.  As  I  said  the  other  day,  it. 
will  be  heard  from  one  end  of  this  land,  to  the  other.  The  lines  of 
blue-coats  that  were  arrayed  upon  the  hill-tops  and  along  the  valleys, 
with  burnished  bayonets  ready  for  the  fight,  the  same  men,  although 
they  have  divested  themselves  of  their  battle-array,  yet  retain  their  war 
like  spirit  burning  in  their  bosoms.  They  will  respond  to  this  chal 
lenge  ;  they  will  say  to  the  eloquent  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
"You  have  thrown  down  the  glove,  and  we  will  take  it  up."  I  tell  the 
Senator  he  will  find  a  response  in  his  own  State,  that  will  not  give  his 
slumberings  much  quiet.  He  will  find  a  response  everywhere.  The 
people  of  this  country  will  not  see  a  man  sacrificed  to  vile  calumny. 

LOGAN'S  STIRRING  SPEECH  AT  EL  PASO — HE  EXHIBITS  THE  RAD 
ICAL  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  DEMOCRACY  AND  REPUBLICAN 
ISM. 

In  a  stirring  speech  at  El  Paso,  111.,  October,  1872,  Gen* 
eral  Logan,  after  explaining  the  radical  differences  existing 
between  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  prior  to  the 
war,  proceeded  to  rapidly  sketch  the  results  of  the  war,  and 
what  the  Republican  administration  of  affairs  had  since  done 
for  the  country.  Said  he  : 

We  have  passed  through  four  years  of  bloody  strife.  That  strife, 
as  all  wars  do,  naturally  brought  something  into  the  contest  besides  the 
principle  that  the  war  was  inaugurated  to  preserve  and  perpetuate. 
The  fact  that  the  South  made  war  to  perpetuate  the  power  of  the 
States, — their  right  to  withdraw  from  the  Union, — naturally  involved 
the  rights  of  man.  While  they  undertook  to  do  this,  the  rights  of  man 
were  involved  ;  and  therefore  the  result  of  the  war  must  necessarily 
either  forever  confer  the  right  and  authority  of  the  States  to  secede,  with 
slavery  annexed,  or  it  must  produce  exactly  the  other  result— that  other 
result  being  that  it  must  forever  put  in  the  dust,  and  trample  and  de 
stroy,  the  doctrine  of  States'  rights  as  advocated  by  Calhoun,  and  at 
the  same  time  must  strike  from  every  bondman  in  this  land  the  shackles 
that  bound  him  ;  and  not  only  that,  but  it  must  free  the  mind  of  every 


204 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


man  that  was  bound.  Whatever  of  genius  God  has  given  a  man,  he 
should  be  permitted  to  develop,  as  far  as  he  can — he  is  entitled  to  it  the 
same  as  other  free  men.  Hence,  emancipation  followed  ;  and  the  prin 
ciple  of  human  freedom  was  riveted  upon  the  Constitution.  Every  shackle 
fell  from  the  limbs  of  the  slaves  ;  and  the  people  of  this  land,  from  one  end 
to  the  other,  could  say  one  to  another,  "  This  is  my  home,  my  happy  home  : 
it  is  a  free  land,  with  all  the  signs  of  civilization  ;  and  to  it  the  people 
of  the  world  may  come  and  find  happiness  and  prosperity  if  they  will 
cast  their  lot  with  us."  It  was  a  declaration  to  the  world  that  henceforth 
England  was  not  to  be  the  only  country  which  could  say  that  "as  soon 
as  a  man's  foot  touches  these  shores,  he  is  free  ;"  but  that  the  United 
States  of  America  could  now  say,  "  Here  is  freedom  to  all  men,  of  all  the 
world,  of  every  section  and  country, — freedom  in  fact,  and  not  a  mere 
mockery  ;  freedom  to  every  man,  of  whatever  race  or  color,  to  exercise 
his  mental  and  physical  endowments,  and  to  participate  in  making  and 
administrating  its  Constitution  and  laws."  It  then  became  a  free  land, — 
the  freest  land  on  earth, — where  every  man  had  these  same  rights  ;  the 
same  privileges  were  to  be  exercised  by  one  as  by  another,  and  that 
same  protection  that  was  extended  by  the  Government  over  one  man, 
was  also  extended  equally  over  every  other  man.  This  was  our  con 
dition  then,  barring  two  things.  One  of  these  was  that  although  these 
people  had  been  made  free,  they  were  not  recognized  nor  protected  as 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  hence  the  Constitution  was  again 
amended  so  that  all  men,  of  whatever  nationality,  condition,  or  color, 
should  be  entitled  to  the  elective  franchise,  and  made  equal,  in  the  eye 
of  the  law,  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  protection  of  life,  property, 
and  reputation.  We  then  amended  the  Constitution  further,  by  adopt 
ing  the  Fifteenth  Amendment.  That  Fifteenth  Amendment  prohibited 
the  wronging  of  any  man  who  was  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  by 
denying  or  abridging  his  right  to  vote,  on  account  of  his  color.  When 
this  was  accomplished,  the  Republican  Party  was  in  power.  If  it  is 
wrong,  the  Republican  Party  is  responsible  for  it  ;  if  it  is  right,  the  Re 
publican  Party  is  entitled  to  the  credit  for  it  :  for  no  man  outside  of 
that  party  did  anything  toward  procuring  the  passage  of  these  meas 
ures.  Following  out  these  things,  or  rather  while  these  things  were 
being  carried  into  effect,  other  things  were  brought  in  as  results,  that 
were  incidents  in  connection  with  the  administration  of  the  Govern 
ment, — things,  that  must  be  carried  along  in  order  to  carry  on  the  ma 
chinery  of  government,  were  transpiring,  being  enacted,  and  brought 
into  force,  such  as  the  payment  of  the  national  debt  by  our  system  of 
collection  of  the  revenue,  external  and  internal.  All  these  things  came 
along,  in  their  natural  order.  Then  there  was  the  reconstruction  of 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  205 

the  Southern  States,  and  the  putting  into  force,  and  execution,  the  laws 
that  had  been  passed. 

These  things,  then,  having  been  done,  I  ask  you,  as  Democrats  and 
Republicans,  to  travel  with  me  for  a  few  minutes,  and  tell  me,  as  honest 
men,  what  fault  you  can  find  to-day  against  the  Republican  Party,  or 
against  the  Government,  or  its  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Na 
tion  through  its  agents  ?  What  change  would  you  make — in  what  par 
ticular  would  you  make  it  ?  Lay  the  panorama  of  the  past  before  the 
eyes  of  the  countless  multitudes  of  this  land,  and  let  them  say  if  any 
people  since  the  dawn  of  civilization — any  people  within  the  entire 
range  of  history,  any  nation  of  ancient  or  modern  times — have  ever 
beeri  in  as  good  a  condition  as  are  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
day  ?  Now,  then,  let's  see  if  that  be  true.  You  are  to-day  forty  millions 
of  people,  spread  over  a  vast  area  of  country,  rich,  fertile,  beautiful,  and 
grand  in  everything  that  makes  a  country  grand.  The  energy  of  the 
American  people  has  no  parallel  in  history.  They  say  the  development 
of  Great  Britain  and  her  vast  possessions  is  progressing  faster  than  ever 
it  did.  But  what  is  that,  compared  to  the  development  of  our  own 
country  by  the  genius  and  the  energy  of  our  people,  living  under  just 
and  liberal  laws.  And  I  do  say  that  you  never  saw  such  rapid  progress 
and  development  until  the  Republican  Party  came  into  power. 

Then  take  our  system  of  currency,  our  abundant  means  of  intercom 
munication.  By  reason  of  the  stability  of  our  trade,  the  solidity  of  our 
institutions,  the  great  productiveness  of  our  workshops  and  our  fields 
and  prairies,  and  the  firm  basis  of  our  currency,  you  can  borrow  money 
at  five  percent,  to-day,  where  before  it  was  difficut  to  borrow  at  all  (by 
you  I  mean  the  Government)  ;  and  if  this  state  of  things  continue  for 
four  years  more,  it  will  not  need  to  be  vindicated,  but  it  will  vindicate 
itself. 

Now,  my  countrymen,  I  state  these  things  to  you,  not  because  you 
don't  know  them  as  well  as  I  do,  but  merely  to  call  your  attention  to 
them,  and  ask  you  why  then  should  we  change  ?  Show  me  one  thing 
that  the  Republican  Party  has  done  that  is  not  accepted  as  the  will  of 
the  whole  people  to-day  ;  show  me  one  measure  that  they  have  advo 
cated  that  is  not  now  a  part  of  the  people's  faith  ;  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  show  me  one  single  thing  that  the  Democratic  Party  has  advo 
cated  during  that  time  that  is  not  now  rejected  by  every  one  of  you. 

Let  us  go  forward  in  the  \vay  we  have  been  doing.  Let  us  try  to 
keep  the  laws  just  and  pure  as  we  have  been  doing.  Let  us  faithfully 
execute  them  as  we  have  been  doing.  Let  us  diligently  collect  the 
revenues,  and  honestly  disburse  them,  as  we  have  done.  Let  us  punish 


206  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

offenders  against  the  laws,  as  has  been  done.  Let  our  trade  and  com 
merce,  and  our  national  prosperity  continue  to  advance,  as  it  is  doing. 
If  we  allow  it  to  do  so,  by  a  continuation  of  General  Grant  in  office  for 
another  four  years,  we  shall  have  a  condition  of  things  which  has  had 
no  parallel  in  the  history  of  any  nation  of  the  earth.  In  voting  for 
Grant  you  vote  for  prosperity,  for  peace,  for  civilization,  for  Christianity, 
for  the  grandest  glory  that  ever  shone  around  a  republic  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  [Great  applause.] 

The  acts  of  the  Republican  Party  need  no  apologies.  We  would  as 
soon  think  of  apologizing  for  the  rays  of  the  majestic  orb  of  day,  that 
in  their  effulgence  and  splendor  are  thrown  around  us.  So  with  the 
deeds  of  the  Republican  Party  :  they  have  given  life  and  vitality  to 
everything,  and  made  bright  and  glorious  our  present,  and  given  us 
hope  of  a  more  glorious  future.  It  is  our  duty  to  support  this  party 
with  all  our  might.  Do  this,  and  it  will  make  our  children  thank  their 
fathers  for  that  glory  which  shall  surround  them  and  irradiate  their 
pathway  during  the  remainder  of  their  lives. 


SENATOR  LOGAN  SECURES  THE  PROHIBITION  OF  THE  SALE  OF 
ARMS  TO  INDIANS,  AND  DEFEATS  PROPOSED  LEGISLATION  OF 
AN  INJURIOUS  NATURE. 

Early  in  January,  1873,  the  Indian  Appropriation  Bill 
being  before  the  Senate,  Senator  Logan  offered  the  follow 
ing  important  amendment : 

Prwided,  That  the  sale  of  arms  or  ammunition  in  any  quantities,  by* 
any  of  the  traders  or  their  agents,  at  any  of  the  trading-posts  or  at  any 
other  place  within  any  district  or  country  occupied  by  uncivilized 
Indians,  to  any  Indian  or  to  any  other  person  within  such  district  or 
districts,  shall  forfeit  their  right  to  trade  with  the  Indians;  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  shall  exclude  such  trader  or  traders,  and 
their  agents,  so  offending,  from  such  district  or  territory  of  country  so 
occupied. 

Mr.  Logan  subsequently  accepted  a  substitute  similar  in 
substance  to  his  amendment,  and  the  Senate  adopted  it.  In 
supporting  the  same,  Senator  Logan  declared  that  "  there 
had  not  been  a  white  man  or  white  woman  killed  for  years 
on  the  frontier  by  Indians,  but  had  received  the  death-blow 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  2O; 

from  a  bullet  or  from  powder  that  had  been  sold  to  the  Ind 
ians  by  a  white  man."  He  also  stated  that  "in  travelling 
•over  the  plains  last  summer,  and  visiting  some  of  the  differ 
ent  posts  and  talking  with  the  men  in  command  and  with  the 
soldiers,  he  found  it  to  be  a  fact  that  the  Indians  were  abso 
lutely  furnished  with  better  war  material  than  our  own  soldiers, 
and  with  better  guns  than  our  own  soldiers,  and  that  the 
soldiers  complained  bitterly  about  it."  Furthermore  he  said, 
in  conclusion — and,  coming  from  so  well-informed  a  source, 
the  statement  had  great  weight  with  his  brother-senators  as 
well  as  with  the  general  public : 

You  have  not  had  an  Indian  war  or  a  massacre  in  this  country  that 
you  cannot  trace  back,  if  you  get  the  evidence,  in  its  commencement, 
to  the  traders  themselves.  They  or  some  of  their  men  get  into  a  quar 
rel  with  the  Indians,  after  having  furnished  them  with  the  ammunition 
by  which  they  are  enabled,  when  aroused,  to  perpetrate  war  upon  the 
whites. 

To  the  same  bill,  Senator  Stewart  having  offered  an 
amendment  providing  that  all  Indian  agencies  shall  be  visited 
twice  a  year  by  army  officers,  to  examine  the  books,  etc., 
and  report  to  the  President,  Senator  Logan  objected,  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  "  wrong  in  the  light  of  economy  and  in 
principle;  wrong  because  it  would  injuriously  affect  the  army 
by  taking  officers  away  from  their  legitimate  duties ;  and 
wrong  because  it  would  put  two  branches  of  the  Government 
service  in  conflict."  It  was  something  of  this  sort — the  de 
tailing  of  army  officers  as  Indian  superintendents  and  agents 
—that  had  necessitated  a  measure  which  he  had  introduced 
in  the  House  and  which  had  been  enacted  into  law,  prohibit 
ing  army  officers  from  performing  civil  duties.  After  a 
lengthy  debate,  in  which  he  also  opposed  the  amendment  in 
that  it  would  interfere  with  the  stability  of  the  army  organiza 
tion,  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Stewart  was  tabled. 


208  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


GENERAL    LOGAN'S    ORATION    BEFORE    THE    ARMY    OF     THE    TEN 
NESSEE    AT     TOLEDO,    O.,    1873. 

At  the  seventh  annual  meeting  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee,  held  at  Toledo,  O.,  October  15,  1873,  General 
Logan,  its  last  commander,  was  orator  of  the  day,  and  the 
following  is  an  interesting  synoptical  report  of  the  oration  as 
given  in  the  Chicago  Tribune  : 

General  Logan,  the  orator  of  the  day,  being  introduced  by  General 
Sherman,  delivered  the  oration.  After  referring  to  the  social  feature  of 
the  reunion,  and  disclaiming  any  intention  on  the  part  of  the  associa 
tion  to  perpetuate  the  war  spirit,  he  proceeded  briefly  to  sketch  the 
history  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  With  the  organization  of  the  ar 
my,  began  the  second  period  of  the  war  history  of  the  West.  The 
army  exhibited  the  restless  activity  and  unconquerable  energy  of  the 
people  of  which  it  was  composed.  Its  soldiers  knew  the  full  meaning 
of  individual  liberty,  but  were  as  obedient  to  discipline  as  they  were 
fearless  in  danger.  Suddenly  summoned  from  the  various  walks  of 
civil  life,  they  soon  became  an  army  of  veterans.  Sympathy  between 
soldiers  and  officers  was  the  substantial  secret  of  success.  The  theatre 
of  the  operations  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  more  extended  than 
that  of  the  army  of  most  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  modern  world.  The 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  led  first  by  General  Grant  against  Forts  Henry 
and  Donelson,  pursued  its  way  through  the  fearful  carnage  of  Pittsburg 
Landing,  past  luka  and  Corinth,  Port  Gibson,  Raymond,  Jackson,  and 
Champion  Hills,  until  Vicksburg,  the  "Gibraltar  of  the  West,"  sur 
rendered,  and  the  Father  of  Waters  was  open  and  free  from  its  source 
to  the  Gulf.  The  war  in  the  Southwest  thus  practically  ended,  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  had  still  before  it  a  task  of  participating  in  the 
greatest  military  achievement  of  any  age — the  historic  march  to  the  sea. 
The  fate  of  the  rebellion  was  to  be  decided  in  the  dangerous  valleys  and 
rugged  mountains  of  Tennessee.  The  soldiers  bravely  did  their  part. 
The  leaders,  in  determining  the  plan  of  the  campaign,  judged  well. 
The  Army  of  the  Potomac  pressed  the  enemy's  front  ;  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  turned  his  flank  and  attacked  his  rear.  The  enemy  was  be 
wildered  by  our  strategy,  and  vanquished  by  our  valor.  Such  a  stu 
pendous  sweep,  encompassing  whole  States,  was  not  anticipated.  The 
passage  of  the  Alps  by  Hannibal  and  Bonaparte  are  the  only  historical 
parallels.  At  Chickamauga,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  won  the  first 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  209 

triumph  of  the  new  campaign,  to  which  were  soon  added  the  victories 
of  Missionary  Ridge  and  Lookout  Mountain.  It  preserved  the  honor  of 
its  name  in  the  march  to  Atlanta,  and  consecrated  every  step  with  the 
blood  of  some  heroic  soldier.  The  terrible  battle-day  of  July  22d,  when 
Hood  was  routed  and  McPherson  slain,  is  a  day  not  to  be  forgotten.  In 
that  hour  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  fell  upon  the 
speaker,  and  in  the  victory  of  that  day  McPherson  was  avenged.  Atlanta 
fallen,  the  army  entered  upon  a  series  of  weary  marches,  to  reappear 
upon  the  Atlantic  coast,  presenting  Savannah  as  a  Christmas  gift  to  the 
Union.  The  war  was  ended.  The  dead  were  in  their  graves.  The 
crippled  and  the  saved  returned  to  the  pursuits  of  peace,  and  the  world 
has  been  taught  the  lesson  that  the  Republic  has  no  citizen  more  faith 
ful  in  its  cause,  and  obedient  to  its  laws,  than  the  soldiers  who  showed 
the  full  measure  of  their  devotion  by  the  offer  of  their  lives  in  its  de 
fence. 

LOGAN    ON    THE    STUMP    IN    INDIANA    IN    1874 — -HIS    "ROUSING" 
SPEECH    AT    INDIANAPOLIS. 

After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in  the  summer  of  1874, 
Senator  Logan — having  taken  a  brief  rest — took  the  stump 
in  Indiana.  On  September  29th,  he  addressed  an  immense 
audience  at  Masonic  Hall,  Indianapolis.  A  special  despatch 
to  the  Cincinnati  Gazette  said : 

By  half-past  seven,  the  people,  having  filled  every  aisle  and  crowded 
upon  the  stage,  were  turned  backward.  The  stairways,  halls,  and  side 
walks  were  packed  so  solidly  that  it  was  with  difficulty  General  Logan 
and  his  party  could  gain  admittance.  His  entrance  was  the  signal  for 
deafening  applause,  the  band  striking  up  "  Hail,  Columbia  !"  precisely 
at  eight  o'clock.  .  .  .  General  Logan  was  received  with  three  rous 
ing  cheers,  after  which  he  spoke  for  about  an  hour  and  a  half,  being 
constantly  interrupted  with  deafening  applause.  At  the  conclusion 
many  soldiers  who  formerly  served  in  his  corps  crowded  about,  called 
to  mind  their  field-sports,  shook  his  hand  warmly,  and  wished  him  God 
speed. 

In  that  speech,  as  reported  in  the  Gazette,  General  Logan 
said  : 

A  free  people  are  always  divided  into  two  great  parties,  and  these 
are  based  upon  contrary  theories.  The  Republican  Party  is  organized 

14 


2io  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

on  the  principle  of  universal  liberty  and  equality  before  the  law,  and 
the  protection  of  all. 

If  liberty  is  good  for  one  man,  it  is  a  good  thing  for  all  God's  crea 
tion.  The  Republican  Party  is  a  vindicator  of  equal  political  rights  to 
all  citizens.  Its  members  are  not  so  selfish  as  to  deny  to  others,  the 
rights  they  claim  for  themselves.  Every  objection  to  this  is  based  on 
prejudice.  To-day  the  American  flag  covers  only  free  men,  and  this  is 
the  beneficent  work  of  the  Republican  Party.  Its  theory  leads  to  good, 
and  the  happiness  of  mankind. 

The  theory  of  the  Democratic  Party  is  that  men  are  in  part  free  and 
part  not  free,  and  it  leads  right  to  the  degradation  of  man.  The  power 
was  exercised  for  a  long  period  for  the  maintenance  of  slavery  ;  and 
since  slavery  was  swept  away,  the  Democratic  Party,  preserving  the  old 
spirit  and  going  as  far  as  the  Constitution  will  allow,  would  deny  to 
millions  of  citizens  the  right  to  equal  protection,  the  right  to  education, 
worship,  travel,  burial,  even  to  be  protected  from  murder.  Its  theory 
and  spirit  are  the  same  still,  and  can  only  be  carried  out  by  physical 
force  and  lead  to  revolutions.  Republicanism  liberates,  and  needs  no 
Violence. 

The  fact  that  the  Democratic  theory  has  not  been  successful,  does 
not  change  the  fact  that  this  is  its  nature.  The  result  has  been  always 
the  same  ;  and  its  last  result  is  violence,  murder,  insurrection,  and  the 
overturning  of  the  State  Governments.  They  claim  the  right  to  limit 
the  rights  of  others  ;  but  if  one  hundred  men  may  deny  to  four  citizens 
the  right  to  vote,  why  not  to  fifty,  and  then  why  not  to  all  others  than 
themselves  ? 

Democrats  object  to  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  that  it  allows  all  an  equal 
right  to  burial,  to  go  to  theatres,  to  schools,  to  church,  to  hotels.  That 
bill  does  not  say  that  they  must  all  go  to  the  same  school,  but  gives  each 
one  equal  rights  to  education.  And  who  so  base  as  to  wish  to  keep 
others  in  ignorance  ?  Our  Government  will  be  destroyed,  if  it  is  ever 
destroyed,  by  ignorance.  If  the  people  are  educated,  the  Government 
will  stand  unshaken  through  every  trial.  Men  who  would  violate  the 
rights  of  man  can  only  be  restrained  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  law.  That 
bill  was  necessary  because  the  colored  people  were  treated  with  every 
indignity  by  the  Southern  Democrats,  kicked  from  the  cars  and  mur 
dered  like  dogs,  when  freedom  had  been  conferred  upon  them,  and  de 
nied  the  privileges  which  had  been  allowed  when  they  were  slaves.  I 
hope  that  the  bill  will  be  passed.  If  we  do  not  intend  to  defend  the 
rights  of  the  colored  man,  we  should  not  have  given  him  any  rights. 
We  must  do  it.  In  Texas,  out  of  six  hundred  murders,  not  one  has 
been  a  Democrat,  and  no  man  is  punished.  They  have  been  accus- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  2II 

tomed,  according  to  the  Democratic  theory  of  physical  force,  to  regard 
the  slave's  life  as  subject  to  the  will  of  the  master,  and  they  still  regard 
the  colored  man  in  the  same  way.  When  sixteen  were  wantonly  mur 
dered  in  Tennessee  the  other  day,  and  the  President  proceeded  against 
the  murderers,  the  Governor  of  Tennessee  published  a  protest.  In 
Louisiana  they  have  defended  insurrections. 

Touching  the  new  so-called  Independent  Party  of  that 
day,  General  Logan  said,  according  to  the  same  authority : 

A  new  party  has  arisen,  calling  itself  Independent,  which  is  attempt 
ing  to  establish  itself  upon  questions  of  transportation  and  similar  ques 
tions.  They  say,  both  of  the  old  parties  are  corrupt,  but  they  intend 
bringing  up  a  pure  party.  Now,  as  all  our  people  belong  to  one  or  the 
other,  and  if  both  are  totally  corrupt,  how  can  the  third  party  make  of 
itself  a  pure  party  ?  Can  you  make  a  pure  thing  out  of  two  corrupt 
things  ?  Two  negatives  make  an  affirmative,  but  can  two  corrupt  par 
ties  make  a  pure  party  ?  They  claim  further  that  they  will  defeat  these 
old  parties.  They  cannot  defeat  the  Democratic  Party,  for  that  is  al 
ready  defeated.  If  you  defeat  the  Republican  Party,  you  destroy  the 
party  of  progress,  the  party  which  has  saved  the  Union,  and  the  party 
which  is  willing  to  be  progressive.  Take  the  transportation  question. 
Who  has  suggested  an  improvement  in  this  direction  save  the  Repub 
lican  Party? 

After  reviewing  the  work  of  Congress  in  this  direction, 
and  maintaining  the  right  of  Congress  to  regulate  all  com 
merce  between  the  States,  he  continued : 

Shall  Congress,  having  the  right,  assert  that  right  ?  It  is  plainly  its 
duty  to  do  so  ;  and  thus  far  the  Republican  Party  alone  has  striven  to 
devise  means  by  which  transportation  can  be  cheapened  and  im 
proved,  and  the  Democrats  in  Congress  nearly  unanimously  opposed 
them.  Will  you  leave  the  Republican  Party,  to  seek  your  remedy  ? 

The  rest  of  the  speech  referred  to  alleged  corruption  and 
frauds,  and  successfully  handled  those  charges. 

A      REMARKABLE      ORATION      AT      CLINTON PERSONAL       LIBERTY 

TRACED    TO    THE    FOUNTAIN-HEAD — OUR  OWN  GOVERNMENT    A 
COMPROMISE    BETWEEN    OPPOSING    PRINCIPLES. 

It  was  at  Clinton,  111.,  at  a  grand  celebration  of  the  4th  of 
July,  1874, — attended  by  "at  least  10,000  people," — that 


212  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

General  Logan  delivered  an  address  which  would  stand  along 
side  of  any  other  effort  of  the  kind  ever  made  in  this  country. 
It  not  only  gave  evidence  of  great  and  careful  historical  re 
search,  but  exhibited  also  the  truest  and  highest  statesman 
ship.  Throughout  it  all, — and  it  should  be  read  in  its  entirety, 
as  it  appeared  in  the  Inter- Ocean  of  July  6th,  to  properly  ap 
preciate  its  wide  scope  and  broad,  statesmanlike  views, — are 
veins  of  earnest  thoughtfulness,  as  well  as  true  patriotic  fervor, 
having  well-defined  purposes,  and  channels  of  practical  action. 
The  General's  theme  was  "Liberty  and  Equality,"  and  in  the 
following  interesting  extract  we  shall  get  a  hint  of  the  amount 
of  research,  as  well  as  original  thought  and  vastness  of  scope, 
involved  in  his  quest  through  all  nations  and  all  time  for  the 
birth-place  of  the  principle  of  liberty.  Said  he: 

Let  us  now  for  a  few  moments  examine  the  history  of  this  principle 
of  liberty,  and  see  whence  it  originated  and  from  whence  we  have  de 
rived  it.  Individuals  are  fond  of  searching  the  genealogical  tables  and 
records,  in  hope  of  finding  some  name  of  renown  which  they  claim  as 
of  an  ancestor  ;  and  even  when  an  American  citizen  gains  a  high  posi 
tion  and  honorable  name,  his  biographers  search  the  history  of  the 
past  with  the  expectation  that  somewhere  in  the  line  of  ancestors  one 
of  renown  and  distinction  will  be  found.  And  so  it  is  to  a  certain  ex 
tent  with  nations.  English  historians  dislike  to  own  the  semi-barbarous 
Britons  and  semi-civilized  Saxons  as  their  true  ancestors — at  least  they 
prefer  to  speak  of  their  bravery  and  valor,  to  their  savage  customs  ;  and 
French  historians  prefer  to  look  to  Rome  for  their  civilization  rather 
than  to  the  wandering  Gauls  as  their  ancestors.  And  so  it  is  with  many 
in  this  country,  who  strive  to  trace  the  great  principle  of  personal  lib 
erty  to  its  source  :  they  try  to  trace  the  dim  thread  back  to  the  days 
of  Roman  greatness,  and  to  the  Greek  republics. 

You  may  therefore  be  somewhat  surprised  when  I  declare  to  you  my  be 
lief  that,  humanly  speaking,  this  great  principle  had  its  origin  with  the 
wild  nomadic  tribes  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  not  in  Greece  or  Rome,  or 
the  great  nations  of  antiquity.  Nay,  more :  I  believe  I  may  even  say  truly 
that  its  practical  illustration  in  our  own  country,  to-day,  is  the  result  of 
the  struggle,  between  that  desire  for  nomadic  freedom,  and  government 
rule,  that  was  so  long  waged  in  the  past  centuries.  I  am  aware  I  am 
now  stepping  beyond  the  text  of  my  historical  guides,  but  there  are 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  213 

many  things  of  the  distant  past  which  we  are  only  now  beginning  to  in 
terpret  correctly  by  the  ultimate  results  which  the  forces  then  put  in 
operation  are  now  working  out. 

While  I  believe  that  Revelation  and  the  Christian  religion  have  been 
the  chief  factors  in  freeing  man  from  the  thraldom  of  superstition  and 
tyranny,  and  of  elevating  him  in  the  scale  of  civilization  and  enlighten 
ment,  I  do  not  speak  of  this  at  present,  but  of  the  human  element  alone, 
with  which  Christianity  has  co-operated  in  bringing  about  the  result 
which  we  are  here  to-day  to  celebrate. 

Take  a  hasty  glance  at  the  great  nations  of  the  past,  so  far  as  this 
question  is  concerned,  and  tell  me  where  you  find  the  germ  from  which 
the  tree  has  grown. 

Egypt,  hoary  with  antiquity,  has  left  her  history  written  on  her 
ruined  temples,  which  line  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  These,  and  the  pages 
of  ancient  writers,  show  us  that,  from  the  days  of  Menes  down,  she 
was  under  the  thraldom  of  a  priestly  hierarchy,  which  even  her  kings 
seldom  dared  to  encounter.  Personal  liberty  and  political  freedom  were 
terms  unknown  to  her  annals.  Although  often  torn  by  internal  wars 
and  contending  factions,  although  often  overrun  by  foreign  foes  and 
incursive  hordes,  yet  this  predominant  idea  of  priestly  sway  was  never 
eradicated,  nor  its  hold  upon  the  people  ever  broken.  It  has  been  left 
for  the  inroads  of  modern  civilization,  imported  from  other  nations,  to 
arouse  her  from  her  long  sleep. 

Persia  and  Media,  consisting  originally  of  clans  and  tribes,  was  cen 
tralized  under  the  iron  will  of  the  elder  Cyrus,  and  taught  to  look  upon 
the  central  government  as  the  great  and  ruling  power,  and  though  the 
satraps  long  retained  a  nominal  existence,  this  idea  of  central  power 
grew  until  the  laws  of  the  Medes  and  Persians  were  considered  irrevo 
cable  ;  but  the  king,  and  not  the  people,  was  considered  the  government, 
and  personal  liberty  and  political  freedom  found  no  place  in  that 
system ;  and  to-day  the  Shah  holds  in  his  hands  the  lives  and  property 
of  his  subjects.  Even  the  crushing  blows  of  the  Macedonian  conqueror 
failed  to  make  a  change  in  this  respect.  For  a  time,  labor  was  made 
respectable  and  honorable  in  Phenicia,  but  as  Tyre  and  Sidon  rose  in 
importance  her  merchants  grew  in  wealth  and  ranked  as  princes,  and 
the  rights  of  the  laboring  masses  and  hardy  seamen  were  no  longer  re 
spected,  and  the  germ  of  personal  liberty  and  freedom,  which  for  a 
time  seemed  to  have  found  a  foothold,  was  eradicated  and  crushed  out 
by  aristocratic  tyranny.  Greece  and  Rome  arose,  as  it  were,  out  of  the 
ruins  of  the  ancient  Eastern  kingdom.  Already  the  struggle  of  the 
Western  mind  appears  to  have  asserted  its  superiority.  Although  in  the 
former,  for  a  time,  republican  ideas  seemed  to  predominate,  yet  personal 


214 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


liberty  was  an  element  wholly  foreign  to  their  institutions.  Political 
freedom,  it  is  true,  fora  long  time  was  a  prominent  feature  in  both  these 
nations,  but  it  was  wholly  a  different  thing  from  that  which  we  to-day 
understand  by  the  same  term,  and  had  in  it  nothing  of  the  element  of 
true  liberty.  The  citizen,  although  possessing  certain  rights  and  privi 
leges  in  public  affairs,  was  but  an  integral  part  of  a  political  machine 
which  ground  him  to  powder,  whenever  he  failed  to  move  in  the 
prescribed  narrow  path. 

Centralization  was  the  prominent  idea,  and  increasing  the  power  and 
glory  of  the  state  was  the  required  object  of  its  citizens,  to  which  wealth, 
labor,  time,  and  thought  were  to  be  wholly  devoted.  Any  deviation 
from  the  will  of  the  ruling  authorities  of  the  state,  brought  summary 
destruction  upon  him  who  had  the  temerity  to  venture  such  opposition. 
See  the  hero  Aristides  leaving  the  city  an  ostracized  exile,  and  the 
philosopher  Socrates  drinking  the  fatal  cup  for  attempting  this  exercise 
of  personal  liberty  of  opinion  ! 

The  central  idea  of  Roman  civilization  was  municipal  authority, 
yet  without  even  a  germ  of  personal  liberty.  With  the  fall  of  Rome, 
national  power  for  a  long  period  seemed  to  be  broken  and  crushed,  and 
society  split  up  into  fragments.  A  long,  chaotic  night  ensued,  from 
which  civilization  emerged  in  comparatively  modern  times.  In  all  this 
survey,  we  nowhere  find  that  germ  of  true  liberty  which  we  can 
trace  to  the  present ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  we  find  a  constant  tendency 
to  centralization  of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  few.  Even  the  republics 
of  Greece  were  but  another  form  of  tyranny  practised  in  the  name  of 
the  state  ;  and,  as  Athens  gathered  strength  and  wealth,  it  gravitated  to 
the  hands  of  the  more  powerful  few,  and  at  the  time  of  her  glory  and 
greatest  splendor  her  ruler  was  a  tyrant  in  the  person  of  Pericles  ;  and, 
as  the  exiled  sage  and  hero  left  the  gates,  a  courtesan  took  the  second 
place  in  power.  In  the  height  of  her  glory  and  splendor  the  seeds  of 
her  destruction  were  sown  ;  and  Rome  but  repeated  the  history. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  I  have  said  that,  looking  at  the  past  from  the 
human  side  only,  the  germ  of  true  liberty  was  to  be  found  in  the  wild 
nomadic  tribes  of  Europe  and  Asia.  And  in  order  first  to  bring  before 
your  minds  vividly  the  true  idea  of  real  liberty,  I  place  before  you,  in 
the  form  of  a  question,  the  two  extremes.  See  the  wild  Arab  scouring 
over  the  sandy  deserts  of  Arabia,  directing  his  course  only  by  his  natural 
surroundings,  his  tent,  his  home,  owing  allegiance  to  none,  and  untram- 
meled  by  the  conventionalities  of  fixed  society  !  Now  turn  your  eyes  to 
Persia,  with  its  long  line  of  historical  records.  See  the  citizens  of  Te 
heran  bowing  their  faces  in  the  dust  as  the  Shah  or  one  of  his  high  offi 
cials  passes  along  the  streets  !  Tell  me,  which  of  the  two  would  you 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  2I5 

choose,  if  compelled  to  select  one  or  the  other  ?  What  American  citizen 
is  there  who  loves  liberty,  that  would  not  prefer  the  wild  and  roving 
life  of  the  Arab,  with  all  its  hardships,  rather  than  the  abject  slavery  of 
the  Persians?  Here,  then,  you  have  the  representatives  of  the  two 
contending  elements  from  which  the  present  forms  of  European  and 
American  Governments  originated.  Egypt,  China,  and  India,  up  to  a 
comparatively  recent  date,  were  true  types  of  the  latter  class,  where 
liberty  never  took  root,  but  has  ever  been  a  plant  unknown  to  the  soils 
of  these  countries.  The  wild  Scythians  of  antiquity,  who  hovered  along 
the  borders  of  Mesopotamia  and  Persia,  though  tainted  by  a  savage  bar 
barity  unworthy  of  their  fierce  and  reckless  bravery,  form  perhaps  the 
extreme  limit  of  that  stream  which  has  resulted  in  the  broad  liberty 
which  we  enjoy  to  day,  and  which  may  be  said  to  have  culminated  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  am  fully  aware  that,  in  attempting 
to  trace  the  line,  we  shall  often  find  it  very  dim,  and  that,  so  far  as  this 
idea  is  concerned,  I  reach  far  back  of  any  certain  guides  ;  nor  shall  I 
attempt  the  discovery  at  this  time,  but  will  content  myself  with  calling 
attention  to  one  or  two  links. 

Using  the  term  personal  liberty  in  its  broadest  sense,  it  was  doubt 
less  well  understood  by  the  ancestors  of  the  German  and  other  tribes  of 
Central  Europe.  With  the  fall  of  Rome  the  ancient  civilization  was 
shattered  and  broken,  and  fell  into  ruins,  as  did  the  monuments  of  art 
and  genius  which  it  had  reared  ;  the  barbarian  element  gained  the  as 
cendency,  and,  during  the  long  historical  night  that  ensued,  there  was  a 
continued  scene  of  confusion  and  conflict ;  yet,  amid  it  all,  there  was  a 
germ  of  reckless  liberty  which  needed  only  law  and  Christianity  to  re 
duce  it  to  order  and  symmetry.  These  two  forces  gradually  arose  in 
influence,  as  century  after  century  rolled  on.  It  has  therefore  been  truly 
said  by  one  of  the  ablest  writers  of  modern  times  (Guizot,  in  his  "  His 
tory  of  Civilization,"  vol.  i.,  sec.  2,  page  57)  that  "it  was  the  rude 
barbarians  of  Germany  who  introduced  this  sentiment  of  personal  inde 
pendence,  this  love  of  individual  liberty,  into  European  civilization,  un 
known  among  the  Romans,  unknown  in  the  Christian  Church,  unknown 
in  nearly  all  the  civilization  of  antiquity."  Yes,  I  might  add,  in  all. 
From  the  ancient,  rude  barbarian,  through  Saxon,  Celt,  and  Gaul,  the 
love  of  personal  independence  has  continued  to  flow  onward  down 
the  stream  of  time,  from  generation  to  generation,  until,  planted  on  the 
congenial  soil  of  America,  it  has  grown  into  a  stately  tree  that  all  the 
storms  of  traditional  royalty  and  all  the  thunderbolts  of  empires  have 
not  been  able  to  uproot.  Therefore,  while  we  look  back  to  Rome  for 
our  municipal  law  and  first  germ  of  jurisprudence,  and  to  Greece  for 
our  rhetoric  and  architecture,  we  must  go  back  at  least  to  the  wild  no- 


216  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

madic  tribes  of  Germany  and  Central  Europe  for  the  germ  of  that  love 
for  personal  independence  and  liberty,  which,  shaped  and  restrained  by 
Christianity  and  law,  is  the  great  element  of  strength  and  happiness  in 
our  own  beloved  Republic. 

Now,  fellow-citizens,  I  would  impress,  if  possible,  in  living  char 
acters  upon  your  minds,  the  lesson  and  warning  which  even  this  short 
survey  teaches  us. 

Perfect  individual  liberty  and  personal  freedom  imply  the  absence 
of  all  law  and  government  ;  abject  slavery  is  the  other  extreme.  The 
more  perfect  the  government,  the  less  will  be  the  restraint  upon  the  in 
dividual  compatible  with  good  order  and  proper  co-operation  with  the 
state  and  society.  Our  government  is  based,  theoretically  and  practi 
cally,  upon  a  proper  compromise  between  perfect  individual  liberty  and 
centralized  power  ;  and  when  events  cause  a  strong  oscillation  toward 
either  extremity,  it  brings  confusion  and  danger,  and  a  rebound  from 
one,  always  renders  us  liable  to  swing  too  close  to  the  other.  Not  only 
does  our  form  of  government  embrace  this  idea  of  compromise,  but  also 
that  between  the  freedom  of  communities  or  States,  and  extreme  Na 
tional  centralization, — either  extreme  being  destructive  of  the  great 
principles  of  our  Union, — on  the  one  hand  leading  to  disintegration, 
contention,  conflict,  and  self-destruction,  while  the  other  extreme  ends 
in  placing  the  power  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  the  crushing  out  of 
the  control  of  the  many. 

Hence,  it  has  been  truly  said  that  "eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of 
liberty  ; "  for  on  the  one  hand  is  Scylla  and  on  the  other  Charybdis,  be 
tween  which  our  ship  of  state  must  constantly  steer  for  safety. 

The  history  of  nations  in  the  past,  shows  us  very  clearly  that,  as  a 
general  rule,  danger  chiefly  lies  in  the  direction  of  concentration  of 
power,  because  it  renders  the  prize  more  desirable,  and  increases  the 
anxiety  and  efforts  to  obtain  it.  As  a  nation  increases  in  numbers, 
wealth,  and  power,  if  at  the  same  time  the  wealth  and  power  is  gravitat 
ing  toward  a  central  point  or  into  the  control  of  a  few,  there  will,  as  a 
natural  consequence,  be  an  increase  in  the  efforts  and  desire  to  obtain 
the  commanding  positions  and  control  the  wealth,  and  in  like  ratio  will 
be  the  increase  of  unscrupulous  schemes  and  corrupt  efforts  to  suc 
ceed  ;  and  this,  unless  checked,  must  finally  end  in  the  destruction 
of  liberty. 

Happily,  with  us,  the  right  of  franchise  and  the  use  of  the  ballot-box 
in  the  hands  of  the  people  forms  the  great  and  wholesome  check  upon 
such  a  tendency  and  such  efforts.  Here  lies  the  palladium  of  our 
liberties,  which  it  is  our  duty,  my  fellow-citizens,  to  guard  with  an  argus 
eye.  Let  this  bulwark  once  be  broken  down,  and  soon  every  vestige  of 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  217 

our  Republican  institutions  will  be   rooted   out,  and  liberty  will  be  a 
word  known  only  as  of  the  past. 

A    LEGAL    INCIDENT    IN     LOGAN'S     CAREER AMONG    THE    SILVER 

MINES    OF    COLORADO. 

A  good  and  conscientious  lawyer  will  always  compromise 
a  case  in  the  interest  of  his  client,  rather  than  exhaust  his 
client's  means  by  fighting  it  through.  The  following  incident, 
mentioned  in  the  Washington  Republican  of  April  2,  1879, 
shows  the  success  which  General  Logan  had  in  settling  a 
fierce  litigation,  which  had  already  caused  the  violent  deaths 
of  some  of  the  principals.  It  seems  that  near  Georgetown, 
Col.,  was  a  valuable  silver  mine  called  "  Dives,"  and 
within  half  a  mile  of  it  another  equally  rich,  called  the  "  Peli 
can."^  The  owners  of  the  Pelican  also  claimed  the  Dives, 
and  during  1873  and  1874,  bitter  and  violent  and  mortal  con 
tention  had  arisen  between  the  different  parties  claiming 
ownership  of  the  Dives.  Said  the  Republican  : 

In  1875  the  Dives  mine  was  worked  under  an  injunction,  and  Gen 
eral  Logan  was  there  attending  to  the  case  before  the  courts.  The  mat 
ter  was  quite  a  feature  of  local  politics  at  the  time,  and  the  mine  was 
almost  as  frequently  heard  of  as  "Logan's  mine"  as  the  "Dives." 
Since  then  a  compromise  has  been  effected,  and  the  settlement  of  the 
matter  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties  has  been  largely  accorded  to 
General  Logan's  management  of  it.  The  tunnel  to  the  Dives  mine  is 
600  feet  long — one  shaft  130  and  another  no  feet  deep.  During  the 
summer  of  1875,  Senator  Logan  might  be  seen,  in  a  sort  of  demi-mili- 
tary  dress,  seated  upon  a  handsome  black  horse,  ascending  the  steep 

*  These  were  not  the  only  mines  in  which  General  Logan  was  interested  in  Colorado. 
The  Chicago  Daily  Ne^vs  recently  said  : 

"He  once  narrowly  escaped  riches.  Some  years  ago  John  L.  Routt,  formerly  of  Illinois, 
but  now  of  Colorado,  came  to  Washington  to  raise  money  for  the  development  of  the  Even 
ing  Star  Mine,  of  Leadville.  General  Logan  subscribed  for  some  of  the  stock,  and  paid  a 
small  assessment.  The  outlook  was  unfavorable,  and  when  the  second  assessment  was 
made  on  the  stockholders,  Logan  refused  to  pay  it  and  surrendered  his  shares  to  Routt. 
Within  a  few  months  a  rich  lead  was  discovered  and  the  stock  sprang  from  less  than  noth 
ing  to  away  above  par.  It  made  big  dividends,  and  was  finally  sold  at  an  enormous  figure. 
Routt  and  all  those  interested  with  him  were  made  rich,  but  Logan  got  only  his  original  in 
vestment,  which  was  refunded  to  him." 


2i8  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

dangerous  road  from  Georgetown  to  the  Dives  mine,  fully  verifying 
General  Sherman's  assertion  that  "  Logan  was  very  handsome  on  horse 
back." 

LOGAN  TALKED  OF  "FOR  PRESIDENT  IN  1876." 

As  far  back  as  1870,  General  Logan's  name  was  occa 
sionally  mentioned  in  the  press  of  the  country  as  a  Presi 
dential  possibility.  In  1874  his  name  was  frequently  men 
tioned  in  connection  with  the  coming  nominations  in  1876. 
Among  other  papers,  the  Washington  Republican  of  June  8, 
1874,  said: 

The  Presidential  probabilities  and  possibilities  of  1876  are  just  now 
the  subject  of  considerable  speculation  and  discussion  in  many  of  the 
principal  journals  of  the  country,  and  if  we  may  believe  the  public 
prints,  topics  of  no  little  interest  to  many  of  our  leading  statesmen  and 
politicians.  .  .  .  General  Logan  represents  what  may  be  called  the 
Han  of  the  party.  No  man  is  more  popular  on  the  "  stump,"  and  with 
a  good  backing  in  a  convention  the  chances  are  at  least  five  to  one  that 
he  would  carry  it  by  storm. 

Only  three  days  afterward,  June  nth,  the  Post  and  Mail 
stated  that— 

At  McLeansboro'  yesterday  the  Republican  Convention  unani 
mously  and  enthusiastically  resolved  in  favor  of  John  A.  Logan  for  Presi 
dent  in  1876. 

WHAT    THE    OLD     SOLDIERS     THOUGHT     OF    LOGAN'S    EFFORTS    IN 
THEIR    BEHALF     IN    CONGRESS. 

To  show  the  warm  regard  the  soldiers  had  for  General 
Logan — those  of  other  States  as  well  as  his  own — the  follow 
ing  letter  in  the  Inter- Ocean  of  May,  1875,  is  given  : 

KEOKUK,  IA.,  May  17,  1875. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Inter-Ocean  : 

By  this  mail  we  have  sent  to  the  Hon.  John  A.  Logan,  of  your  State, 
a  brief  letter  of  thanks,  of  which  the  enclosed  is  a  copy.  It  is  a  volun 
tary  offering  of  soldiers  who  admire  the  brave  military  leader  to  whom 
it  is  addressed,  and  who  have  witnessed  the  devotion  with  which  he  has 
labored  for  the  interests  of  the  private  soldier  in  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress,  especially  during  the  pendency  of  the  late  bill  providing  for  an 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  219 

equalization  of  bounties.  That  the  bill  did  not  become  a  law  was  not 
owing  to  any  lack  of  zeal  or  labor  in  its  behalf  by  John  A.  Logan.  We 
feel  unbounded  gratitude  to  hirn  on  account  of  his  labors,  and  therefore 
have  forwarded  to  him  our  humble  letter  of  thanks.  R.  M.  J. 

The    enclosure,  addressed    to  "John  A.   Logan,   United 
States  Senator,''  is  in  these  words, 

SIR  :  The  undersigned  soldiers  and  sailors  of  Iowa  thank  you  for  the 
bold  and  statesmanlike  manner  in  which  you  have  presented  our  inter 
ests  in  the  Forty-third  Congress. 

This  is  signed  by  seventy  old  soldiers  of  the  Union  army, 
with  the  titles  of  their  regiments,  etc.,  attached. 

LOGAN'S  TILT  WITH  CONFEDERATE  BRIGADIERS,  IN  1876 — HIS 
DEFENCE  OF  SHERIDAN  AND  GRANT — THE  WHITE  LEAGUE 
"  BANDITTI  "  —DEMOCRATIC  "  SYMPATHIZERS  "  IN  THE  SENATE 
ROUGHLY  HANDLED THE  OLD  SHIP. 

We  have  seen  how,  in  his  speech  on  Reconstruction,  in 
1867,  before  the  House  of  Representatives,  General  Logan 
gave  the  Northern  Copperheads  more  than  they  bargained 
for,  when  they  assailed  him.  So  also,  in  the  Senate,  in  1876, 
during  a  great  two-days'  speech  which  he  made  in  defence  of 
President  Grant's  conduct  of  affairs  in  Louisiana,  and  of 
General  Sheridan, — who,  for  calling  the  murderous  White- 
Leaguers  "banditti,"  had  been  savagely  attacked  by  the  Con 
federate  brigadiers  in  Congress, — the  brigadiers  aforesaid, 
and  their  coadjutors,  were  never  before  so  severely  handled. 
As  a  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  he  handled  them, 
it  may  be  stated  that,  after  alluding  to  the  denunciations, 
aspersions,  perversions,  and  falsehoods  of  which  they  had 
been  guilty,  and  by  which  they  were  seeking  to  deceive  the 
North  and  inflame  it  against  the  Republican  administra 
tion  as  a  commencement  of  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1876,  Senator  Logan  proceeded: 

Sir,  I  ask  you  what  Governor  Kellogg  was  to  do  after  that  horrible 
scene  at  Colfax  ;  after  the  taking  possession  of  five  persons  at  Cou- 


220  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

shatta — Northern  men,  who  had  gone  there  with  their  capital  and 
invested  it  and  built  up  a  thriving  little  village,  but  who  were  taken 
out  and  murdered  in  cold  blood  ;  and  not  only  that,  but  they  had  mur 
dered  one  of  the  judges  and  the  district  attorney,  and  compelled  the 
judge  and  district  attorney  of  that  jurisdiction  to  resign,  and  then 
murdered  the  acting  district  attorney.  My  friend  from  Georgia  [Mr. 
Gordon)  said,  in  his  way  and  manner  of  saying  things,  "Why  do  you 
not  try  these  people  for  murdering  those  men  at  Coushatta?  You  have 
the  judge,  and  you  have  the  district  attorney."  Unfortunately  for  my 
friend's  statement,  we  have  neither.  Your  friends  had  murdered  the 
attorney,  and  had  murdered  a  judge  before  the  new  judge  had  been 
appointed,  who  had  to  resign  to  save  his  life.  The  acting  district 
attorney  was  murdered  by  the  same  "banditti"  that  murdered  the  five 
Northern  men  at  Coushatta. 

Here  Mr.  Gordon, — a  Confederate  General,  and  one  of 
the  bravest  of  them  all, — interposed  again  with,  "  Will  the 
Senator  allow  me  to  ask  him  a  question  ?  "  "  Certainly," 
said  Logan.  Then,  said  Mr.  Gordon,  "  Where  was  the 
United  States  Court  at  that  time  ?  Where  was  the  enforce 
ment  act?  Where  was  the  army  of  the  United  States? 
Could  not  the  United  States  Court  under  the  enforce 
ment  act  take  cognizance  of  these  facts  ?  Was  the  district 
attorney  of  the  United  States  not  present?"  "I  will 
inform  the  Senator  where  they  were,"  said  Logan,  as  his 
eyes  flashed:  "  The  district  attorney  was  in  his  grave,  put 
there  by  your  political  friends.  The  judge  had  been  mur 
dered  a  year  before.  The  one  appointed  in  his  place  had  to 
resign  to  save  his  life.  The  United  States  Court  was  in 
New  Orleans.  And  he  asks  where  was  the  United  States 
army  ?  Great  God  !  do  you  want  the  army  ?  I  thought 
you  had  been  railing  at  its  use."  Well  might  Mr.  Gordon 
confess  himself  overwhelmed  by  this  crushing  retort ;  and 
later,  when  Gordon  defied  General  Logan  to  make  good  a 
charge  he  had  just  made  against  him,  and  in  a  blustering  way 
said,  "  He  has  made  the  charge ;  I  ask  him  to  make  it  good, 
or  to  withdraw  it, — one  of  the  two,"  General  Logan  with 
a  contemptuous  half-smile  replied  with  meaning  emphasis, 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  22[ 

"Ah,  well,  the  Senator  need  not  commence  talking  to  me  about 
withdrawing."  "  Very  well,"  said  Mr.  Gordon,  subsiding; 
and,  with  increased  emphasis,  said  General  Logan:  "Sam 
not  of  that  kind."  Still  later  in  the  exciting  tilt,  General 
Logan  said,  in  answering  a  question  put  to  him  by  the  ex- 
Confederate  brigadier,  "  If  he  treats  other  men  kindly,  in  a 
kindly  spirit  will  I  respond  to  him  ?  If  he  treats  other  men 
in  a  denunciatory  tone"- — and  here  he  tossed  back  his  black 
hair  while  his  black  eyes  blazed  again — "  I  tell  him  that  is  a 
game  two  can  play  at!" 

After  passing  in  review  the  proceedings  of  the  revolu 
tionary  Legislature  of  Louisiana,  and  the  other  circumstances 
of  the  situation  there,  and  showing  up  the  inconsistent  atti 
tude  of  the  Democracy  in  now  finding  fault  with  what  they 
applauded  in  General  Jackson's  day,  and  what  they  them 
selves  through  President  Pierce  did  in  Boston  in  1854,  when 
he  ordered  troops  to  capture  a  fugitive  slave  in  that  city 
and  return  him  to  Virginia — Senator  Bayard  interrupted,  and 
General  Logan  gave  him  a  little  attention.  Said  the  General : 

I  am  glad  that  I  gave  the  Senator  an  opportunity  to  repeat  what  he 
had  said  before.  It  only  shows  the  feeling  that  there  is  in  the  heart. 
Sometimes  when  we  have  said  hard  and  harsh  things  against  a  fellow- 
man,  when  we  have  cooling  time  we  retract.  If,  after  we  have  had 
cooling  time,  the  bitterness  of  our  heart  only  impels  us  to  repeat  it 
again,  it  only  shows  that  there  is  deep-seated  feeling  there  which  can 
not  be  uprooted  by  time.  I  gave  the  opportunity  to  the  Senator  to 
make  his  renewed  attack  on  Sheridan.  I  will  now  say  what  I  did  not 
say  before, — since  he  has  repeated  his  remarks, — that  his  attack  upon 
Sheridan,  and  his  declaration  that  Sheridan  is  not  fit  to  breathe  the  free  air  of 
a  republic,  is  an  invitation  to  the  White- Leaguers  to  assassinate  him.  If  he 
is  not  fit  to  breathe  the  free  air,  he  is  not  fit  to  live.  If  he  is  not  fit  to 
live,  he  is  but  fit  to  die.  It  is  an  invitation  to  them  to  perpetrate  murder 
upon  him. 

Now  let  me  go  further.  I  announce  the  fact  here  in  this  Chamber 
to-day,  and  I  defy  contradiction,  that  the  Democracy  in  this  Chamber 
have  denounced  Sheridan  more,  since  this  despatch  was  published,  than 
they  ever  denounced  Jeff.  Davis  and  the  whole  rebellion  during  four 
years'  war  against  the  Constitution  of  this  country.  I  dislike  much  to 


222  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

say  these  things  ;  but  they  are  true,  and  as  truth  ought  not  to  hurt,  I 
will  say  them. 

A 

What  is  your  Democracy  of  Louisiana?  You  are  excited;  your 
extreme  wrath  is  aroused  at  General  Sheridan  because  he  called  your 
White-Leaguers,  down  there,  "banditti."  I  ask  you  if  the  murder  of 
thirty-five  hundred  men  in  a  short  time  for  political  purposes,  by  a  band 
of  men  banded  together  for  the  purpose  of  murder,  does  not  make  them 
"banditti,"  what  it  does  make  them  ? 

Oh,  what  a  crime  it  was  in  Sheridan  to  say  that  these  men  were 
banditti!  lie  is  a  wretch.  From  the  papers,  he  ought  to  be  hanged 
to  a  lamp-post ;  from  the  Senators,  he  is  not  fit  to  breathe  the  free  ;iir 
of  Heaven  or  of  this  republic  ;  but  your  murderers  of  thirty-five  hun 
dred  people  for  political  offences  are  fit  to  breathe  the  air  of  this  country 
and  are  defended  on  this  floor  to-day,  and  are  defended  here  by  the  Democratic 
Party ;  and  you  cannot  avoid  or  escape  the  proposition.  You  have 
denounced  Republicans  for  trying  to  keep  the  peace  in  Louisiana  ;  you 
have  denounced  the  Administration  for  trying  to  suppress  bloodshed  in 
Louisiana  ;  you  have  denounced  all  for  the  same  purpose  ;  but  not  one 
word  has  fallen  from  the  lips  of  a  solitary  Democratic  Senator  de 
nouncing  these  wholesale  murders  in  Louisiana.  You  have  said,  "  I  am 
sorry  these  things  are  done;"  but  you  have  defended  White-Leaguers; 
you  have  defended  Penn  ;  you  have  defended  rebellion  ;  and  you  stand 
here  to-day  the  apologists  of  murder,  of  .rebellion,  and  of  treason  in  that  State. 

Sir,  we  have  been  told  that  this  old  craft  is  rapidly  going  to  pieces  ; 
that  the  angry  waves  of  dissension  in  the  land  are  lashing  against  her 
sides.  We  are  told  that  she  is  sinking,  sinking,  sinking  to  the  bottom  of 
the  political  ocean.  Is  that  true  ?  Is  it  true  that  this  gallant  old  party, 
that  this  gallant  old  ship  that  has  sailed  through  troubled  seas  before, 
is  going  to  be  stranded  now  upon  the  rock  of  fury  that  has  been  set  up 
by  a  clamor  in  this  Chamber  and  a  few  newspapers  in  the  country  ?  Is 
it  true  that  the  party  that  saved  this  country  in  all  its  great  crises,  in  all 
its  great  trials,  is  sinking  to-day,  on  account  of  its  fear  and  trembling, 
before  an  inferior  enemy  ?  I  hope  not.  I  remember,  sir,  once  I  was 
told  that  the  old  Republican  ship  was  gone  ;  but  when  I  steadied  my 
self  on  the  shores  bordering  the  political  ocean  of  strife  and  commo 
tion,  I  looked  afar  off,  and  there  I  could  see  a  vessel  bounding  the 
boisterous  billows,  with  white  sail  spread,  marked  on  her  sides, 
"  Freighted  with  the  hopes  of  mankind,"  while  the  great  Mariner  above, 
as  her  Helmsman,  steered  her,  navigated  her,  to  a  haven  of  rest,  of 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  225 

peace,  and  of  safety.  You  have  but  to  look  again  upon  that  broad 
ocean  of  political  commotion  to-day,  and  the  time  will  soon  come  when 
the  same  old  craft,  freighted  with  the  same  cargo,  will  be  seen,  flying 
the  same  flag,  passing  through  these  tempestuous  waves,  anchoring 
herself  at  the  shores  of  honesty  and  justice  ;  and  there  she  will  lie,  un 
disturbed  by  strife  and  tumult,  again  in  peace  and  safety. 

PROPOSED  TRANSFER    OF    THE    INDIAN    BUREAU    TO  THE    WAR  DE 
PARTMENT SENATOR    LOGAN    ELOQUENTLY     OPPOSES    IT,    AND 

PLEADS      FOR      INDIAN      CIVILIZATION      AND     NATIONAL      GOOD 
FAITH. 

On  June  20,  1876,  the  Senate  having  under  consideration 
an    amendment   of  the  Committee    on    Appropriations, — of 
which  General  Logan  was  a  member, — to  strike   from    the 
Indian  appropriation  bill  the  section  transferring  the  charge 
of  Indian  affairs  from  the  Interior  Department  to  the  War 
Department,  as  proposed  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
Senator  Logan  made  a  very  strong  speech  against  such  trans 
fer,   showing  an  amount  of  close  historical   research  and  a 
breadth  of  humanitarianism    that  did  honor  equally    to  his 
head  and  heart.     It  is  a  speech  that  should  be  read  by  every 
one  who  desires  to  be  accurately  and  thoroughly  informed  in 
the  history  of  the  treatment  of  the  American  Indian  from  the 
time  of  the  old  royal  charters  and  patents  of  the  colonies  and 
provinces  to  the  present.      It  was,  besides  this,  a  clear  and 
logical  and  most  able  argument,  proving  beyond  question  that, 
the  transfer  of  this  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs  from  the  De 
partment  of  the  Interior  to  the  War  Department  would  be  a 
change  from  a  peace  policy  to  a  war  policy,  which  would  re 
sult  not  in  civilizing  the  Indian  but  in  exterminating  him ;  that, 
such  a  transfer  of  civil  administration  of  the  Government  to 
the  Military  Department  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our  in 
stitutions  and   the  fundamental    principles   upon  which    our 
Republic  is  based  ;  that,  in  the  opinions  of  enlightened  Chris 
tians,  philanthropists,  and  statesmen  possessed  of  that  knowl 
edge  of  Indian  character  and  Indian  life  which  would  make 


224  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

their  opinions  authoritative,  such  action  as  was  proposed 
would  be  in  fact  an  abandonment  of  the  peace  policy  and  of 
the  hope  of  civilizing  the  Indian  ;  and  further,  by  authentic 
citations  from  the  early  charters  and  the  pledges  made  by 
Washington  and  his  successors  and  by  the  ordinances  of  our 
Government  from  1775  to  the  present,  that  it  has  always  been 
the  policy  of  this  Government  to  civilize  the  Indian,  and  any 
departure  from  that  policy  would  be  an  act  of  perfidy  and  bad 
faith.  He  also  adduced  statistics  to  prove  that  the  Indians, 
instead  of  dying  out,  were  slightly  increasing,  and  that  out  of 
a  total  number  of  275,000  Indians,  100,000  of  them  might  al 
ready  be  termed  "  civilized,"  52,000  semi-civilized,  and  that 
44,000  of  the  entire  number  were  engaged  in  agricultural  pur 
suits.  "  Sir,"  said  he,  "when  I  look  at  these  statistics,  which 
seem  to  mark  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day  for  these  savage 
tribes,  and  in  the  light  of  past  history  contemplate  the  effect 
of  the  passage  of  this  bill,  I  grow  faint  and  sick."  And 
then,  with  cumulative  force  and  eloquence,  the  Senator  pro 
ceeded  : 

Will  we  dare  to  say,  in  the  face  of  all  these  facts, — unsatisfactory  as 
many  experiments  have  been,  when  we  look  at  the  isolated  facts, — that 
the  Indians  cannot  be  civilized  ?  Sir,  it  is  too  late  in  the  day  to  express 
such  an  opinion  as  that,  when  the  civilizing  forces  have  already  broken 
off  from  the  mass  more  than  half  its  bulk. 

I  tell  Senators,  now,  there  is  no  political  reputation  in  this  ;  there  is 
no  political  clap-trap  in  proving  to  the  country  that  you  have  no  faith 
in  civil  authority.  There  is  nothing  to  be  gained  by  trying  to  convince 
the  country  that  this  must  become  a  military  despotism.  The  man  who 
attempts  to  make  himself  a  popular  statesman  by  advocating  military 
authority  to  rule  over  civil  authority,  fails  to  utter  the  voice  of  the 
American  people.  Sir,  I  have  been  a  soldier  many  years  of  my  life,  and 
I  love  the  position  of  a  soldier.  I  was  fond  of  it  when  I  belonged  to  the 
army,  but  my  belonging  to  the  army  never  changed  my  education  so  far 
as  governmental  affairs  were  concerned.  I  have  learned  from  history,  by 
my  reading  from  my  childhood,  that  the  downfall  of  governments  was 
by  putting  power  in  military  hands.  I  have  learned  that  republics  must 
and  can  only  be  maintained  by  civil  authority,  not  by  military. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  22- 

"*  0 

Put  the  Indian  Department  under  the  War  Department,  the  Pension 
Bureau  next,  the  Land  Office  next,  abolish  the  Interior  Department 
next,  and  then  you  have  got  one-fourth  of  the  Government  under  the 
charge  of  the  military,  and  thus  a  long  step  taken  toward  the  resump 
tion  of  military  authority  in  this  country.  Remember  the  voices  of 
Clay  and  Webster,  of  the  great  statesmen  in  this  land,  against  the  usur 
pations  and  inroads  of  military  authority.  It  is  a  lesson  that  might 
well  be  learned,  now,  by  men  who  are  pluming  themselves  that  they  are 
becoming  great  statesmen.  Sir,  it  is  a  lesson  to  be  learned  by  the  ris 
ing  and  future  generations  ;  for  the  time  will  never  come  that  you  will 
satisfy  the  honest  people  of  this  country  by  making  them  believe  that 
they  are  not  fit  for  civil  government.  I  warn,  now,  the  party  that  un 
dertakes  this  step  in  politics  as  well  as  in  civilization  and  the  advance 
of  Christianity  in  this  country  ;  I  warn  the  man  of  his  future  who  does 
it  ;  for  there  is  not  an  honest  Christian  in  this  land,  be  he  of  whatever 
politics  he  may,  who  does  not  abhor  the  idea  of  military  government. 
He  believes  in  peaceful  means  in  bringing  about  civilization,  and  is 
willing  to  undertake  it  ;  and  do  not  deprive  him  of  the  opportunity. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  not  examined  in  order  to  see,  but  am  inclined 
to  believe  there  is  one  space  in  our  Centennial  display  which  remains 
unoccupied  :  that  is,  an  exhibit  of  the  effect  of  our  Indian  policy  dur 
ing  the  past  hundred  years.  There  may  be,  and  doubtless  are,  exhibits 
of  Indian  relics,  implements,  ornaments,  trappings,  etc.,  and  there  may 
be  examples  of  their  workmanship  and  evidences  of  their  recent  prog 
ress  in  the  arts  of  industry  ;  but,  sir,  I  scarcely  think  we  will  find  there 
a  list  of  the  tribes  which  once  flourished  on  the  soil  we  now  occupy,  but 
which  have  become  extinct  in  consequence  of  our  contact  with  them.  I 
presume  that  we  will  not  find  exhibited  there,  the  crimson  pages  of  our 
history,  stained  by  the  blood  of  unnecessary  Indian  wars.  I  presume, 
sir,  we  will  find,  there,  no  display  of  the  treaties  so  solemnly  made, 
which  have  been  ruthlessly  broken  in  our  anxiety  to  obtain  their  lands 
and  appropriate  their  possessions. 

There  may  be  antiquities  to  remind  us  of  the  days  of  William  Penn, 
but  we  will  scarcely  find  any  tokens  to  call  before  us  the  war  of  the 
Everglades,  and  the  history  of  the  Seminoles.  Sir,  I  fear,  nay,  I  should 
rather  say  I  rejoice,  to  think  this  space  is  left  vacant,  or  filled  with 
other  things  than  those  which  belong  there  properly. 

Had  I  the  time,  and  a  list  prepared,  I  would  present  in  array  one 
after  another  the  numerous  tribes  that  once  flourished  over  our  broad 
area,  but  have  silently  passed  into  oblivion  before  the  irresistible  prog 
ress  of  civilization,  with  scarcely  ah  effort  on  our  part  to  save  them 
from  extinction.  I  would  point  you  to  a  few  miserable  remnants  of 
15 


226  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

tribes,  who  once  sent  terror  through  our  borders,  when  provoked  by 
unnecessary  war  and  unwise  action  on  our  part.  That  some  have  met 
deserved  fate,  there  is  no  doubt ;  that  horrid  cruelties  have  darkened 
their  history,  cannot  be  denied  ;  but,  sir,  it  was  our  mission  to  redeem 
them  from  savage  life  and  elevate  them  in  the  scale  of  being  for  which 
they  were  formed.  And,  as  we  now  stand  upon  the  one  hundredth 
annual  round  of  our  national  existence  and  look  down  the  vista  oi' 
receding  years  can  we  contemplate  the  picture  without  a  single  pang 
of  remorse  ;  can  we  say  we  have  been  faithful  to  the  trust  reposed  in  us  ? 

Sir,  the  record  is  made,  the  history  is  written,  and,  although  much  of 
it  is  crimsoned  with  unnecessary  blood,  it  must  stand  ;  it  is  beyond  our 
power  now  to  change  it ;  but  the  present  and  the  future  are  not  beyond 
reach.  Let  us  then,  in  this  matter,  vindicate  our  right  to  the  name 
"Christian  nation,"  and  let  no  false  ideas  of  economy,  in  order  to  gain 
political  capital,  prevent  us  from  doing  our  duty,  and  whole  duty,  as  a 
nation,  to  these  unfortunate  and  degraded  people. 

One  single  item  in  the  Commissioner's  last  report,  small  as  it  is,  is 
sufficient  in  itself  to  justify  our  outlay  on  this  Bureau  ;  that  is,  that  the 
births  exceed  the  deaths.  It  indicates  that  the  tendency  to  extinction 
has  ceased,  and  that,  by  wise  measures  and  the  civilizing  process,  the 
forces  of  decay  may  be  checked. 

Why,  sir,  when  I  turn  away  from  the  sad  picture  of  the  past,  and 
look  forward  to  what  the  future  of  this  people  may  be  if  the  policy  now 
adopted  is  properly  sustained  and  the  system  for  accomplishing  the 
work  thoroughly  and  wisely  revised  and  placed  on  a  proper  footing,  I 
feel  a  deep  anxiety  to  have  my  name  recorded  as  one  of  the  advocates 
and  defenders  of  this  policy.  As  I  look  forward,  and  trace  the  history 
of  the  future,  as  the  veil  lifts  year  by  year,  and  see  one  after  another  of 
the  tribes  gathered  on  suitable  reservations  and  gradually,  though 
slowly,  learning  the  arts  of  husbandry,  and  the  children  gathered  in  the 
schoolrooms  and  gradually  acquiring  an  education  ;  as  I  see  the  females, 
now  beasts  of  burden,  step  by  step  acquiring  their  proper  position  in 
social  life, — it  binds  my  heart  to  ray  country  by  a  new  tie.  As  I  lengthen 
my  gaze,  and  look  a  little  farther,  I  see  waving  fields  of  grain  and  happy 
homes  where  once  roved  the  wild  buffalo  and  wilder  savages  ;  the  chil 
dren  of  these  once  savage  hordes  have  grown  into  manhood  and  woman 
hood  ;  they  have  taken  on  them  the  habiliments  of  civilization,  and  now 
no  longer  is  the  wild  war  whoop  heard  from  ocean  to  ocean,  no  longer 
is  there  need  for  a  military  post,  scout,  or  soldier  on  our  borders  of 
civilization,  for  we  have  none  save  the  ocean  bounds,  east  and  west,  and 
national  bounds,  north  and  south.  I  catch  one  more  glance  before  the 
vision  fades,  and  I  see  these  tribes,  redeemed  and  Christianized,  ad- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  227 

mitted  to  all  the  rights  of  civilization  and  citizenship,  and  side  by  side 
in  these  halls  sit  their  representatives  ;  and  I  listen  in  admiration  while 
that  native  eloquence,  now  educated  and  trained  in  all  the  arts  of  elo 
cution  and  oratory,  thrills  with  admiration  the  attentive  audience.  Sir, 
could  I  link  my  name  with  a  measure  which  will  result  in  this  end,  I 
would  feel  sure  that  it  would  live  and  endure  while  the  rolls  and  records 
of  time  endure. 

LOGAN'S  VIEWS  ON    FINANCE — NON-TAXABILITY  OF  BONDS  AND 
NOTES — -THE  NECESSITY  FOR  UPHOLDING  THE  CREDIT. 

In  the  course  of  a  speech  at  Clinton,  111.,  October  10, 
1878,  devoted  to  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  financial  ques 
tion,  General  Logan  said  : 

It  is  true  that  Government  bonds  are  not  taxable,  and  it  is  equally 
true  of  the  United  States  notes  (or  greenbacks) ;  and  why  should  they 
be  taxed  ?  Is  it  because  the  persons  holding  these  obligations  should  be 
made  to  pay  a  tax,  or  is  it  that  the  obligation  itself  should  be  taxed  ?  If 
it  is  the  obligation,  as  the  Democrats  say  in  platform  and  speeches,  I  say 
the  law  and  reason  for  the  same  is  against  them.  It  is  not  that  the 
holder  of  the  bond  or  greenback  is  exempt  .from  taxation  as  a  class. 
That  is  not  it,  but  that  the  credit  of  the  Government  is  protected 
thereby.  The  Government,  as  well  as  having  the  consent  of  the  peo 
ple  to  its  existence,  must  have  credit.  No  Government  can  long  exist 
without  credit :  without  it  the  machinery  cannot  work  ;  without  it  the 
power  to  preserve  itself  is  lost.  Armies  and  navies  would  melt 
away  ;  without  it,  wars  offensive  and  defensive  must  be  abandoned, 
and  Government  would  soon  be  disrupted.  Your  credit  is  the 
very  life-blood  of  your  nation.  On  it,  you  borrowed  money,  you  sold 
your  bonds,  you  put  your  notes  in  circulation,  and  now  maintain  them 
at  nearly  par.  By  your  credit,  you  organized  armies  and  navies  and 
suppressed  a  rebellion,  preserved  your  Nation  intact,  and  gave  that 
liberty  to  men  to  which  they  were  entitled.  This  being  so,  can  this, 
or  any  other  Nation,  allow  States  or  municipalities  to  depreciate  or 
cripple  it  by  taxing  the  credit  of  the  Sovereign  power  ?  To  permit  a 
State  to  tax  bonds  or  obligations  of  the  Government,  is  to  allow  the 
State,  the  county,  and  the  city,  to  attack  the  credit  and  the  power  under 
the  Constitution  to  borrow  money.  This  would  place  the  power  in 
States,  that  might  be  preparing  for  a  secession  from  the  Government, 
to  depreciate  the  credit  to  such  an  extent  that  the  Government  would 
be  powerless  to  protect  itself.  During  our  noble  existence,  as  a  Gov- 


228  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

ernment,  this  power  has  never  been  acknowledged,  and  at  no  time  has 
the  levy  of  a  tax  ever  been  permitted  on  any  stock,  certificates  of  in 
debtedness,  bonds,  or  currency  of  the  Government ;  nor  will  any  Gov 
ernment  accede  to  any  such  proposition.  This  attack  upon  the  credit 
of  the  Nation  is  not  of  recent  birth,  and  therefore  our  learned  states 
men  should  not  claim  a  patent  for  it.  At  first  blush  it  seems  proper, 
until  we  consider  the  matter  and  see  where  it  might  carry  us.  I  thought 
once,  without  examination  of  the  question,  that  it  might  be  done,  and  I 
say  now  to  our  opponents  that  then  I  was  only  as  wise  as  they  seem  to 
be  now.  [Laughter.]  In  South  Carolina,  in  1829,  prior  to  the  attempt 
of  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  adherents  to  establish  a  Southern  Confederacy, 
they  made  an  attack  upon  the  credit  of  the  Nation  by  levying  a  tax 
upon  the  stock  and  indebtedness  of  the  Government,  which  was  largely 
held  in  that  part  of  the  country.  A  tax  was  laid  upon  stock  of  the  Gov 
ernment  held  by  a  Mr.  Weston.  He  took  the  case  to  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court.  Chief-Justice  Marshall,  one  of  the  brightest  legal 
lights  that  ever  adorned  the  bench,  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  Court, 
and  in  this  case  of  Weston  vs.  The  City  of  Charleston,  Chief-Justice 
Marshall  says  :  "  A  tax  on  Government  stock  is  thought  by  this  court 
to  be  a  tax  on  the  contract,  a  tax  on  the  power  to  borrow  money  on  the 
credit  of  the  United  States,  and  consequently  repugnant  to  the  Consti 
tution."  And  since  this  decision  there  have  been  four  other  cases  de 
cided,  where  the  question  arose  on  the  taxing  of  Government  bonds, 
and  also  on  United  States  notes  (or  greenbacks),  and  it  has  been  uni 
versally  held  that  the  credit  of  the  Government  was  not  subject  to  taxa 
tion.  In  the  last  case,  decided  at  the  December  Term,  1868,  Chief- 
Justice  Chase  delivered  the  opinion,  and  declared  "greenbacks,"  as  they 
are  called,  not  subject  to  taxation,  being  obligations  of  the  Government. 
Now,  I  would  like  to  understand,  with  all  these  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court  on  the  subject,  and  the  reasons  for  them,  how  it  is  that  a  party, 
or  any  man,  claiming  to  treat  the  people  fairly  in  discussing  this  sub 
ject,  can  have  the  face  to  take  the  position  assumed  in  favor  of  taxing 
the  credit  of  the  Government.  And  now  we  say  to  them,  in  answer  to 
their  arraignment  on  this  point,  that  the  Republican  Party  stands  by 
the  precedents  of  all  civilized  and  commerciarnations  in  the  preserva 
tion  of  their  credit  ;  we  stand  by  the  uniform  precedents  of  our  own 
country  on  this  question  ;  we  stand  by  the  numerous  decisions  of  the 
Supreme  Court — Democratic,  Whig,  and  Republican — on  this  question  ; 
and  that  finally  we  stand,  as  it  were,  like  a  great  wall  between  the  credit 
of  the  Nation,  and  the  demagogues  who  would  now  assail  and  destroy 
it.  [Great  applause.]  The  next  assault  is  made  on  the  Republican 
Party  on  account  of  the  National  Banking  system.  It  is  proposed  to 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


229 


wipe  it  out  of  existence  without  giving  us  any  well-matured  plan  as  a 
substitute.  We  all  know  that  some  system  of  banking  will  be  carried 
on.  Commercial  countries  cannot  get  along  without  banks  in  some 
form,  as  a  convenience  to  trade.  For  seven  centuries  this  business  has 
been  carried  on.  When  we  had  the  Democratic  system  of  banks, 
although  in  this  State  based  upon  bonds,  they  were  found  to  be  unre 
liable  and  unsafe.  Our  currency  was  not  stable  or  in  any  way  reliable. 
It  was  not  suited  to  our  condition.  During  the  war,  the  system  of 
National  Banks  was  established,  the  currency  to  be  based  upon  our 
bonds,  for  security  and  protection  to  the  bill-holder.  The  bills  of  these 
banks  have  ever  been  as  good  as  United  States  notes,  and  as  secure  and 
reliable  for  all  practical  purposes.  They  were  established  to  aid  the 
Government  and  the  people.  They  will  be  a  great  aid  in  keeping 
all  our  circulating  currency  at  par  in  coin  when  specie  payments  are 
once  resumed.  With  their  notes  redeemable  in  United  States  notes, 
and  United  States  notes  in  coin,  we  will  be  able  to  float  nearly  twice 
the  amount  of  currency  at  par  that  we  could  with  the  whole  floated  as 
Government  notes  redeemable  in  coin  at  the  Treasury. 

THE  FOOTPRINTS  OF  PARTIES  ON    THE  AVENUES  OF  TIME WORDS 

OF   LIVING    LIGHT. 

In  the  same  great  speech,  the  following"  strikingly  earnest 
and  eloquent  passages  at  once  rivet  attention  and  carry  con 
viction  to  the  mind : 

Have  we  a  government  or  not  ?  If  we  have,  then  it  is  a  fixed  and 
stable  government?  And,  if  we  have  a  government  fixed,  stable,  and 
good,  shall  it  be  preserved  ?  [Voices  :  "  Yes,  yes."]  Shall  we  keep  it  ? 
Shall  we  suffer  ourselves  to  be  drawn  away  from  that  which  is  good,  by 
the  vagaries  of  men  without  reason  or  judgment?  Prior  to  the  year 
1860,  my  countrymen,  this  Government  was  in  the  control  of  men  whom 
we  cannot  call  its  friends  ;  and  when  I  say  this,  I  do  not  mean  either 
the  loyal  Democrats  or  the  loyal  Nationalists,  but  I  mean  that  element 
of  our  population  which  has  always  advocated  the  sovereignty  of  the 
State  as  superior  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Nation.  To-day  we  are  pre 
sented  with  rather  an  alarming  spectacle.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  of 
the  great  preponderance  in  population  and  means  contributed  to  the 
support  of  the  Government  by  that  section  of  the  country  which  re 
mained  loyal  to  it,  we  find  the  reins  of  government  gradually  moving 
into  the  hands,  not  of  the  loyal  Democrats,  nor  of  the  loyal  Nation 
alists,  but  of  the  very  men  who  made  war  against  it  and  did  their  ut- 


7.30  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

most  Jo  destroy  it.  People  may  call  me  prejudiced  if  they  will  ;  they 
may  declare  me  wrong ;  but  I  cannot  escape  the  feeling  that  the  man 
who  loved  his  country,  and  battled  for  it  in  the  hour  of  danger,  is  a 
safer  man  to  trust  with  its  care,  than  the  one  who  hated  and  sought  to 
uproot  and  overturn  it.  [Great  applause,  and  voices  crying,  "That's 
the  doctrine."]  The  loyal  people  of  the  North,  the  honest  men,  —  Re 
publican,  Democrat,  and  Nationalist  alike, — have  it  in  their  power  to 
control  our  affairs  to  the  end  of  keeping  the  Government  in  the  care  and 
ward  of  those  who  will  certainly  preserve  and  perpetuate  the  union  of 
the  American  States.  [Cheers.]  It  is  a  matter  they  should  seriously 
consider ;  for  if  it  is  again  placed  under  the  power  of  those  who  never 
had  any  belief  in  it,  no  man  can  forecast  the  result. 

In  this  emergency  I  appeal  to  the  young  men  of  the  country  to  look 
well  to  the  future.  Let  them  examine  men  and  measures  with  the  ut 
most  care.  Let  them  consider  the  men  who  have  stood  by  the  Gov 
ernment  in  its  hours  of  danger,  and  compare  with  them  those  who  are 
seeking  to  inaugurate  new  policies.  Let  them  compare  men  in  public 
life  as  they  compare  men  in  private  life,  and  let  them  compare  par 
ties  as  they  compare  their  neighbors.  Let  them  look  to  the  record  of 
parties  as  the  guarantees  of  conduct,  just  as  they  look  to  the  records 
of  individuals.  When  a  party  was  in  power,  what  was  its  record  ?  What 
was  its  history  ? — for  it  certainly  has  one  written  indelibly  upon  the 
page  of  events.  Everything  makes  a  history,  and  marks  out  a  path  as 
it  passes  down  the  avenues  of  time.  It  has  been  beautifully  said  that 
the  plant  and  the  pebble  are  both  attended  by  their  own  shadows.  The 
drop  of  water  falling  from  the  clouds  leaves  its  imprint  upon  the  sand, 
and  the  stone  which  rolls  from  the  mountain-top  scratches  its  course  to 
the  very  bottom.  The  mighty  river,  as  it  flows  majestically  along,  marks 
the  banks  which  hedge  it,  and  leaves  the  imprint  of  its  torrent  upon  the 
rocks  which  intercept  its  course.  In  every  aspect  in  which  we  view 
the  works  of  Nature,  we  find  them  leaving  their  own  history  for  the 
benefit  of  the  future. 

So  it  is  with  parties  of  men.  The  party  in  this  country  which  pre 
ceded  the  Republican  Party,  came  into  being,  passed  over  the  stage  of 
public  life,  and  made  a  public  record.  What  was  it  ?  It  is  written  on 
the  credit  of  our  country,  on  its  energies,  on  its  good  name.  It  moved 
along,  and  made  a  track  through  cities,  over  prairies,  across  rivers,  down 
railroads,  along  the  streams,  over  the  lakes,  and  upon  the  bosom  of  the 
mighty  ocean  ;  and  wherever  that  track  was  made  it  can  be  seen  to-day. 
The  stain  of  human  blood  is  upon  it.  And  when  you  view  the  move 
ment  of  the  party  which  has  thus  made  its  record,  you  will  find  it 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  231 

attended,  like  the  pebble  and  the  plant,  with  its  own  shadow — a  shadow 
which  casts  itself  forebodingly  into  the  future.  [Loud  applause.] 

How  has  it  been  with  the  Republican  Party,  my  friends  ?  What  has 
marked  its  pathway  ?  Examine  it  during  its  various  periods.  Examine 
it  when  it  sprang  into  existence,  as  the  child  from  the  lap  of  Liberty  ; 
tiien  during  its  maturity,  when  it  stood  before  the  nations  as  the  advo 
cate  and  dispenser  of  human  freedom  and  of  justice.  Mark  how  it 
sustained  the  good  name  and  credit  of  the  Government  during  trie  se 
verest  ordeal  to  which  a  nation  was  ever  subjected.  Follow  its  course, 
and  you  will  find  that  it  has  fulfilled  every  promise,  and  measured  up  to 
every  obligation.  All  along  the  pathway  of  this  remarkable  organiza 
tion  we  find,  where  thistles  once  grew,  flowers  and  roses  now  blossom. 
As  compared  with  the  parties  of  the  past,  it  will  go  down  to  history  as 
the  party  of  patriots  who  loved  their  native  land,  and  having  saved  it 
by  bravery  from  destruction,  exhibited  their  wisdom  and  sagacity  in 
those  essentials  of  statesmanship  which  go  hand  in  hand  with  patriotism. 
[Great  applause.] 

All  human  beings  are  liable  to  error,  and  it  would  be  strange  indeed 
if  the  Republican  Party  had  been  free  of  error  and  mistakes.  But  it 
can  point  proudly  to  the  fact  of  having  been  quick  to  perceive  its 
mistakes,  and  no  less  quick  to  mend  them.  Now,  when  a  party  has 
proven  itself  faithful  to  the  integrity  of  the  nation,  faithful  to  its  flag, 
faithful  to  its  glory,  and  faithful  to  the  spirit  of  our  free  institutions,  let 
me  ask  you  what  wisdom  there  is  in  putting  it  aside  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  dangerous  experiment  with  an  untried  party,  or  with  a  party 
that,  having  once  been  tried,  has  proven  itself  worse  than  a  failure  ? 
Why  is  it,  I  ask,  that  our  people  contemplate  the  perpetration  of  so 
great  a  folly  ?  It  must  certainly  arise  from  a  spirit  of  change  and 
unrest,  dangerous  to  the  last  degree.  Believe  me,  fellow-citizens,  it  is 
better  to  adopt  the  maxim,  "  Let  well  enough  alone,"  and  it  is  better 
to  trust  those  who  are  tried  than  those  who  pretend.  I  am  no  alarmist, 
my  friends,  but  I  fully  believe  that  our  Nation  is  now  undergoing  a 
test  which  must  decide  whether  it  will  be  permanent  enough.  To  you 
is  committed  this  great  question  ;  and  believe  me,  my  friends,  when  I 
say  that  you  can  do  no  better  than  trust  our  young  Republic  to  the 
party  which  has  proven  itself  a  kind  mother,  a  brave  defender,  and  the 
wisest  of  all  counsellors.  [The  speaker  retired  amid  long-continued 
cheers.] 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


THE   DIFFERENCE   BETWEEN   REAL    AND    REPRESENTATIVE    MONEY 

AND  "  FIAT  MONEY"  —A  PERTINENT  STORY. 

In  another  great  speech  at  Van  Wert,  O.,  September  2, 
1879,  devoted  almost  wholly  to  Finance,  General  Logan 
also  said  : 

The  Democrats,  and  Greenbackers,  say  that  the  Republican  Party 
does  not  understand  the  nature  of  our  Greenback  currency,  and  they 
propose  to  take  charge  of  it  themselves,  and  see  that  the  people  are 
posted.  When  the  Greenbacks  were  first  issued,  some  people  said  they 
were  worthless  rags,  etc.  Now,  however,  they  so  love  them  that  they 
are  determined  to  have  them  strewn  out  of  the  window  of  the  Treasury 
with  a  pitchfork,  so  that  anyone  can  have  as  many  as  he  wants  ;  and, 
strange  to  say,  whenever  we  speak  of  the  opposition  to  Greenbacks  in 
former  days,  and  the  affection  for  them  now,  the  Democracy  think  we 
are  shooting  at  them.  [Laughter.]  Their  conduct  in  this  particular 
reminds  me  of  a  friend  who  refused  to  attend  church  for  many  years, 
because,  he  said,  the  minister  preached  politics.  One  Sabbath,  how 
ever,  he  was  prevailed  on  to  go  with  a  lady  relative.  During  the  ser 
mon  the  minister  quoted  the  language,  "  The  wicked  shall  be  turned 
into  hell,  with  all  the  nations  that  forget  God."  This  gentleman  left 
the  church  at  once.  When  the  lady  relative  returned  to  his  house,  she 
inquired  why  he  left  church.  He  said  he  would  not  listen  to  a 'po 
litical  sermon.  The  lady  replied,  "  I  did  not  hear  any  politics."  He 
replied,  "Did  he  not  say  'The  wicked  shall  be  turned  into  hell,  with 
all  the  Nations  that  forget  God '  ?  "  The  lady  replied,  "  Yes,  but  what 
of  that  ?"  "Why,"  said  he,  "if  he  did  not  mean  the  Democratic  Party, 
who  the  devil  did  he  mean?"  [Prolonged  laughter.]  Now  I  do  not 
want  my  Democratic  and  Greenback  friends  to  get  themselves  so  mixed 
that  they  will  not  understand  who  is  meant.  [Laughter.]  But,  my 
friends,  the  Greenback  proposed  to-day  by  our  opponents — the  fiat 
currency,  without  the  promise  of  the  Government  to  pay, — is  not  the 
Greenback  of  the  Republican  Party.  The  Greenback  of  the  Repub 
lican  Party  is  the  one  that  contains  the  pledge  and  good  faith  of  the 
Government  as  to  the  volume  to  be  issued  ;  it  is  the  one  that  contains 
a  promise  to  pay ;  the  one  that  the  Supreme  Court  says  is  an  obligation 
of  the  Government  to  pay  in  coin  of  the  United  States  of  a  quantity 
and  fineness  authenticated  by  the  stamp  of  the  Government.  This  is 
our  Greenback,  and  we  have  kept  every  pledge  of  the  Government  in 
connection  with  it.  My  countrymen,  the  Republican  Greenback  came 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

forth  amid  storm  and  confusion,  with  a  promise  upon  its  face,  and  the 
hope  and  faith  of  the  Nation  bearing  it  along  to  the  performance  of 
a  great  work,  and,  in  obedience  to  our  legislation,  on  the  first  day  of 
January  last,  it  walked  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  there,  standing  in 
the  presence  of  the  gold  and  silver  which  glistened  upon  its  summit, 
did  say,  "I  am  here  in  accordance  with  the  promise  of  the  Republican 
Party,  that  I  shall  be  made  equal  in  value  with  coin  of  a  metallic 
ring,  and  I  demand  that  it  be  done" — and  it  has  been  done.  [Great 
applause.] 

Now,  my  friends,  let  us  glance  fora  moment  at  the  basis  upon  which 
rests  the  whole  theory  of  what  is  called  the  Greenback  creed  ;  improperly 
so  called,  however,  as  the  Greenback  belongs  to  the  Republican  Party 
by  patent  right,  and  the  use  of  its  name  in  designation  of  a  spurious 
article  is  as  unwarranted  as  it  is  dishonest.  But  the  basis  of  the  Green 
back  creed,  that  which  underlies  the  main  structure,  as  well  as  its  various 
wings  and  additions, — and  this,  too,  whether  promulgated  in  the  plat 
forms  of  the  National  Party,  or  the  Democratic  Party,  or  in  their  cam 
paign  documents,  or  by  their  speakers  on  the  stump, — is  the  simple  as 
sertion  that  a  government  has  the  power  to  create  money.  Now  you 
will  observe  that  there  is  a  broad  distinction  between  the  creation  of 
actual,  or  real,  money,  and  the  creation  of  representative  money.  Gov 
ernments  can  create  representative  money,  and  every  civilized  govern 
ment  of  the  world  probably  does  so  at  this  day.  But  mark  the  differ 
ence  between  real  money,  and  representative  money.  Real  money,  is 
something  which  has  an  exchangeable  value  among  all  commercial  na 
tions,  and  long  usage  has  constituted  the  precious  metals  the  materials 
of  which  it  shall  be  made.  Representative  money,  is  something  which 
represents  real  money. 

Gold  and  silver  are  the  metals  which,  by  universal  consent,  are  used 
as  the  standards  of  value.  And  being  so  recognized,  they  have  an  in 
herent  worth — that  is,  the  value  lies  within  the  thing  itself.  Now  paper, 
not  being  the  standard  of  value,  has  no  inherent  worth,  no  matter  what 
devices  may  be  printed  or  engraved  upon  it.  And  when  governments 
issue  notes,  for  convenience  of  handling  and  safety  against  loss  by  rob 
bery,  etc.,  they  can  only  have  a  value  in  so  far  as  they  represent  the 
recognized  standard  of  value.  Take  that  standard  from  behind  them, 
and  they  are  only  bits  of  paper.  Hence  you  see  it  is  impossible  to 
create  money  out  of  nothing.  A  man  may  give  you  his  note  of  hand, 
promising  to  pay  a  certain  sum  by  a  certain  date,  but  his  note  is  valu 
able  to  you  only  as  it  represents  an  ability  and  disposition  to  pay  that 
which  is  recognized  as  money  by  your  neighbors  and  \vill  be  taken  by 
them  in  exchange  for  articles  which  you  need.  But  the  Greenback 


234  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

theory  proposes  to  take  away  the  representative  character  of  the  bill  or 
note  entirely,  and  declare  that  a  certain  piece  of  paper  is  a  dollar  de 
facto.  They  declare  that  the  fiat  of  the  Government  is  potent  to  grve 
inherent  value  to  a  thing  which  the  world  around  us  lias  said  possesses 
none.  Of  all  the  schemes  for  an  inflated  currency  which  have  ever  been 
originated  by  the  nations  of  the  past  and  present  generations,  this  has 
the  least  merit  and  safety  under  it.  Even  the  South-Sea  bubble,  which 
involved  such  wide-spread  ruin,  as  well  as  the  assignat  heresy  of  after- 
years,  had  each  a  representative  value  to  commend  them  to  the  people. 
But  our  friends  of  the  irredeemable-Greenback  persuasion  have  such 
faith  in  the  power  of  the  Government  to  do  anything  it  chooses,  that 
they  believe  if  it  puts  a  declaration  upon  a  piece  of  blank  paper  like 
this,  for  a  thousand  dollars,  it  must  be  so.  Divinity  itself  could  scarcely 
go  further. 

My  friends,  I  could  make  this  thing  so  perfectly  ridiculous,  if  I  de 
sired  to  take  your  time,  that  it  would  be  very  laughable  ;  but  I  will  not. 

I  will,  however,  say  right  here,  that  if  we  all  desire  to  be  honest,  one 
with  another,  the  way  to  be  honest  is  to  demand  honesty  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  Let  your  Government  be  honest,  and  let  your  citizens  be 
honest.  Learn  to  adopt  the  same  rule.  Then  if  you  want  to  be  honest, 
have  honest  money,  and  you  will  have  honest  dealings.  Let  your  money 
have  a  fixed  value,  whether  gold,  silver,  or  paper  ;  let  it  all  be  of  the 
same  value,  having  the  same  purchasing  power,  and  then  nobody  will 
be  cheated.  Whenever  you  make  money  not  redeemable  in  coin,  or 
whenever  you  make  it  of  any  character  not  having  a  standard  purchasing 
power,  you  cheat  somebody.  Any  person  who  holds  such  a  dollar,  when 
the  time  comes  to  make  a  change, — to  make  its  value  equal  with  others 
of  higher  value, — is  defrauded,  because  the  holder  has  something  which 
is  then  worth  less  in  money,  or  which  has  not  the  full  value  of  a  dollar, 
so  that  somebody  must  be  cheated. 

It  reminds  me  a  good  deal  of  an  old  farmer,  who  had  studied  finance 
for  years.  When  this  Greenback  question  came  up  in  Congress,  he 
wrote  to  his  representative  in  Congress,  stating  that  he  had  been  a 
Democrat,  and  a  Whig,  and  everything,  and  had  studied  all  the  systems 
of  finance.  Said  he,  "  I  have  been  a  hard-money  Democrat," — just  like 
all  those  Democrats  have  been, — "then  I  got  to  be  a  soft-money  Demo 
crat," — just  like  most  of  our  Democrats  have  got  to  be  ;  "  but,"  said  he, 
"  after  try-ing  that  a  while,  to  write  you  the  plain,  honest  truth,  I  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  only  way  to  have  a  dollar  is  to  have 
a  hundred  cents  in  it,  and  then  nobody  is  cheated."  [Laughter.]  And 
that  is  the  only  way.  Three  pecks  of  wheat  never  made  a  bushel,  in 
the  world,  and  the  man  that  buys  three  pecks  for  a  bushel  is  cheated 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  235 

always.  So  it  is  with  your  money.  Eighty  cents  never  was  a  dollar  ; 
eighty-five  cents  never  was  a  dollar ;  and  ninety  cents  never  was.  It 
takes  one  hundred  cents  to  make  a  dollar,  in  either  paper-currency, 
silver,  or  gold. 

A  COINCIDENCE GENERAL    LOGAN  AGAIN    ELECTED  TO  THE  U.  S. 

SENATE GREAT  REJOICINGS  OVER  IT,  EVERYWHERE — HIS  WEL 
COME  TO  CARBONDALE GRAND  WELCOME  BACK  TO  WASHING 
TON — SENATOR  LOGAN'S  GREAT  SPEECH  AT  THE  NATIONAL 

CAPITAL HIS    FIRST    ACT,  ON    RETURNING    TO  THE    SENATE,  IS 

IN  BEHALF  OF  THE  OLD  SOLDIERS. 

It  is  rather  a  curious  coincidence,  that,  within  the  same 
twenty-four  hours,  General  Logan  was  renominated  by  the 
Republican  caucus  for  United  States  Senator  of  Illinois,  and 
the  Arrearages  of  Pensions  Bill  got  through  both  Houses  of 
Congress.  A  Chicago  paper  of  January  16,  1879,  thus 
alludes  to  the  latter  event. 

The  bill  for  the  payment  of  arrearages  of  pensions  passed  the  Senate 
yesterday,  and  thus,  unless  disapproved  by  the  President,  which  is  very 
improbable,  becomes  a  law.  The  passage  of  the  bill  will  bring  joy  to 
the  hearts  of  the  thousands  of  pensioners,  widows  of  soldiers,  and  their 
children,  throughout  the  country.  It  is  a  measure  that  General  Logan 
has  labored  for  years  to  have  enacted,  both  in  the  House  and  Senate, 
and  its  final  passage  is  largely  owing  to  the  good  work  he  did  for  it  in 
its  incipiency. 

General  Logan  was  re-elected  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
January  22,  1879.  While  the  Senatorial  contest  was  pending, 
and  looking  doubtful,  Republican  papers  from  one  end  of  the 
land  to  the  other,  representing  the  interest  their  supporters 
felt  in  the  issue  of  the  struggle,  spoke  highly  of  his  services 
in  that  body,  and  expressed  a  hope  that  he  would  be  re- 
elected.  The  Albia,  la.,  Union,  January  2,  1.879,  sa^  :  "  The 
whole  country  is  taking  a  lively  interest  in  the  selection  of 
the  next  U.  S.  Senator  from  Illinois ;  and  well  it  may,  for  it 
is  a  matter  which  concerns  the  whole  country."  Said  the 


236  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Burlington,  la.,  Hawkey  e  :  "The  exigencies  of  the  times  re 
quire  the  presence  of  men  like  Major- General  John  A.  Logan 
in  the  Senate."  The  same  paper  also  said:  "The  Inter- 
Ocean  makes  a  good  point  when  it  says  that  the  election  of 
General  Logan  will  have  an  excellent  effect  both  on  the 
Northern  Republicans,  and  Southern  bulldozers.  It  will  en 
courage  the  former  to  believe  that  the  day  of  the  negative 
politician  is  over,  while  it  will  give  the  latter  to  understand 
that  while  the  South  is  putting  her  Wade  Hamptons  forward, 
the  North  proposes  to  meet  them  with  timber  every  bit  as 
tough  .and  wiry,  and,  in  short,  to  give  them,  at  every  turn,  a 
Roland  for  an  Oliver.  The  country  has  had  enough  nega 
tive  men.  While  Northern  sentimentalism  has  sent  a  few 
negative  men  to  the  front,  the  South  has  called  its  Ben  Hills, 
Hamptons,  Butlers,  Gordons,  and  other  positive,  earnest  Con 
federate  leaders  to  look  after  its  interests  in  the  National 
Government."  This  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  remarks  of  Re 
publican  papers  everywhere.  Of  course,  Illinois  itself  was 
stirred  to  its  very  depths — nowhere  more  than  in  Egypt,  as 
the  following  lines,  expressing  the  current  feeling  there,  will 
tend  to  show : 

LOGAN. 

BY    AN    EGYPTIAN    FARMER. 

When  from  the  halls  of  Congress  flew 
Part  of  Democracy's  grim  crew, 
And  swore  the  Union's  strongest  band 
Was  but  a  rope  of  crumbling  sand, 
The  North  a  while,  in  deep  suspense, 
Awaited  their  returning  sense  : 
Vain  phantom,  baseless,  empty  bliss — 
He  waits  in  vain  who  waits  on  this  ! 

But  when  along  our  Southern  sky 
Their  alien  flag  was  seen  to  fly, 
A  few  brave  hearts,  and  strong,  and  true, 
Stood  faithful,  in  this  faithless  crew  ; 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  237 

Then  Logan  spake  the  thrilling  word 
Which  all  the  Sons  of  Egypt  heard, 
And  thronging  hosts  with  martial  tramp 
Went  marching  to  their  country's  camp. 

This  gallant  man,  as  by  a  spell, 
Those  thronging  thousands  followed  well  ; 
And  all  his  comrades  at  the  front —    . 
When  war  waged  fiercer  than  its  wont, 
And  shook  the  earth  and  throbbed  the  air — 
Knew  Logan  and  his  men  were  there. 

Eighteen  long  years  have  flung  their  chime 
Along  the  corridors  of  time  : 
This  crew  returns  ;  the  frosts  of  age, 
And  Logan's  steel,  have  cooled  their  rage. 
Shall  these  come  back  to  rule  the  State, 
And  gallant  men  like  Logan  wait  ? 
On  war's  grim  field  he  met  this  crew  ; 
In  Congress  let  him  meet  them  too  ! 
The  hosts  that  saved  our  flag  declare 
That  Logan  too  should  meet  them  there. 

His  re-election,  in  view  of  the  heavy  fight  made  against 
him,  was  a  great  personal  victory,  and  Republican  news 
papers  everywhere  expressed  their  gratification  and  that  of 
the  country  thereat.  Even  papers  abroad  joined  in  the  ac 
claim.  Said  the  American  Trader,  London,  England,  Feb 
ruary  15,  1879: 

The  election  of  General  Logan  to  the  United  States  Senate  from 
Illinois  has,  in  view  of  the  menacing  attitude  of  the  "  Solid  South,"  a 
deep  political  meaning,  as  indicating  the  Northern  spirit  which  the  re 
constructed  States  will  encounter  when,  with  the  aid  of  their  ancient 
Democratic  allies,  they  control  legislation  in  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
In  a  larger  degree  than  any  other  American,  Senator  Logan  possesses 
in  his  character  and  record  the  principles  and  feelings  which  won  the 
martyred  Lincoln  the  enlightened  trust  of  all  Union-loving  patriots. 
.  .  .  That  the  feeling  of  the  white  political  class  of  the  Southern  States 
is  unsubdued  and  bitterly  hostile  cannot  be  denied,  all  senseless  and  un 
worthy  as  it  is  ;  and  until  better  counsels  possess  their  leaders,  vigilance 
sharpened  by  experience  will  be  requisite  in  Congress  if  the  country  is 


238  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

to  be  spared  another  civil  war.  Revenge  still  lives  in  hearts  that  should 
be  filled  with  gratitude  for  unexampled  leniency  ;  enormous  war-claims, 
as  the  Confederate  debt,  are  to  be  pressed  for  payment,  the  army  dis 
banded  or  quite  abolished — these  are  the  dangers  which  threaten  the 
Nation  at  the  hands  of  men  who  do  not  love  but  hate  the  Union  they 
are  forced  to  live  in.  But  the  presence  of  one  in  their  midst  whom  they 
fear  and  can  never  again  deceive  ;  who  knows  all  their  arts  and  intents, 
and  whom  the  past -has  taught  them  to  respect — will  make  them  pause 
when  plotting  vengeance  or  for  mastery.  Republics  are  reputed  ungrate 
ful  ;  but  it  is  a  hopeful  sign  when  services  such  as  General  Logan  has 
rendered  are  fittingly  rewarded,  as  have  been  his  in  this  second  call  by 
his  State  to  her  highest  honors  ;  and  his  countrymen  will  repose  in  con 
fidence  that  all  is  well  at  Washington  when  the  tried  soldier  is  on  guard. 

Invited  to  address  the  Legislature  of  Illinois,  in  joint 
convention,  after  his  re-election,  he  did  so  in  a  speech  in 
which  he  dwelt  emphatically  upon  the  duty  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  protect  all  its  citizens  everywhere,  in  a  similar  strain 
to  that  in  which  he  afterward  spoke  in  Washington ;  and 
declared  that  "  the  Republicans  will  stand  by  the  proposition 
that  all  paper  currency  shall  be  convertible  into  coin  at  the 
option  of  the  holder,  now  and  in  the  future."  On  February 
9th  he  paid  a  flying  visit  to  his  old  home  in  the  village  of 
Carbondale.  Its  population  is  but  2,500  people,  yet  upon 
his  arrival  there,  "  3,000  were  waiting  to  greet  him."  In  the 
Inter- Ocean  account,  it  is  stated  that  "his  stanch  old 
Egyptian  friends  by  the  thousand  had  resolved  to  congrat 
ulate  him  upon  his  recent  proud  victory.  The  outpouring 
of  the  people  was  not  confined  to  political  parties.  There 
were  hundreds  of  Stalwart  Democrats  and  scores  of  Green- 
backers.  All  wanted  to  see  John  A.  Logan,  their  old  friend." 
It  was  an  affecting  and  immense  ovation.  So  also  at  Wash 
ington,  upon  his  return,  he  was  received  with  a  salute  of 
thirty-seven  guns,  taken  in  charge  by  a  distinguished  recep 
tion  committee,  seated  in  a  carriage  of  honor  drawn  by  four 
white  horses,  and  escorted  by  a  grand  procession,  in  a  blaze 
of  pyrotechnic  lights,  to  Willard's,  where  other  thousands 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  239 

renewed  the  welcome  with  protracted  cheers.  It  was  a  most 
imposing1  demonstration,  and  fitly  typified  at  the  Nation's 
capital  the  joy  which  animated  every  patriotic  heart  to  its 
remotest  borders.  And  the  response  which  he  made  to  the 
address  of  welcome  was  no  less  notable  and  stirring  for  its 
eloquence,  its  patriotism,  and  statesmanship.  Said  he  : 

Travel-worn  by  the  journey  from  my  home  in  the  far  Northwest  to 
the  cherished  capital  of  our  Nation,  I  feel  unable  adequately  to  express 
the  gratitude  and  enthusiasm  with  which  this  distinguished  mark  of 
your  esteem  has  inspired  me  ;  but  let  me  say  to  you,  my  countrymen, 
friends,  and  former  comrades-in-arms,  my  heart  beats  in  unison  with 
yours  in  all  that  pertains  to  our  common  humanity  and  to  our  common 
citizenship ;  and  I  here  renew  the  vow  which  I  made  upon  my  first 
entrance  into  public  life — to  devote  myself  to  the  great  interests  of  the 
people,  and  look  for  my  best  reward  in  the  simple  knowledge  that  I 
have  been  true  to  those  interests  and  have  done  something  toward 
promoting  them.  [Applause.] 

When  I  look  upon  that  magnificent  building,  my  fellow-citizens, 
which  the  American  people  have  reared  as  the  emblem  of  their 
country's  greatness,  and  beneath  whose  shadows  we  are  standing 
to-night,  I  remember  that  the  beautiful  marbles  and  huge  limestones  of 
which  it  is  largely  composed  are  made  up  of  minute  animals  whose 
lives  were  passed  in  the  dim  perspective  of  the  world's  early  morning, 
who  strutted  their  brief  hour  across  the  stage  of  life,  and  in  dying  left 
their  shells  as  the  lasting  contribution  of  each  infinitesimal  creature 
toward  the  formation  of  the  eternal  rocks  ;  and  now,  after  the  birth  of 
many,  many  centuries,  and  the  death  of  ages,  every  one  of  these  little 
prototypes  that  bathed  in  the  waters  of  seas  which  mortal  eyes  have 
never  seen,  but  of  whose  existence  the  man  of  science  finds  ample 
demonstration,  is  represented  in  that  imposing  pile  which  marks  the 
last  and  best  achievement  of  our  race — a  government  of  the  people. 
[Cheers.]  And,  fellow-citizens,  no  higher  ambition  can  any  of  us  have 
than  the  work  typified  by  the  life  and  death  of  the  little  shell-fish  of  the 
ancient  seas.  If  in  our  lives  we  can  contribute  a  single  atom  to  the 
great  temple  of  human  freedom  and  progress,  we  shall  have  left  foot 
prints  of  our  existence  which  the  march  of  all  the  coming  centuries 
will  not  be  potent  to  obliterate. 

Twenty-one  years  ago  I  entered  the  Lower  House  of  Congress  as 
the  Representative  of  a  district  of  my  native  State  whose  people  were 
strongly  indoctrinated  with  the  then  creed  of  the  Democratic  Party. 


240 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Reared  in  those  principles  myself,  they  were  the  inheritance  from  my 
political  parentage,  and  I  accepted  them  as  the  pupil  does  the  axioms 
of  his  teachers.  I  have  sometimes  been  taunted  by  adversaries  with 
this  early  record,  but  I  now  leave  to  you  as  impartial  judges  whether 
I  have  not  kept  abreast  of  the  wonderful  events  and  progress  of  the 
times  produced  by  Republican  ideas.  [Loud  cheering.] 

Twenty  years,  fellow-citizens,  make  astounding  changes  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  human  race.  The  old  doctrine  that  the  sun  went  around 
the  earth  was  suddenly  stranded  upon  the  shores  of  error  in  greatly  less 
than  twenty  years.  The  conception  and  achievement  of  the  steam-en 
gine,  which  has  so  revolutionized  industry,  travel,  and  comfort,  were 
hardly  separated  by  the  period  of  twenty  years.  The  bold  thought  of 
Morse  to  capture  the  lightning  was  followed  by  the  very  act  of  har 
nessing  the  destructive  steed  for  the  use  of  man,  in  less  than  twenty 
years.  The  step  from  the  Declaration  in  Independence  Hall,  to  the 
achievement  at  Yorktown,  was  accomplished  in  less  than  half  of  twenty 
years.  And  it  remained  for  a  period  of  four  short  years — though  these 
were  crowded  with  events  the  most  momentous  ever  compressed  within 
a  time  so  brief — that  period,  fellow-citizens,  embraced  between  the  firing 
of  a  gun  at  Fort  Sumter  in  April,  1861,  and  the  surrender  of  a  sword  at 
Appomattox  in  1865 — to  ratify  the  principle  proclaimed  in  1776,  that 
"all  men  are  created  equal,"  and  give  it  practical  existence,  by  strik 
ing  the  chains  from  the  bleeding  limbs  of  four  million  bondmen. 
[Cheering.] 

The  human  mind  does  not  revolve,  but  progresses  in  a  straight  line 
toward  the  great  centre  of  ultimate  perfection  ;  and  in  twenty  years  the 
milestones  upon  the  highway  of  progress  vanish  to  the  rear  with  light 
ning  rapidity.  The  accepted  thing  of  to-day,  is  improved  to-morrow, 
and  both  become  antiquated  next  year.  Nation  has  succeeded  nation, 
in  the  history  of  the  world,  and  government  has  followed  government. 
Evolution  has  been  a  living  principle,  running  through  all  ages,  and 
has  brought  communities  from  the  original  relations  of  tribes,  through 
the  many  forms  of  government,  to  the  latest  and  noblest  offspring  of 
time — our  own  free  America. 

But  we  must  not  flatter  ourselves  that  we  have  nearly  reached  per 
fection  of  government.  We  must  go  forward,  and  take  no  backward 
step.  There  are  those  who  denounce  progress  ;  there  are  those  who 
would  abolish  free  schools  ;  there  are  those  who  would  degrade  labor  ; 
who  would  obliterate  the  doctrine  of  human  equality  before  the  law 
from  the  statutes  of  an  enlightened  nation,  who  would  gladly  return 
to  the  day  of  sceptred  power,  and  strike  down  the  rule  of  the  common 
people.  It  is  this  fear,  fellow-citizens,  that  has  prompted  the  people  to 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


241 


place  themselves  upon  the  ramparts  of  their  own  rights,  and  their 
guards  upon  the  watch-tower.  [Applause.] 

To  be  a  representative,  in  the  National  Senate,  of  a  commonwealth 
at  this  time  only  third  as  regards  population  and  wealth  in  a  nation  ad 
mittedly  in  advance  of  any  other  ;  to  assist  in  making  laws  for  a  people 
enlightened,  wise,  and  virtuous — is  certainly  an  honor  of  which  any 
man  may  be  proud.  To  the  fellow-citizens  of  my  own  State  I  am  pro 
foundly  grateful  for  the  mark  of  confidence  and  esteem  signalized  by 
my  re-election  to  the  responsible  position  I  have  heretofore  held  ;  and 
to  you,  fellow-citizens  of  Washington  City  and  other  localities,  who,  by 
your  demonstration  to-night,  have  ratified  the  act  of  my  immediate 
neighbors,  I  am  likewise  profoundly  grateful. 

I  see  many  of  my  Illinois  friends  here  to-night — gentlemen  who 
have  been  intimately  connected  with  me  in  the  effort  to  advance  the 
best  interests  of  our  State  and  Nation  ;  and  I  wish  to  say  that,  while  we 
are  determined  to  know  no  sectional  divisions  in  this  great  country, 
our  people  are  ever  ready  to  lay  their  lives  upon  the  altar  of  national 
honor,  unity,  and  equality, — to  contribute  millions,  if  need  be,  to  save 
the  lives  of  pestilence-stricken  citizens  of  other  States. 

I  see  here  also  various  worthy  representatives  of  labor.  All  legiti 
mate  interests  should  be  fostered  ;  and  labor,  which  is  the  work  upon 
which  is  built  our  national  wealth  and  power,  should  be  protected  in  all 
the  rights  which  belong  to  it,  and  elevated  to  a  recognized  position  of 
honor  and  dignity.  [Applause.]  We  are  a  nation  of  laborers,  a  com 
munity  of  toilers.  We  should  have  no  class  interests  inimical  to  the 
general  good  in  this  free  country ;  but,  recognizing  our  National  de 
pendence,  we  should  earnestly  endeavor  to  advance  the  interests  of  each 
and  every  member  of  our  National  family. 

To  you,  my  friends,  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  our  country,  who  have 
stood  in  the  deadly  breach,  and  faced  the  iron  hail  of  treason,  I  must  say 
a  few  words  in  conclusion.  We  need  no  introduction  ;  we  have  been  com 
rades-in-arms  ;  we  have  shared  and  faced  dangers  together  in  defence 
of  our  country.  As  a  soldier  I  never  did  a  worthy  act  that  my  fellow- 
soldiers  did  not  unselfishly  applaud.  There  are  no  politicians  among 
you.  Honor  and  merit  are  the  standards  by  which  you  judge  your  fel 
lows,  and  the  humblest  private  that  ever  stood  up  in  defence  of  his 
country's  cause  is  the  peer  of  the  wisest  statesman.  I  am  proud  to  have 
been  one  of  you,  and  to  receive  this  recognition  at  your  hands.  Com 
rades,  I  greet  you  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  a  fellow-soldier. 

But,  my  friends,  my  remarks  have  grown  to  a  greater  length  than 
they  should.  I  must  hasten.  [Cries  of  "  Go  on  !  "]  We  are  ploughing 

over  the  sea  of  progress.     It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if  there  were  no 
16 


242 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


rocks  to  avoid,  no  shallows  to  wade.  Grave  issues  will  be  before  the 
country.  We  must  try  to  find  their  best  solution.  I  despise  the  narrow 
idea  of  locality.  I  know  no  boundary-lines  except  those  beyond  which 
the  title  of  American  citizen  is  lost. 

I  will  go  as  far  as  any  man  can  properly  go  to  accomplish  unity  and 
fraternity  among  the  people  of  the  States,  but  I  will  not  consent  to  the 
crucifying  of  the  National  life  upon  the  stunted  tree  of  State  Sovereignty. 
[Loud  cheering.] 

My  friends,  we  now  see  our  country  again  beginning  to  march  on 
the  road  of  prosperity.  There  are  certain  things  we  should  all  stand  by, 
and  insist  upon  : 

First.  That  specie  resumption  must  be  maintained, — honest  money 
alike  for  the  poor  and  the  rich.  [Cheers.] 

Second.  That  provision  should  be  made  to  forever  bar  claims  against 
the  Government — of  any  and  all  persons  not  positively  and  openly  favor 
ing  the  Union — for  damages,  supplies  taken,  etc.,  during  the  rebellion. 

Third.  That  every  citizen  owes  to  his  Government  his  best  efforts 
for  his  protection  and  preservation  against  foreign  and  domestic  ene 
mies,  and  that  the  Government  is  bound  to  give  such  protection  as  it 
can  to  its  citizens  on  land  and  sea,  at  home  and  abroad  ;  and  when 
political  rights  are  guaranteed  under  our  Constitution,  there  should  be 
no  distinction  made — those  guaranteed  to  one  being  as  sacred  as  those 
guaranteed  to  another — between  white  or  black,  rich  or  poor,  in  Illi 
nois  or  South  Carolina.  [Cheering.]  And  where  the  authorities  of  a 
State  are  powerless,  or  where  they  refuse  to  protect  citizens  or  com 
munities  against  armed  mobs,  while  attempting  to  exercise  such  politi 
cal  rights  as  have  been  granted  them,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government 
to  use  such  power  as  it  possesses  to  protect  these  citizens  in  the  exer 
cise  of  such  rights. 

These  propositions  I  propose  to  stand  by,  come  what  will.     [Cheers.] 

Again,  my  friends,  I  thank  you,  one  and  all,  for  this  flattering  demon 
stration,  and  I  assure  you  that  it  is  responded  to  by  my  heart  of  hearts, 
with  one  regret — which  is,  that  the  full  depths  of  my  appreciation  can 
not  find  more  eloquent  utterance.  [Continued  applause.] 

Scarcely  had  he  taken  his  old  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  than  he  again  introduced  a  bill  for  the  equalization 
of  bounties  for  soldiers  of  the  war.  The  Massac  Journal, 
March  29,  1879,  thus  referred  to  it: 

Senator  Logan  has  introduced  a  bill  into  the  United  States  Senate 
for  the  equalization  of  bounties.  This  is  Logan's  pet  measure,  which 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  243 

was  once  vetoed  by  President  Grant.  It  is  a  measure  of  such  manifest 
justice  that  it  ought  to  become  a  law  without  unnecessary  delay.  Logan 
•deserves  well  of  soldiers  and  their  friends.  He  is  always  ready  and  will 
ing  to  do  what  he  can  for  their  relief. 

SENATOR    LOGAN'S    GREAT    SPEECH,   IN    1879,   ON    THE    ARMY 

APPROPRIATION       BILL HIS       BRAVE      WORDS      AND      SOLEMN 

WARNING     TO     THE     REVOLUTIONARY     DEMOCRACY. 

The  failure  of  the  Forty-fifth  Congress  to  make  appro 
priations  for  the  army,  and  for  legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial  purposes,  made  it  necessary  to  call  the  Forty-sixth 
Congress  together  in  extra  or  special  session.  In  the  Forty- 
fifth  Congress,  the  House  of  Representatives  was  Demo 
cratic,  the  Senate  Republican.  It  was  known  that  the  next 
Senate  would  be  Democratic  as  well  as  the  House.  A  horde 
of  hungry  Democrats  looked  longingly  upon  the  patronage 
of  the  Senate,  which  in  time  would  be  theirs,  and  resolved  to 
hasten  the  day  when  they  could  seize  it.  It  was  from  this 
quarter  first  came  the  suggestions  of  the  revolutionary  fight 
made  in  the  House.  They  knew  that,  if  appropriations 
failed,  an  extra  session  must  be  called — and  with  that  would 
come  the  coveted  offices.  Their  success  in  this  respect  was 
complete.  Meanwhile,  however,  some  of  the  Democratic 
leaders,  getting  interested  in  the  revolutionary  work,  warmed 
themselves  up  into  the  belief  that  they  were  occupying  high 
constitutional  ground — that  they  were  imitating  the  patriot 
ism  of  the  commons  of  England  in  their  memorable  contests 
with  royal  prerogative — and  actually  persuaded  their  political 
consciences  that  this  would  prove  a  popular  course,  and  a 
winning  issue  for  them,  in  the  ensuing  Presidential  campaign. 
That  issue,  as  stated  by  Senator  Thurman  for  the  Demo 
cratic  Party,  whose  candidate  perhaps  he  would  have  liked 
to  be,  was  this  :  "  We  claim  the  right,  which  the  House  of 
Commons  in  England  established  after  two  centuries  of  con 
test,  to  say  that  we  will  not  grant  the  money  of  the  people 
unless  there  is  a  redress  of  grievances." 


244  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

The  House  and  Senate  got  into  a  deadlock  on  the  Demo* 
cratic  plan  of  redressing  these  imaginary  grievances,  and  so 
the  appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  Government  failed, 
and  the  extra  session  ensued.  The  result  of  this  extra  ses 
sion  was  that  the  Democrats  got  the  Senate  offices,  but 
owing  to  the  gallant  fight  made,  in  both  House  and  Senate, 
against  the  Democratic  revolutionists,  they  were  ultimately 
forced  to  abandon  their  revolutionary  programme.  In  this 
memorable  legislative  fight,  Senator  Logan, — who,  having 
been  re-elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  vice  Oglesby,  had 
taken  his  seat  March  18,  1879 — distinguished  himself  in  a  tell 
ing  speech  (April  15,  1879)  on  the  Army  Appropriation  Bill— 
a  speech  which  presented  a  singularly  clear  analysis  of  the 
relations  of  the  army  to  the  civil  power  of  the  Government, 
as  well  as  a  strong  denunciation  of  the  mischievous  and 
unconstitutional  and  revolutionary  nature  of  the  Democratic 
attempt  to  force  Executive  approval,  of  their  obnoxious 
"riders"  upon  appropriation  bills,  under  the  threat  of 
otherwise  withholding  appropriations.  In  that  speech,  Sen 
ator  Logan  said : 

I  cannot  but  regard  the  question  which  has  arisen  from  this  first 
move  of  the  Democratic  Party,  upon  their  re-establishment  in  power, 
looking  to  the  grasping  of  the  Government,  as  absolutely  the  most  im 
portant  as  well  as  the  most  vital  question  which  has  presented  itself  as 
a  menace  to  our  Government  since  the  year  1861,  when  the  same  senti 
ment,  as  well  as  many  of  the  same  men,  aimed  a  blow  at  the  integrity 
of  our  country.  .  .  . 

The  people  are  the  sovereigns  of  our  country,  and  that  measure 
which  cannot  go  before  them  on  its  merits,  and  abide  the  time  and 
manner  of  their  decision,  is  weak,  probably  bad,  and  almost  certainly 
in  the  interest  of  the  few,  as  against  the  interest  of  the  many.  Look 
for  a  moment,  sir,  at  the  history  of  this  measure,  which  proposes  legis 
lation  of  the  most  radical  character.  At  no  period  of  its  history  has  the 
measure  appeared  in  the  form  of  independent  legislation.  Originally 
introduced  into  the  last  House,  when  the  Senate  was  Republican  in  its 
majority,  the  evident  purpose  was  to  compel  the  Senate's  acquiescence 
in  a  proposition  which,  as  a  measure  appealing  to  their  judgment  and 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  245 

sense  of  right,  they  could  not  indorse.  Now  that  the  majority  of  the 
Senate  has  become  Democratic,  it  is  again  before  Congress  with 
the  expectation  that  the  Senate  in  passing  it  will  assist  in  influencing  the 
last  obstacle  to  its  success — the  Presidential  scrutiny.  Plainly  enough 
this  course  implies  compulsion  ;  unusual  and  unrecognized  methods  of 
accomplishment,  as  well  as  fear  to  abide  by  the  test  of  inherent  merit. 
Note  the  violent  circumstances,  so  to  speak,  under  which  it  was  forced 
upon  the  last  Congress  :  parliamentary  rules  providing  that  no  legisla 
tion  should  be  affixed  to  appropriation  bills  unless  not  only  germane  to 
the  subject,  but  likewise  retrenching  in  character,  must  be  overridden, 
rendered  useless  and  nugatory,  in  order  to  force  this  character  of  legis 
lation  upon  the  country.  I  have  no  desire  to  criticise  the  purposes  of 
any  legislator  in  the  discharge  of  his  functions,  but  I  draw  attention  to 
this  point  as  tending  to  show  the  determination  to  consummate  this 
piece  of  proposed  legislation  against  time,  against  argument,  against 
the  co-operative  branches  of  the  Government,  and  against  the  people, 
who,  it  must  be  presumed,  are  not  to  be  trusted  with  the  decision  of 
this  question. 

Now,  sir,  I  say  the  methods  by  which  this  legislation  is  attempted 
are  bad  upon  their  face,  and  argue  in  convincing  terms  against  its  pro 
priety.  .  .  . 

Our  Government  is  one  of  co-ordinate  powers  which  have  mutual 
duties,  independent  responsibilities,  and  separate  checks  one  upon  the 
other.  If  one  branch  of  the  Government  takes  away  the  freedom  of 
action  of  the  others,  it  usurps  the  powers,  privileges,  and  functions  of 
the  whole.  Now,  sir,  this  constitutes  coercion,  of  the  boldest,  rankest 
kind.  The  measure  being  coercive,  is  certainly  against  the  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  and,  being  so,  is  revolutionary  to  the  last  degree.  The 
logic  of  this  conclusion  is  so  inevitable  as  to  permit  no  outlet  for  escape. 
In  the  debate  which  had  taken  place  on  this  bill,  instances  were  adduced 
in  sufficient  number  to  show  most  convincingly  how  either  House  of 
Congress,  by  a  refusal  to  perform  its  constitutionally  prescribed  duties, 
or  by  performing  them  in  a  manner  not  contemplated  by  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution,  might  disrupt  the  Government  as  effectually  as 
though  accomplished  by  sword  and  gun,  and  the  illustration  might  have 
been  carried  much  further,  which  I  will  not  take  the  time  of  the  Senate 
in  doing.  The  example,  sir,  of  other  governments — even  if  they  corre 
spond  in  essential  points  of  resemblance  to  our  o\vn,  and  those  examples 
which  have  been  heretofore  cited  by  the  supporters  of  this  measure  do 
not  so  correspond — would  afford  no  salutary  precedent  for  our  own  pro 
cedure.  Why?  Because  the  constitution  and  genius  of  our  govern 
mental  fabric  are  so  entirely  different,  as  to  furnish  no  precise  points  of 


246  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

correspondence  from  which  to  draw  parallel  illustrations.  Being  purely 
a  Government  of  consentaneous  powers  in  its  legislative  and  execu 
tive  features,  the  moment  the  free  agency  of  one  of  the  elements  is  in 
terfered  with,  that  moment  is  violence  done  to  the  genius  of  the  structure, 
and  that  moment  is  the  ideal  of  republican  government  dissolved  and 
hidden  in  the  dark  shadows  of  a  government  by  force.  The  principle 
may  live,  sir,  but  the  tangible  essence  will  vanish.  Now,  sir,  if  the  legit 
imacy  of  the  principle  of  compelling  one  or  two  branches  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  yield  to  the  other  that  free  agency  which  constitutes  one  of 
the  beauties  and  safeguards  of  the  Republic,  be  firmly  established,  then 
it  is  but  a  simple  question  of  time  and  incident  as  to  the  precise  period 
when  the  Government  will  go  to  pieces  like  a  ship  upon  the  rocks,  and 
the  American  may  exclaim  with  the  Roman  General,  "  Actum  est  de 
republica"  ("  It  is  all  over  with  the  republic  "). 

This  destruction  will  not  come  of  necessity  from  the  action  contem 
plated  in  this  bill  ;  it  will  not,  this  year,  nor  probably  the  next :  but  year 
by  year  encroachments  will  be  made  in  this  direction  and  in  that  direction  ; 
first  one  safeguard  will  be  overturned  and  then  another  ;  to-day  we  shall 
have  a  statute  repealed  by  indirect  methods,  and  next  year  we  may  have 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  itself  subverted  by  the  simple  action 
of  one  branch  of  the  National  Government. 

After  quoting  the  section  of  the  law  as  it  stood  : — 

No  military  or  naval  officer,  or  other  person  engaged  in  the  civil,, 
military,  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  shall  order,  bring,  keep,, 
or  have  under  his  authority  or  control,  any  troops  or  armed  men  at  the 
place  where  any  general  or  special  election  is  held  in  any  State,  unless 
it  be  necessary  to  repel  the  armed  enemies  of  the  United  States,  or  to- 
keep  the  peace  at  the  polls. 

—Senator  Logan  proceeded  to  draw  attention  to  the  eight 
last  words  thereof,  which  the  Democrats  proposed  to  repeal, 
and  declared  that  the  obvious  purport  and  intention  of  the 
section  was,  as  he  said,  "  To  restrict,  to  prohibit,  and  prevent 
every  species  of  improper  interference  in  elections  by  the 
civil,  military,  or  naval  powers  of  the  General  Government. 
In  this  respect  the  language  of  the  section  is  as  sweeping  as 
the  most  active  requirements  could  well  demand.  As  a  gene 
ral  mandate  it  is  wholly  conclusive.  It  is  both  declaratory 
and  executive  of  the  principle  of  absolute  non-interference  in 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  247 

elections.     The  most  radical  demand  could  ask  for  nothing 
more." 

General  Logan  then  proceeded  to  prove  in  the  most  con 
clusive  manner,  by  authoritative  statistics,  not  alone  that  there 
is."  no  such  a  thing  as  fair  elections  in  the  majority  of  the 
Southern  States  ;"  that  "the  colored  man  has  been  cheated 
of  his  citizenship,  robbed  of  his  franchise,  and  the  Republican 
Party,  through  its  magnanimity  to  a  people  who  have  shown 
by  their  acts  how  little  they  deserve  it,  have  been  shorn  of 
the  power  to  continue  peacefully  their  work  of  reconstruction 
upon  the  ideal  hope  of  the  Republic  ;"  but  also  that  "  this 
country  is  to-day  governed  by  the  South."  After  covering 
much  other  ground,  pertinent  to  the  question,  in  the  most  in 
teresting  manner,  and  showing  that,  throwing  aside  all  other 
matters,  "  there  is  one  radical  issue  between  the  parties,  which 
involves  the  perpetuation  or  discontinuance  of  our  present 
form  of  government,  as  the  one  or  the  other  party  may  suc 
ceed," — to  wit,  "  the  narrow  and  antiquated  idea  of  State 
Sovereignty  "  represented  by  the  Democratic  Party,  and  the 
great  National  idea  of  the  Republican  Party, — Senator  Logan 
continued : 

I  solemnly  warn  my  Democratic  friends  against  the  violent  policy 
they  are  pursuing.  They  are  sowing  the  wind  ;  let  them  beware  of 
the  harvest !  Let  them  not  again  mistake  the  temper  of  the  loyal 
people  of  this  country.  Open,  generous,  magnanimous  they  have 
proved  themselves,  as  the  Southern  Democracy  have  good  cause  to 
know  and  feel.  But  I  stand  here  to-day  to  warn  the  men  who,  having 
once  attempted  the  destruction  of  the  Government,  are  tampering  with 
it  again,  that  they  must  not  go  too  far.  Loyal  men  have  not  forgotten 
their  brothers  who  found  untimely  graves  at  the  hands  of  treason.  They 
have  not  forgotten  their  own  wounds,  privations,  and  sufferings.  They 
have  not  forgotten  the  price  paid  for  the  blessings  of  freedom  they 
enjoy.  They  are  slow  to  move,  slow  to  believe  that  which  they  do  not 
wish  to  believe.  But  if  this  Democratic  Party  of  oppression  and  ag 
grandizement  again  forces  the  issue  on  this  country,  and  compels  the 
people  once  more  to  rise  in  their  might  and  rescue  their  free  institu 
tions  from  the  torch  which  threatens  their  destruction,  there  will  be  no 


248  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

half-way  work  about  it.  The  spirit  of  kindness  heretofore  actuating 
our  people  toward  men  who  insist  upon  showing  they  do  not  deserve  it, 
is  fast  changing  into  another  feeling.  Sir,  I  tell  these  men,  in  the  plain 
est  language,  that  they  are  going  too  far.  They  are  tampering  with  the 
patience  and  forbearance  of  a  people  who  are  beginning  to  feel  that 
patience  and  forbearance  are  fast  ceasing  to  be  virtues.  Let  Democrats 
of  the  South,  and  their  Northern  allies,  beware  the  storm  they  are  rais 
ing.  The  spirit  of  retaliation  once  raised,  sir,  will  only  be  appeased  by 
the  most  radical  assurances  of  future  quiet.  If  the  disease  upon  our 
body-politic  again  requires  the  knife,  they  may  rest  assured  the  surgeon 
will  "-cut  beyond  the  wound  to  make  the  cure  complete." 

And  in  concluding,  he  uttered  these  noble  words  : 

The  Republican  Party  want  peace  ;  they  have  shown  it  by  every  con 
cession  which  honor  and  dignity  would  permit  ;  they  will  still  sacrifice 
much  to  obtain  a  permanent  peace ;  but  the  Democracy  may  as  well 
learn  now,  as  later,  that  there  are  some  things  the  Republicans  will 
not  do,  to  reach  a  peace  which  can  but  be  dishonorable  to  them  and  to 
the  country.  They  will  not  abjectly  beg  upon  their  knees  for  peace. 
They  will  not  relinquish  any  of  those  advanced  principles  which  have 
inured  to  the  Government  and  the  people  through  the  sufferings  of  the 
war.  They  will  never  abandon  the  principles  enunciated  in  the  thirteenth, 
fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  amendments  to  the  Constitution.  They  will 
never  permit  a  modification  of  the  rights  of  the  four  million  blacks  of 
the  South.  They,  after  having  been  liberated  from  slavery  and  elevated 
to  the  full  rights  of  citizenship,  shall  not  be  remanded  to  a  condition  as 
bad  as,  or  worse  than,  serfdom  or  peonage.  They  will  never,  never 
quietly  permit,  sir,  the  elective  franchise,  upon  the  purity  of  which  rests 
our  whole  political  structure,  to  be  dispensed  at  the  hands  of  hired  ruf 
fians  and  paid  assassins. 

Now,  sir,  let  me  invite  the  Democracy  to  a  peace  which  shall  be  co 
extensive  with  the  whole  limits  of  our  country  ;  which  shall  be  honor 
able  to  them  and  honorable  to  us  ;  which  shall  be  lasting  as  the  Ameri 
can  name  ;  which  shall  elevate  us  in  the  estimation  of  all  the  nations, 
and  stamp  our  Government  as  a  model  for  all  other  peoples  for  a 
thousand  centuries, — a  peace  which  must  be  built  upon  genuine  ties  of 
respect  between  citizens  of  a  common  country  ;  which  must  rest  upon 
the  concession  of  equal  rights  to  all  citizens  of  the  Republic,  be  they 
white  or  black,  foreign  or  native  born,— a  peace  which  must  know  no  State 
lines  for  abrogating  the  rights  of  citizens,  but  shall  cluster  us  around 
the  American  flag  as  the  emblem  of  a  patriotic  and  virtuous  people 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


249 


united  under  a  government  strong  enough  to  defy  the  monarchs  of  the 
world  and  also  to  protect  its  citizens  in  all  their  constitutional  rights,  on 
land  and  on  sea,  at  home  and  abroad,  leaving  the  great  future  of  our 
glorious  country  clean,  clear,  and  full,  in  the  blazing  sunlight  of  our  hope. 

The  Washington  National  Republican,  of  April  17,  1879, 
referring  to  this  great  effort,  said : 

We  yesterday  morning  published  a  liberal  synopsis  of  Senator 
Logan's  speech,  delivered  in  the  Senate,  on  Tuesday,  on  the  Army 
Appropriation  Bill,  but  that  abstract  but  feebly  portrays  the  real  power 
of  the  effort.  It  should  be  read  entire,  to  give  the  mind  a  just  concep 
tion  of  its  true  merit  as  an  arraignment  of  Democratic  hypocrisy,  both 
as  to  the  effort  now  being  made  to  remove  existing  safeguards  from  the 
ballot-box  and  the  elective  franchise,  and  as  to  the  assertion  of  the 
doctrine  of  State  sovereignty,  or  "  home  rule,"  as  it  is  now  termed  by 
those  who  insist  upon  elevating  the  State  above  Federal  power  as  it  may 
suit  those  who  believe  in  secession  and  a  final  subjugation  of  the  Federal 
to  State  domination. 

Senator  Logan  has  aimed,  in  this  effort,  to  show  the  hollowness  of 
the  plea  that  there  is  any  necessity  now  for  the  repeal  of  the  law 
enacted  for  the  protection  of  the  elective  franchise,  as  it  is  attempted  in 
the  bill  under  consideration,  and  he  accomplished  his  work  with  signal 
success.  He  rebuked  in  a  very  proper  and  forcible  manner  the  attempt 
made  to  pull  a  questionable  provision  through  to  the  statute-book  by 
attaching  it  to  a  measure  of  absolute  necessity  to  the  operation  of  the 
Government.  He  warned  of  the  danger  that  must  inevitably  attend 
these  departures  from  usage — these  encroachments  which,  when  toler 
ated,  will  follow  each  other  in  rapid  succession  until  the  whole  fabric  of 
law  and  government  will  be  subverted.  The  danger  is  in  the  precedent, 
which,  once  established,  will  lead  into  dark  and  dangerous  paths  in  the 
history  of  the  Republic,  until  it  will  be  starved  or  violated  one  way  or 
another,  and  will  present  only  a  wreck  of  its  former  self.  He  cited 
authorities  of  unquestioned  Democratic  orthodoxy  to  show  that  it  has 
been  part  of  the  Democratic  creed  to  recognize  and  justify  the  interpo 
sition  of  the  veto  power  to  save  the  Government  from  the  infliction  of 
depraved  laws.  He  showed  also,  beyond  a  doubt,  that  if  any  measure 
deserves  the  application  of  the  veto  it  is  that  under  discussion.  He 
called  attention,  in  eloquent  and  powerful  phrase,  to  the  necessities  fur 
nished  in  the  history  of  our  country,  and  of  a  modern  date,  why  the 
existing  law  should  remain  undisturbed  as  a  shield  to  the  right  and  a 
safeguard  against  wrong. 


25° 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Senator  Logan  fortified  his  position  against  the  doctrine  of  State 
sovereignty,  with  authorities  and  precedents,  until  he  was  strongly  and 
invincibly  intrenched.  He  established  the  fact  by  unquestionable  au 
thorities,  that  the  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  was  not  recognized  by 
the  Democratic  Party  when  slavery  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  had 
an  existence.  Then  Democrats,  Whigs,  and  Republicans  bowed  sub 
missively  to  the  doctrine  that  Federal  power  was  supreme  over  all  the 
States  of  the  Union,  for  the  return  of  the  fugitive  slave  to  bondage. 
The  citation  of  these  authorities  and  precedents  brought  to  light  the 
exceeding  hollowness  of  the  Democratic  assertion  of  State  sovereignty 
as  supreme  over  the  Federal  power  in  all  matters  relating  to  Federal 
affairs.  The  danger  of  tolerating  such  a  pernicious  dogma  in  this 
Republic  is  made  very  apparent. 

Senator  Logan  opened  up  from  the  page  of  history,  sustained  by 
facts  and  figures,  a  full  justification  of  the  law  the  Democrats  now 
propose  to  repeal.  It  came  of  necessities  created  by  a  Democratic 
disregard  of  right  and  honesty  in  the  conduct  of  our  elections,  and 
hence  the  architects  of  that  necessity  now  clamor  for  the  overthrow  of 
the  law.  The  closing  portion  of  his  effort  is  marked  with  peculiar  force 
as  an  arraignment  of  the  Democratic  Party,  and  as  a  warning  against 
the  consequences  of  its  present  line  of  policy. 

Touching  the  great  debate  in  the  Senate  on  the  army  bill,, 
the  Daily  State  Journal,  April  19,  1879,  sa^  : 

The  debate  on  the  army  bill  in  the  Senate,  during  the  present  week, 
has  been  of  exceptional  interest.  It  will  generally  be  conceded,  how 
ever,  that  the  speeches  which  have,  so  far,  attracted  the  largest  atten 
tion  have  been  those  of  Senators  Elaine  and  Logan,  on  Monday  and 
Tuesday. 

Alluding  to  Elaine's  great  effort  on  the  Monday,  a  corre 
spondent  of  the  Marseilles  Register  said : 

It  is  pronounced,  by  all,  to  be  Mr.  Elaine's  greatest  effort  ;  and  Gen 
eral  Logan,  who  congratulated  the  speaker  heartily  on  it,  declares  that 
it  is  the  greatest  speech  he  ever  heard  in  the  Senate  Chamber. 

A  Washington  special  to  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  said, 
of  General  Logan's  speech  on  the  Tuesday  following  : 

It  was  the  stalwart  speech  of  the  session,  pitched  to  about  the  key 
of  that  of  Chandler  some  weeks  ago.  Chandler  and  Elaine  were  con 
stantly  present,  giving  close  attention,  and  warmly  congratulating  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


251 


orator  at  the  conclusion.  The  galleries  were  packed,  and  hundreds 
were  unable  to  gain  admission.  The  crowd  seemed  to  be  with  Logan 
in  sentiment,  for  there  were  several  attempts  at  applause,  which  were 
suppressed. 

A  Washington  special  to  the  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  said: 

Judge  James  of  New  York,  who  sat  on  the  Bench  of  that  State  for 
twenty-four  years  before  he  came  to  Congress,  says  that  Senator  Logan's 
presentation  of  the  points  at  issue  on  the  army  bill  was  the  best  that  has 
yet  been  made. 

The  Inter-Ocean  itself  said  editorially  of  Senator  Logan's 
speech  on  this  occasion, — the  full  text  of  which  it  published : 

It  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  ablest  presentations  of  the  Republican 
side  yet  made,  and  will  be  read  with  great  satisfaction  by  the  people  of 
the  Northwest. 

Another  special  to  that  paper  said : 

General  Logan  made  a  powerful  speech  to-day  on  the  army  bill,, 
occupying  the  floor  over  two  hours.  The  galleries  were  crowded,  and 
the  area  behind  the  Senators'  desks  was  filled  with  members  of  the 
House  and  other  distinguished  visitors.  It  was  a  discussion  of  the  legal 
points  involved,  and  most  of  the  speech  was  devoted  to  a  studied 
analysis  of  the  relation  of  the  army  to  the  civil  power  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  to  the  extent  which  the  civil  power  could  carry  the  army  in 
enforcing  its  processes.  He  went  into  history,  and  related  at  length 
the  precedents  established  by  Democratic  Presidents  in  using  the  army 
as  a  civil  weapon,  which  the  Democrats  in  Congress  were  now  denying 
that  they  had  a  right  to  do.  One  of  the  strongest  points  Logan  made 
was  by  showing  Democratic  inconsistency — by  picturing  their  position 
on  this  question  in  slave  times,  and  their  position  now.  He  had  read 
President  Fillmore's  proclamation  in  1851,  calling  for  the  restoration  of 
a  fugitive  slave,  and  then  cited  the  celebrated  Burns  fugitive  case,  and 
asked  where  the  doctrine  of  State  rights  had  been  in  the  days  when 
slaves  were  pursued  by  the  forces  of  the  General  Government  into 
States  where  citizens  wished  to  protect  them  from  degrading  bondage. 
The  same  black  man,  once  hunted  down,  asked  protection  in  the  rights 
guaranteed  him  by  law  ;  but  State  rights  now  were  set  up  to  take  away 
his  protection  in  the  exercise  of  his  privilege.  This  point  is  one  of  the 
strongest  that  lias  been  made  in  the  debate  in  either  House,  and  is 
unanswerable.  After  discussing,  at  length,  the  legal  questions  involved,. 


252  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  relations  of  Congress  and  the  Executive,  the  question  of  forcing 
legislation  upon  the  President  by  making  supplies  for  the  Government 
dependent  upon  it, — the  same  questions  that  were  argued  over  and  over 
again  in  the  House, — Logan  came  down  to  matters  of  fact,  and,  as 
Senator  Chandler  expressed  it,  ''pitched  into  the  rebels."  The  theme 
was  a  good  one,  and  Logan  was  well  fitted  to  handle  it,  for  he  and 
Burnside,  Kellogg,  and  Plumb,  are  the  only  Union  soldiers  in  the 
Senate.  His  remarks  were  right  to  the  point ;  and  he  showed  how  the 
ex-Confederates,  having  failed  by  arms  to  capture  the  Government,  had 
succeeded  in  doing  it  by  violence  and  fraud  at  the  ballot-box.  At  the 
conclusion  he  was  warmly  congratulated. 

A  Washington  special  in  the  Troy  Daily  Times  said  of  it : 

General  Logan  made  an  eloquent  and  effective  speech  on  the 
political  situation  in  the  Senate  this  afternoon — the  best  thus  far  that 
has  been  delivered  on  the  pending  bill.  The  galleries  were  crowded 
with  attentive  listeners. 

Editorially,  the  same  paper  said : 

The  speech  of  General  Logan  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
yesterday  dealt  with  unvarnished  facts,  the  free  statement  of  which 
must  have  made  the  ex-Confederates  and  their  Northern  henchmen 
squirm.  Beck,  of  Kentucky,  squealed  aloud  in  anguish  and  malice. 

The  Era-Illinoisan  of  April  1 8th,  said  : 

Thank  God,  Illinois  is  again  represented  in  the  United  States  Senate 
by  a  stalwart.  Logan  spoke  in  thunder  tones,  Tuesday. 

Under  the  heading  "  General  Logan  at  the  front  once 
more,"  the  Chicago  Evening  Journal,  April  i6th  said: 

From  the  time  that  it  became  evident  that  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  was  drifting  into  Democratic  control,  the  election  of  General 
Logan  to  represent  the  Republican  Party  of  Illinois  in  that  body 
became  a  foregone  conclusion.  It  was  felt  that  he  was  the  right  man 
to  do  battle  for  Republicanism  in  that  supreme  council  of  the  Nation, 
and  in  speech,  as  by  vote,  meet  the  common  enemy.  His  masterly  effort 
of  yesterday  thoroughly  justified  that  sentiment.  It  was  a  speech  of 
which  every  Republican  may  well  be  proud.  The  subject  is  hackneyed. 
Garfield,  Blaine,  and  a  host  of  lesser  lights  had  discussed  it,  but  the 
fertile  brain  and  high  statesmanship  of  General  Logan  found  in  it 
ample  scope.  For  two  hours  he  held  the  Senate  and  the  galleries,  as 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  253 

he  held  up  to  view  the  diabolical  purpose  and  revolutionary  policy  of 
the  Confederate  Democracy. 

Another  journal  said : 

The  North  will  thank  Senators  representing  that  section  for  more 
just  such  speeches  as  General  Logan's,  for  they  tend  to  arouse  the  loyal 
public  to  a  consciousness  of  the  danger  the  country  is  in,  under  the 
control  of  the  Confederate  brigadiers. 

Said  the  Des  Moines  Register : 

General  Logan  met  the  rebel  brigadiers,  in  the  Senate,  last  Tues 
day,  and,  as  on  the  tented  field  in  the  days  that  tried  American  nerve, 
"  waxed  'em."  The  gallant  General  well  and  nobly  represents  the 
Union  army  in  its  cause,  and  well  and  nobly  represents  its  interest  in 
Congress.  It  is  a  pity  the  North  had  not  a  dozen  more  Union  Generals 
in  the  Senate  to  aid  him. 

These  are  but  samples,  of  hundreds  of  similar  enco 
miums,  from  the  press  of  the  country. 

ONE  OF  THE  "  CONFEDERATE  BRIGADIERS"  CHALLENGES  GENERAL 

LOGAN LOGAN  TREATS  HIS  COMMUNICATIONS  WITH  CONTEMPT, 

AND  TELLS  THE  BRIGADIER'S  "  SECOND  "  TO  "  GO  TO  ." 

During  April,  1879,  General  Logan  performed  an  act  of 
the  highest  moral  courage,  in  declining  to  notice  a  challenge 
sent  him  by  Representative  W.  M.  Lowe  of  Alabama,  one  of 
the  "  Confederate  brigadiers,"  all  of  whom  felt  dreadfully  over 
the  lashing  Logan  had  given  them  in  his  great  speech  on  the 
army  bill.  General  Logan,  as  we  have  seen,  had  delivered 
the  speech  on  April  I5th.  On  the  i6th,  the  special  cor 
respondent  of  the  Pittsburg  Post  telegraphed  that  paper, 
as  follows : 

The  grandeur  of  Logan's  loyalty  is  dimmed  a  little  by  the  following 
conversation  which  occurred  between  your  correspondent  and  Con 
gressman  Lowe  of  Alabama,  a  Greenback  Representative  from  the 
Huntsville  District  : 

Correspondent. — "Are  you  sure,  Colonel  Lowe,  that  Senator  Logan 
ever  contemplated  entering  the  Confederate  service  ?" 


254  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

Colonel  Lowe. — "  I  am  sure  that  there  were  three  regiments  of  Illinois 
men  in  the  Confederate  service  ;  that  I  fought  through  the  war  with 
them  ;  that  I  knew  and  often  conversed  with  many  of  them,  and  that, 
without  exception,  those  with  whom  I  talked  on  the  subject  assured  me 
that  their  regiments  were  raised  by  Logan  for  the  Confederate  service. 
Why,  it  is  so  true  that  Logan  himself  will  not  deny  it  if  asked  it  upon 
the  floor  of  the  Senate.  He  will  dodge  the  question.  True  ?  Why,  I 
tell  you  I  have  talked  with  men  whom  I  knew,  and  who  declared  that 
they  were  enlisted  for  the  Confederate  service  by  Logan." 

This  was  but  a  reassertion  of  an  old  campaign  slander 
that  had  been  refuted  time  and  time  again,  but  which  was 
now  reiterated  by  one  of  the  Confederate  brigadiers,  pos 
sibly  in  the  hope  of  fastening  a  quarrel  upon  General  Logan, 
of  goading  him  into  a  duel,  and  of  making  some  such 
example  to  brave  Northern  men  as  was  made  by  Judge 
Terry  of  the  lamented  Senator  Broderick.  On  April  2ist, 
General  Logan  replied  in  the  Washington  National  Repub 
lican,  after  quoting  the  interview  aforesaid,  as  follows : 

As  to  there  being  three  regiments  of  Illinois  men  in  the  Confed 
erate  service,  and  that  I  raised  them  or  any  of  them  for  the  Confederate 
army,  in  defence  of  the  honor  of  the  State  I  in  part  represent,  and  of 
myself,  I  answer  the  statement  is  false.  There  were  not  three  regi 
ments  in  the  Confederate  service  from  Illinois,  nor  two,  nor  one  ;  and 
that  I  ever  raised  a  regiment  or  company,  or  any  part  of  a  company,  or 
had  anything  to  do,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  in  raising  men  for  such 
service,  is  maliciously  and  villainously  false.  And  it  is  further  stated 
in  said  despatch  that  this  "statement  [meaning  that  I  raised  men  for 
the  Confederate  service]  is  so  true  that  I  would  not  deny  the  charge  if 
made  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,"  but  that  "  I  would  dodge  the  ques 
tion."  Now,  sir,  I  say  "that  I  do  not  now  nor  have  I  ever  dodged  the 
question.  The  whole  statement,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  is  a  vindic 
tive  and  malicious  lie." 

Then  follows  a  statement  of  how  the  falsehood  was  first 
fabricated,  and  why  it  was  spread,  and  of  its  refutation.  The 
General  concluded  his  letter  thus  : 

I  understand  that  Colonel  Lowe  claims  that  this  is  not  a  correct  re 
port  of  what  he  said  to  the  reporter.  If  not,  he  should  correct  the  state- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  255 

•merit,  and  make  the  reporter  responsible  for  putting  a  lie  in  his  mouth. 
The  statement  I  brand  as  false  and  slanderous,  and  Colonel  Lowe  and  the 
reporter  can  settle  it  between  themselves  as  to  which  one  has  been 
-guilty  of  perpetrating  this  villainous  falsehood.  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

In  a  subsequent  communication  to  the  press,  Colonel 
Lowe,  after  quoting  the  preceding  paragraph  and  italicizing 
the  strongest  expressions,  as  above,  stated  that,  on  April 
2ist,  he  sent  a  note  to  General  Logan  which  ended  thus  : 

This  being  the  substance  of  my  statement  in  said  interview,  I  desire 
to  know  whether  in  your  communication  to  the  Republican  this  morning 
you  apply  the  words  "  false  and  slanderous  "  to  me. 

(Signed)  WM.   M.   LOWE. 

This  will  be  handed  to  you  by  my  friend,  Charles  Pelham,  Esq. 
(Signed)  W.  M.  L. 

Continuing  his  communication,  Colonel  Lowe  said  : 

This  note  was  delivered  by  Judge  Pelham  to  Senator  Logan  at  his 
•city  residence  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  inst.  Receiving  no  reply,  I 
sent  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  inst.  the  following  note. 

Here  follows  the  note,  which  recited  the  fact  of  his  having 
sent  the  letter  of  the  2ist,  and  summarized  its  substance,  and 
continued : 

Having  received  no  reply  to  that  letter,  I  am  forced  to  again  call 
your  attention  to  these  offensive  words,  and  to  demand  to  know  whether 
you  apply  them  to  me.  My  friend  Charles  Pelham,  Esq.,  is  authorized 
to  receive  your  reply. 

Very  respectfully, 
(Signed)  WM.  M.  LOWE. 

"This  note,"  continued  Mr.  Lowe,  "was  delivered  to 
Senator  Logan  in  the  vestibule  of  the  Senate  Chamber  on  the 
afternoon  of  its  date.  Receiving  no  reply,  I  sent  Senator 
Logan  the  following  note,  which  was  delivered  to  him  at  3  P.M. 
on  the  day  of  its  date  : 

"'WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  25,  1879. 
"  *  Hon.  John  A.  Logan. 

"  'SiR :  On  the  2ist  inst.  you  published  in  the  Republican  of  this  city 
a  communication  containing  words  personally  reflecting  upon  me.  I 


256  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

have  twice  addressed  you  a  note  calling  attention  to  this  language.  You 
have  failed  and  refused  to  answer  either  of  them,  and  you  thereby  force 
me  to  the  last  alternative.  I  therefore  demand  that  you  name  some 
time  and  place  out  of  this  District  where  another  communication  will 
presently  reach  you.  My  friend  Charles  Pelham,  Esq.,  is  authorized  to 

act  in  the  premises. 

" '  Respectfully, 
(Signed)  "' WM.  M.  LOWE.'" 

In  conclusion,  of  his  own  account  of  the  affair,  says  Mr. 
Lowe  : 

Thus  ended  this  one-sided  correspondence  which  explains  itself.  It 
needs  little  or  no  comment  from  me.  I  will  not  brand  John  A.  Logan 
as  a  liar,  for  he  is  a  Senator  of  the  United  States ;  I  will  not  post  him  as 
a  scoundrel  and  poltroon,  for  that  would  be  a  violation  of  the  local  stat 
utes  ;  but  I  do  publish  him  as  one  who  knows  how  to  insult  but  not  how 
to  satisfy  a  gentleman,  and  I  invoke  upon  him  the  judgment  of  the 
honorable  men  of  the  community.  Very  respectfully, 

(Signed)  WM.  M.  LOWE. 

Of  course  the  newspapers  were  all  full  of  this  sensational 
matter,  for  days  after.  Senator  Logan's  account  of  the  Lowe 
performance  is  given  thus,  in  one  of  the  papers  of  the  day : 

Logan,  when  asked  to-night  about  the  reported  challenge,  said  that 
Lowe  could  make  as  great  an  idiot  of  himself  as  he  pleased.  He  (Logan) 
should  pay  no  attention  to  it. 

"  Have  you  read  the  challenge  ? "  asked  the  correspondent. 

"  No,"  was  the  reply  ;  "  Lowe  has  been  writing  me  letters  for  several 
days  past,  and  when  a  messenger  came  this  morning  I  declined  any 
more  communications  on  any  subject." 

"So  you  don't  know  what  the  last  missive  was  ?" 

"  No,"  said  the  Senator. 

"  It  is  said  that  it  was  a  formal  request  for  you  to  deny  over  your 
own  signature  the  charge  of  lying  made  by  you  against  Lowe,  or  else  to 
name  a  place  outside  the  District  where  a  written  communication  could 
reach  you." 

Logan  burst  into  a  hearty  fit  of  laughter,  and  said  contemptuously, 
"  I  shall  pay  no  attention  to  this  man  ;  but  if  he  wants  to  test  my  cour 
age  he  can  easily  find  the  way  without  this  parade." 

The  course  of  General  Logan,  throughout  this  whole  af 
fair,  received  the  warmest  commendation  of  the  Northern  and 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  257 

Western  press,  as  showing  the  highest  degree  of  good  sense 
and  true  moral  courage;  and  the  following  resolution  was 
unanimously  adopted  May  2,  1879,  by  a  joint  caucus  of  the 
Republican  members  of  the  Illinois  Senate  and  House : 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  Republican  members  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  State  of  Illinois,  in  joint  caucus  assembled,  heartily  approve  of 
the  action  of  Senator  Logan  in  his  recent  controversy  with  Representa 
tive  Lowe.  That,  having  heretofore  demonstrated  his  courage  on  many 
a  hard-fought  battle-field,  it  is  not  now  necessary  for  him  to  resort  to 
the  false  and  demoralizing  duello  code  of  the  South  to  vindicate  either 
his  honor  or  his  courage,  and  we  recognize  in  the  present  attitude  of 
Senator  Logan  a  moral  courage  far  higher  and  more  commendable  than 
any  he  could  display  in  accepting  a  challenge  or  meeting  his  antagonist 
on  any  falsely  called  field  of  honor. 

Apropos  of  this  "duel"  business,  "  Gath "  happened 
to  meet  General  W.  T.  Clark,  ex-M.C.,  and  formerly  Adju 
tant-General  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  in  New  York, 
about  this  time,  and  from  an  interesting  interview  with  him, 
of  April  3Oth,  in  the  Graphic,  the  following  paragraphs  are 
culled : 

"  General,  do  you  suppose  the  rebel  troops  in  the  Western  army 
fought  as  well  as  in  Virginia  ?  " 

"  They  were  often  the  same  troops.  At  Ezra  Church,  looking  over 
a  log  as  I  lay  down  on  my  face,  I  saw  the  rebel  column  brought  five 
successive  times  out  of  the  woods  where  they  had  been  formed,  and 
compelled  to  charge,  and  every  time  they  melted  away.  I  don't  say  that 
the  Eastern  troops  had  not  plenty  of  courage  ;  but  it  was  natural  that 
Western  boys,  brought  up  among  horses,  on  farms,  in  sight  of  Indians, 
and  used  to  firearms,  should  make  quicker  soldiers  than  the  boys  of  the 
old  still  towns  in  the  East.  The  East  furnished  the  capital  for  that  war, 
and  the  West  was  quicker  with  men." 

"  Returning  to  the  army,  what  is  your  estimation  of  Sherman  ?" 
"  He  is  a  strategist,  with  a  good  deal  of  ability  to  lay  out  a  large 
campaign." 

"  What  kind  of  a  commander  was  John  A.  Logan  ?" 
"  When  there  was  no  fighting  to  be  done  he  was  one  of  the  most  in- 
17 


258  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

subordinate  Generals  I  ever  saw  ;  but  in  action  his  behavior  had  an  in 
fluence  over  his  troops  perfectly  irresistible.  He  had  black  hair,  broad 
shoulders,  a  look  of  resolution,  and  could  swear  tremendously.  He  would 
say,  'Boys,  go  at  'cm  now  ;  I  have  found  where  they  are  for  you,  just  in 

that  clump  of  trees  ;  come  right  along  with  me  and  we'll  give  'em !' 

Although  never  wounded  [This  is  a  mistake.  He  had  often  been  wounded, 
as  we  have  seen  in  narrating  his  military  life],  he  was  almost  invariably 
upon  the  battle-line.  Frank  Blair  was  also  a  brave  man,  but  he  never 
went  to  the  front  in  action  ;  he  kept  the  position  prescribed  by  military 
rules.  Logan's  influence  with  his  corps  in  battle  was  enormous." 

"What  do  you  think  about  this  noisy  duel,  so  called,  between  Logan 
and  one  Lowe  of  Alabama?" 

"John  A.  Logan  can  take  a  revolver  and  shoot  a  3-cent  piece  out  of 
the  fork  of  a  bush  with  the  nonchalance  that  you  shake  that  cane.  As 
to  his  courage,  you  can't  make  anybody  discount  that.  He  simply  has 
no  time  to  fool  with  such  a  fellow  as  Lowe." 

The  Christian  Advocate  of  May   i,  1879,  said  of  the  af 
fair: 

Lowe  says,  Retract,  fight,  or  be  flogged  ;  but  Logan  does  not  obey 
orders  with  the  slightest  alacrity.  He  does  not  retract.  He  leaves 
Lowe  and  the  reporter  to  wrangle  about  which  one  tells  the  lie.  He 
does  not  fight.  He  does  not  even  allow  his  stable-boy  to  run  a  foot 
race  with  Lowe.  He  does  not  recognize  Lowe's  existence.  He  acts  as 
if  Lowe,  having  committed  a  mean,  slanderous  crime  beneath  the 
possibilities  of  any  gentleman,  cannot  be  treated  as  a  gentleman  till  he 
acts  like  one.  The  old  bully  and  bludgeon  business  of  the  South  with 
the  cry  of  coward  is  unavailing.  General  Logan  bears  too  many  hon 
orable  scars  for  even  his  enemies  to  hint  at  cowardice.  No  man  that 
ever  heard  of  "Champion  Hills"  could  believe  such  a  hint.  It  only 
remains  for  Lowe  to  flog  the  General  when  he  meets  him  on  the  street. 
But  that  is  not  an  undertaking  for  boys.  Possibly  half  a  dozen  of 
these  bullying  bulldogs  might  venture  to  assail  him.  Even  that  is  not 
safe. 


We  are  glad  General  Logan  remembers  that  he  is  a  Christian  states 
man  and  not  a  heathen  prize-fighter  or  gladiator.  He  represents  a 
Christian  civilization.  He  is  intrusted  with  the  honor  of  membership 
in  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  he  cannot  stoop  to  be  insulted 
by  any  bully. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE   WAR. 

Said  another  journal : 

John  A.  Logan  is  a  good  Methodist  and  will  not  fight  a  duel,  but  he 
uses  pretty  strong  language  sometimes.  When  Mr.  Lowe's  "  second  " 
waited  on  Logan  with  a  challenge,  Logan  refused  to  receive  it,  and 
said,  "  Go  to  hell  with  it  !  I  will  not  even  recognize  the  existence  of 
your  principal  until  he  makes  an  abject  apology  " — to  which  we,  with 
all  the  good  Methodist  brethren,  say  Amen. 

Said  the  Washington  Republican : 

Senator  Logan  continues  to  receive  high  and  unqualified  commenda 
tion  for  sitting  down  hard  on  the  idiotic,  vulgar,  brutal,  and  murder 
ously  digraceful  code  duello.  It  required  a  brave  man  to  do  this,  and 
Logan's  display  of  that  courage  comes  with  splendid  effect  in  view  of 
his  grand  record  as  a  soldier  and  his  wide  reputation  as  a  statesman. 

It  was  considered  by  the  New  York  Tribune  and  other 
papers  that  "  General  Logan  has  done  a  public  service  by  his 
action  in  the  case  of  the  bullying  Alabama  Congressman, 
William  M.  Lowe." 

Thus  ended  this  episode.  We  shall  see,  later,  how 
Logan  forced  Democratic  Senators  to  acknowledge  that 
these  insinuations  against  Logan's  loyalty  before  the  war 
were  false,  and  that  the  proofs  were  "full,  complete,  and 
conclusive'' 

It  may  be  mentioned  en  passant,  however,  that  it  would 
have  been  a  bad  day  for  Lowe  had  he  ventured  to  make  a 
physical  attack  upon  General  Logan,  or  had  the  latter  chosen 
to  go  on  the  "field  of  honor,"  as  the  latter  was  somewhat  of 
an  athlete,  having  learned  boxing  even  as  a  boy,  and  was  a 
dead  shot.* 

*  General  Logan  was  always  fond  of  out-door  sport.  He  was  an  admirable  horseman 
and  swordsman,  and  knew  how  to  handle  a  rifle,  but  he  was  the  last  man  to  brag  of  his 
strength  or  skill.  When  down  at  the  Hot  Springs  of  Arkansas,  a  few  years  ago,  trying  to 
throw  off  a  peculiarly  severe  attack  of  rheumatism,  he  astonished  the  pistol  experts  of  that 
pistolling  country.  On  one  occasion  a  dozen  young  men  were  shooting  from  the  piazza  of 
the  General's  hotel  at  a  bottle  laid  on  the  broad  crotch  of  a  distant  tree.  The  bottle  was 
round.  Unless  it  was  hit  plumply  in  the  middle,  it  spun  round  and  round  like  a  top.  The 
young  men  were  good  shots,  but  now  and  then  they  would  miss  the  somewhat  difficult  mark. 
Then  the  invalid  Senator  would  chaff  them.  The  young  men  finally  became  irritated, 


26o  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

GENERAL    LOGAN'S    DOMESTIC    LIFE    AT    WASHINGTON — HIS    WIFE 
AND    CHILDREN A    HAPPY    HOME. 

Washington  correspondence  of  the  Philadelphia  Record, 
February  28,  1879,  says  of  the  General's  domestic  life  at  this 
time: 

Mrs.  Logan  is  almost  the  model  of  an  American  woman.  She  is  not 
at  all  such  a  woman  as  one  would  naturally  suppose  from  reading  of 
the  powerful  factor  she  has  been  in  her  husband's  successes.  There  is 
nothing  of  the  strong-minded  woman  about  her,  in  the  ordinary  accep 
tation  of  that  term.  She  is  the  embodiment  of  dignity,  and  one  of  the 
most  quiet,  womanly,  wifely  women  imaginable.  Not  pretty,  but  fine- 
looking  ;  tall  and  shapely,  with  a  perfectly  moulded  head  ;  dark-brown 
hair,*  with  just  a  few  silver  threads  ;  clear,  quiet  eyes,  a  high,  intel 
lectual  brow,  and  a  mouth  that  expresses  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the 
face  together — a  mouth  that  can  be  tremulous  with  love,  or  firm  with 
duty,  as  occasion  may  require.  Her  voice  is  soft  and  low,  as  a  woman's 
should  be,  her  manner  gracious  and  dignified,  and  her  movements 
quiet  and  lady-like.  Her  admiration  of  and  devotion  to  her  husband 
borders  on  the  sublime.  To  her  he  is  evidently  the  one  great  man  in 
all  the  earth.  Every  thought  is  for  him  and  their  children.  Every  look 
and  gesture  ennobles  him.  They  have  two  children — a  daughter,  just 
on  the  verge  of  womanhood,  who  was  married  a  year  or  two  ago,  and  a 
son  in  his  early  teens.  Both  children  are  unusually  bright,  intelligent, 
and  fine-looking.  The  daughter  has  been  her  mother's  helpmeet  in 
matters  political  and  social  for  years,  and  the  boy  is  as  thorough-going 
a  specimen  of  that  genus  as  could  be  found  in  a  day's  march.  He 
already  shows  the  audacity  and  daring  of  his  father,  combined  with  the 

and  asked  Logan  if  he  could  improve  upon  their  skill.  After  a  little  more  chaffing  he  said  : 
"I'll  tell  you  fellows  what  I  will  do.  There  are  twelve  of  you,  but  I'll  give  you  each  a 
box  of  cigars  for  every  time  you  hit  the  bottle  if  you'll  give  me  a  box  every  time  I  hit  it." 

The  boys  accepted  the  proposition  instantly. 

"I'll  shoot  first,"  said  Logan;  "and  if  I  hit  I'm  to  shoot  again  and  again  until  I 
miss." 

They  had  no  objection,  so  the  General  fired  twelve  consecutive  shots,  each  time  break 
ing  a  different  bottle,  while  the  young  men's  eyes  opened  wider  and  wider. 

"Do  you  want  any  more?  "  he  asked,  after  the  twelfth  shot. 

"No,"  said  the  young  men,  hastily;  "we  guess  not." — Howard  in  the  New  York 
World. 

*  Now  all  silvery  white,  a  mute  evidence  of  what  she  also  suffered  during,  and  since,  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  26 1 

tenderer  and  more  refined  graces  of  his  mother.  When  at  home,  in 
Chicago,  they  live  in  good  style  in  a  fine  mansion.  Here  they  have 
customarily  lived  comfortably  in  a  genteel  boarding-house,  the  General 
and  his  wife  occupying  a  suit  of  parlors  and  the  children  separate 
rooms,  and  ...  it  must  be  said  to  his  credit  that  no  man  in  public  life 
is  happier  in  his  family  relations,  or  more  often  to  be  found  inside  the 
charmed  border  of  his  family  circle. 

GENERAL  SCHENCK  ATTACKED  IN  THE  SENATE SENATOR  LOGAN 

PROMPTLY  DEFENDS  THE  OLD  PATRIOT-SOLDIER. 

Always  ready  to  help  the  private  soldier  of  the  war,  Gen 
eral  Logan  was  as  ready  to  defend  the  patriot-officer  when 
attacked  by  the  Democrats.  This  he  had  shown  many  times, 
notably  in  his  defence  of  his  old  commander  General  Grant, 
and  of  General  Sheridan.  Again,  when,  on  May  17,  1879, 
Senator  Saulsbury  made  an  attack  on  General  Schenck, 
—then  confined  to  his  bed  by  an  attack  of  Bright' s  Disease, 
from  which  he  afterward  most  marvellously  recovered,  despite 
the  apprehensions  and  ominous  predictions  of  medical  science 
— Senator  Logan  obtained  the  floor  and  said  : 

Mr.  President,  I  shall  not  detain  the  Senate  very  long  ;  but  I  cannot 
withhold  a  word  in  response  to  the  remarks  that  fell  from  the  lips  of 
the  Senator  from  Delaware.  It  has  become  fashionable  to  make  thrusts 
right  and  left  at  persons  in  this  country  who  did  that  which  they  con 
sidered  to  be  their  duty  in  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  this  great 
government  of  ours.  Officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  have  frequently 
been  sneered  at  in  this  Chamber.  It  has  been  thrust  in  our  faces  that 
the  Republicans  have  given  to  those  who  served  in  the  army  a  repre 
sentation  of  but  four  in  number  in  this  chamber  ;  and  the  boast  has 
been  made  that  the  opposition  have  given  so  many  more  to  certain 
soldiers  because  they  fought  for  a  different  cause. 

I  desire,  in  response  to  the  Senator  from  Delaware,  who  said  that 
General  Schenck,  "who  had  been  placed  where  he  should  be  on 
account  of  his  nefarious  conduct" — that  was  the  precise  language  used 
by  the  Senator,  as  I  understood  him — 

Mr.  Saulsbury — The  Senator  from  Illinois  will  allow  me  to  say  that 
the  remarks  I  made  about  General  Schenck,  I  made  before  I  knew  the 
man  was  on  a  bed  of  sickness. 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Mr.  Logan — I  understand  that.  The  Senator  made  them  before  he 
knew  that  the  general  was  sick.  That  means  if  he  had  known  that  he 
was  sick  he  would  not  have  made  them,  but  if  he  were  well  the  Senator 
would  still  say  what  he  did  say.  Now  I  desire  on  behalf  of  General 
Schenck  to  say,  that  no  more  honorable  man  lives.  When  treason 
stalked  abroad  in  this  land  ;  when  this  mighty  nation  of  ours  was  reel 
ing  and  rocking  to  and  fro  like  a  distressed  vessel  upon  the  stormy  seas, 
he  came  forward  and,  with  that  strong  arm  of  his,  reached  out  that  he 
might  assist  in  steadying  her  as  she  rode  on  the  billows  of  treason.  He 
was  one  of  the  band  of  patriots  in  this  land  who  defied  treason,  and 
faced  the  war  made  against  the  nation,  willing  to  risk  his  life,  and  his 
all,  for  its  preservation.  I  do  not  claim  that  he  is  entitled  to  great 
credit  for  being  a  patriot.  It  was  naught  but  that  which  was  his  duty. 
But  the  fact  that  he  was  a  patriot  is  no  reason  why  he  should  be 
maligned,  either  here  or  elsewhere.  What  has  he  done,  that  he,  for  his 
"  nefarious  conduct,"  should  receive  the  condemnation  of  the  people  of 
this  country  ?  What  "  nefarious  conduct  "  has  he  been  guilty  of  ?  He 
clutched  the  flag  of  his  country  in  his  hands,  when  treason  seized  it  in 
order  that  it  might  be  trampled  in  the  dust.  Was  that  "  nefarious  con 
duct  ?"  Sir,  is  it  for  that  he  is  to  be  condemned  ? 

Sir,  I  am  free  to  say.  that  the  insinuations  and  jeers  that  have  been 
made  in  this  Chamber,  from  the  other  side,  toward  men  who  fought  for 
the  Union,  have  not  come  frequently  from  men  who  shed  their  own 
blood  or  were  willing  to  do  it,  but  from  men  who  did  not  and  were  not 
willing  to  do  it. 

It  is  no  mark  of  bravery  that  men  sneer  at  others  because  they  stood 
by  their  country.  It  is  not  the  mark  of  gentility.  It  is  no  evidence  of 
statesmanship.  It  is  far  from  being  proof  of  good  breeding. 

Now,  sir,  General  Schenck  is  getting  old  ;  is  with  disease  tottering  on 
the  road  to  the  grave  ;  he  is  to-day  crippled,  maimed,  disabled.  A  pen 
sioner  on  his  government  on  account  of  wounds  that  he  received  in  its 
defence,  he  stands  to-day  before  this  land  as  a  patriot,  as  an  honest  man, 
as  a  brave  man,  and,  at  all  times,  the  peer  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware. 
For  that  old  patriot  I  have  but  this  to  say  :  The  heart  of  the  man  that 
can  allow  him  to  touch  the  untarnished  reputation  of  a  brave  man  and 
a  patriot,  would  go  out  against  those  much  more  near  and  dear  to  him 
than  the  one  he  seeks  to  strike.  This  man,  General  Schenck,  is  a  true 
man  and  a  patriot.  For  him  I  pray  that  peace  may  be  all  along  his 
pathway,  until  the  time  shall  come  when  he  shall  be  summoned  to 

"The  undiscovered  country  from  whose  bourne 
No  traveller  returns." 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


263 


LOGAN'S  SPEECH  ON  THE  UNITED  STATES  MARSHALS'  APPROPRIA 
TION  BILL — THE  DEMOCRATIC  ATTEMPT  AT  "  NULLIFICATION 
AND  ANARCHY." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  great  revolutionary  con 
flict  between  the  Democratic  Congress  and  the  Republican 
Executive,  to  which  allusion  has  already  been  made,  the 
Democratic  Houses  insisted  on  putting  obnoxious  riders  upon 
various  appropriation  bills  with  the  avowed  object  of  forcing 
them  into  the  statute-book  under  the  threat  of  "  starving  the 
government "  if  they  did  not  receive  executive  approval.  We 
have  seen  that  on  the  Army  Appropriation  Bill,  Senator 
Logan  made  a  remarkable  speech.  But  now  the  appropria 
tion  bill  for  the  payment  of  United  States  marshals  and  super 
visors  of  elections  was  before  the  Senate.  The  United  States 
statutes  already  (see  sections  2021,  2022,  2023,  and  2024, 
Revised  Statutes)  had  upon  their  pages  certain  sections  pre 
scribing  the  duties  of  marshals  and  deputies  at  elections  to 
keep  the  peace,  preserve  order,  and  protect  and  aid  the  super 
visors  of  elections  in  preserving  the  purity  of  the  ballot-box 
and  preventing  election  frauds  at  elections  for  representatives 
or  delegates  in  Congress,  which  prescribed  also  penalties  for 
non-compliance  with  such  duties.  But  the  Democrats  owed 
their  majority  in  the  House  to  election  frauds  and  violence  at 
the  polls  in  the  Southern  States,  and  hence  it  was  to  their 
interest  to  insure,  if  they  could,  immunity  to  such  acts  of  fraud 
and  violence.  They  therefore  struck  at  the  United  States 
marshals,  by  insisting  upon  the  insertion  in  this  appropriation 
bill  of  the  following  clause,  supposing  that  if  the  marshals 
were  not  paid  they  would  not  serve,  and  then  such  fraud  and 
violence  would  have  full  swing  : 

And  no  part  of  the  money  hereby  appropriated  is  appropriated  to 
pay  any  compensation,  fees,  or  expenses  under  any  of  the  provisions  of 
title  26  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  authorizing  the 
appointment,  employment,  or  payment  of  general  or  special  deputy- 


264  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

marshals  for  services  in  connection  with  registration  or  elections  on 
election-day. 

There  was  also  a  further  restriction,  as  follows : 

And  no  department  or  officer  of  the  Government  shall,  during  said 
fiscal  year,  make  any  contract  or  incur  any  liability  for  the  future  pay 
ment  of  money  under  any  of  the  provisions  of  title  26,  mentioned  in 
section  i  of  this  act,  until  an  appropriation  sufficient  to  meet  such  con 
tract  or  pay  such  liability  shall  have  first  been  made  by  law,  etc. 

This  was  followed  by  a  penalty  clause  providing  a  heavy 
fine,  or  five  years'  imprisonment,  or  both,  in  case  the  law  was 
infracted. 

Thus  the  Democrats  hoped  to  strike  in  two  ways  at  the 
marshals.  First,  if  the  marshals  did  their  duty  in  accordance 
with  the  then  existing  law,  they  would  not  be  paid  for  their 
services ;  and  second,  if  they  complied  with  such  law  they 
would  be  fined  or  imprisoned,  or  both,  for  such  compliance  ! 

Senator  Logan  made  an  able  speech  in  the  Senate,  June 
28,  1879,  on  this  bill  also.  In  concluding  it  he  had  the  said 
sections  from  the  Revised  Statutes  read,  and  continued  as 
follows : 

I  have  had  these  sections  read  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  court  to  be  open  for  the  purpose,  if  arrests  are  made,  of 
giving  trial  or  examination.  Not  only  that,  but  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  exactly  the  duties  of  the  marshals  or  the  deputy-marshals  who 
are  appointed  under  these  provisions  ;  that  their  duty  is  not  to  interfere 
with  elections,  it  is  not  to  interfere  with  the  quiet  and  good  order  of 
the  people  ;  that  their  duties  are  not  to  see  that  persons  vote,  or  that 
persons  do  not  vote  ;  but  that  it  is  their  duty,  in  an  orderly  and  proper 
manner,  to  execute — what?  The  orders  which  they  are  required  to- 
execute  in  reference  to  keeping  the  peace  and  protecting  citizens  in  the 
right  they  are  attempting  to  exercise  at  the  polls. 

I  do  not  wish  to  discuss  the  question  as  to  the  propriety  of  keeping 
the  peace  at  the  polls,  or  the  good  order  of  society.  That  has  been 
discussed  over  and  over  again  in  this  Chamber  ;  but  it  does  seem  to 
me  that  any  member  of  Congress,  or  any  constituency,  that  will  nul 
lify  a  law  that  provides  for  keeping  the  peace  with  peace-officers,  for 
protecting  citizens  on  the  day  of  an  election  or  on  any  other  day,  pre- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  26^ 

\y 

venting  murder,  bloodshed,  and  crimes  of  various  kinds  from  being 
committed,  must  act  upon  a  theory  strange  and  novel  indeed.  But  if 
the  peace  cannot  be  kept  in  any  other  way,  and  a  marshal  shall  under 
take  to  exercise  his  authority  on  that  day  to  make  arrests,  either  from 
view  or  under  a  warrant  that  may  be  given  him  directed  against  an 
individual — if  he  does  it  under  any  one  of  these  sections  of  the  statutes, 
he  is  liable,  under  the  proposed  measure,  to  confinement  in  the  peniten 
tiary  and  to  pay  a  heavy  fine. 

You  may  search  the  laws,  I  believe,  of  every  nation,  and  you  cannot 
find  on  their  statute-books,  anywhere,  a  provision  in  which  a  man  is 
punishable  by  imprisonment  and  by  fine,  as  an  officer,  for  keeping  the 
peace  by  authority,  or  for  executing  the  law.  You  can  find  no  such 
instance  in  the  history  of  all  the  enactments  of  any  government.  It  at 
least  has  been  understood  by  us,  heretofore,  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
peace-officers  to  see  that  the  peace  was  preserved.  It  is  their  duty  to 
see  that  the  laws  are  obeyed  and  are  faithfully  executed.  It  is  their 
duty  to  protect  citizens  and  to  make  arrests  where  violence  is  used  or 
where  violations  of  the  law  are  wantonly  perpetrated.  And  yet  we  are 
told  distinctly  in  this  bill  to-day  that  wherever  peace  is  broken  on  elec 
tion-day  you  shall  not  restore  it  ;  that  is  to  say,  if  the  peace  is  kept,  there 
is  no  necessity  then  for  an  attempt  to  keep  it ;  but  if  the  peace  is  not 
kept,  then  you  shall  make  no  more  effort  to  keep  it  than  if  it  were  per 
fectly  preserved  ;  that  is,  the  United  States  shall  not  do  it.  In  other 
words,  if  a  murder  is  about  to  be  committed,  it  is  all  well  enough  to  stop 
it ;  but  if  the  life  is  to  be  preserved  by  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  it  will  be 
better  to  let  the  murder  be  committed.  No  marshal,  no  deputy-marshal, 
under  any  of  these  sections  in  title  26,  shall  enforce  the  law  or  protect 
the  citizen  against  violence  or  in  the  exercise  of  a  plain  and  constitu 
tional  duty.  This,  sir,  is  strange  legislation  indeed.  It  is  even  strange 
legislation  for  Democrats.  It  would  be  exceedingly  strange  legislation 
for  Republicans.  Why,  sir,  it  would  be  strange  legislation  for  the  Fiji 
Islanders!  We  boast  of  our  civilization  ;  we  boast  of  our  country,  of 
our  institutions,  of  the  freedom  of  thought,  the  freedom  of  speech,  the 
free  exercise  of  the  rights  of  the  citizen  in  this  glorious  land  of  ours. 
We  say  it  is  the  freest  land  on  earth,  and  we  glory  in  the  name  of  free 
America.  Yet  to-day  you  propose  to  place  upon  the  statute-books  of  the 
United  States  a  declaration  that  the  Government  shall  not  enforce  the 
law  by  one  of  its  marshals  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  its  citizens 
and  keeping  the  peace.  I  did  not  know  that  we  were  running  at  rail 
road  speed  into  nullification  and  anarchy,  and  against  the  peace  and 
good  order  of  society.  Why,  sir,  soon  we  will  be  in  the  very  midst  of 
confusion  and  disobedience  to  law,  in  the  very  midst  of  violence  and 


26'3  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

tumult,  the  abridgment  of  rights,  and  the  destruction  of  great  and 
fundamental  principles.  The  nullification  and  disobedience  of  law, 
is  one  of  the  first  steps  in  the  direction  of  disintegration  and  dissolu 
tion. 

Such  legislation  is  calculated  to  bring  our  country  and  our  laws 
into  disrepute,  and  make  us  a  laughing-stock  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized 
nations  of  the  earth. 

I  do  not  know  whether  this  bill  is  to  become  a  law  or  not.  If  so,  I 
<  in  only  characterize  it  as  surpassing  all  attempts  that  have  yet  been 
m:ide  by  any  Congress  since  this  Government  was  formed,  to  show  an 
utter  determination  to  defy  the  laws — to  nullify  them  by  legislation. 
In  other  words,  it  is  a  rebellious  spirit  and  act  against  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws.  That  is  the  least  you  can  make  out  of  it. 

I  tell  Senators  that  this  legislation  will  come  home  to  plague  the 
inventors  very  soon.  You  may  imagine  that  in  your  wisdom  in  these 
halls,  where  statesmanship  ought  to  dwell,  you  have  managed  and 
manipulated  so  that  the  country  will  sustain  you  in  that  which  you 
have  done  ;  but  I  tell  you,  when  the  people  understand  that  you  have 
turn  down  every  guarantee  to  the  protection  of  their  rights  at  the 
ballot-box  ;  that  you  have  disarmed  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  destroyed  a  portion  of  his  power ;  that  you  have  refused  appro 
priations  to  exercise  that  authority  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the 
peace  of  the  people  at  the  polls  ;  and  then,  by  a  second  law,  you  have 
demanded  that  no  civil  officer  shall  enforce  the  laws  under  the  mandates 
of  the  courts  or  under  the  orders  of  the  Executive  of  the  United  States 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  peace  in  this  country — when  they  under 
stand  that,  you  will  find,  even  among  the  hot-bloods  in  this  country, 
even  among  the  people  who  think  they  ought  to  be  exasperated  on 
account  of  some  imaginary  offense  perpetrated  against  them,  even 
among  the  people  who  may  think  they  are  maltreated  and  much  abused 
in  every  respect,  and  that  their  rights  are  trampled  under  foot, — even 
among  this  class  of  unthinking  people,  in  their  sober  moments,  they 
will  never  agree  to  any  such  proposition  as  this;  but  they  will  say  to 
you,  "The  theory  of  our  Government  is  that  the  Constitution  shall  be 
obeyed  ;  that  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof  shall  be  executed  ; 
that  if  the  laws  are  bad  laws  they  shall  be  repealed  ;  but,  until  they 
are  repealed,  no  party  has  a  right  to  nullify  them  and  deny  their  en 
forcement." 

Sir,  the  idea  that  American  citizens  shall  deny  any  authority  for 
the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  is  a  theory  never  taught  by  the  statesmen 
of  this  land,  before.  It  has  never  been  taught  by  your  Clays,  your 
Websters,  and  your  leading  men.  Revolution  may  have  been  taught, 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  267 

but  there  is  a  difference  between  revolution,  and  nullifying  a  law. 
Where  people  may  believe  that  oppression  is  bearing  them  down,  and 
they  undertake  to  throw  off  the  yoke  or  throw  off  the  laws  by  revolu 
tion,  it  is  very  different  from  denying  the  power  of  the  Government  to 
enforce  the  laws  that  they  themselves  enact,  and  are  required  to  observe. 
The  very  laws  that  you  yourselves  have  taken  an  oath  to  support,  the 
very  laws  that  you  are  bound  to  aid  the  Executive  in  enforcing,  are  the 
very  laws  that  you  tell  the  citizen  shall  not  be  obeyed. 

If  the  law  in  reference  to  protecting  the  citizens  by  a  marshal  on 
the  day  of  an  election  shall  not  be  enforced,  although  it  remains  upon 
the  statute-book,  I  want  you  to  tell  me  why  the  law  against  murder 
shall  be  enforced,  and  why  a  citizen  should  be  subject  to  the  law  ? 
Why  shall  the  law  against  larceny  be  enforced  ?  Why  shall  the  law 
against  arson  be  enforced  ?  Why  shall  the  law  against  robbing  the 
Treasury  be  enforced  ?  Why  shall  the  law  against  defrauding  the 
revenues  be  enforced  ?  Why  shall  the  law  against  perjury  be  enforced  ? 
Why  shall  the  law  against  any  of  the  offences  known  in  the  catalogue 
of  crime  be  enforced?  You  have  as  much  right  to  deny  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  law  against  any  crime,  as  you  have  to  deny  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  at  the  polls.  The  man 
who  teaches  the  doctrine,  to-day,  that  the  citizen  shall  not  obey  the  law, 
but  it  shall  be  nullified  by  withholding  appropriations  and  by  making 
it  a  penal  offence  to  execute  the  law,  teaches  a  doctrine  that  finally  will 
become  revolutionary,  and  will  produce  the  same  treasonable  course 
that  we  have  heretofore  witnessed,  for  it  leads  to  that.  It  leads  to 
refusing  to  obey  any  law  unless  you  yourselves  have  written  it,  unless 
you  yourselves  have  enacted  it.  It  leads  to  disobedience  of  the  power 
and  supremacy  of  the  Government  ;  and  finally  it  will  find  its  results 
in  disobedience  to  all  laws,  and  the  citizens,  taught  to  take  the  power 
in  their  own  hands,  will  execute  that  which  serves  their  purpose,  and 
disobey  that  which  does  not  serve  their  purpose.  In  that  way  we  are 
taught  the  lessons  of  Mexico,  we  are  taught  the  lessons  of  the  South 
American  republics — the  lesson  of  revolution,  riot,  and  bloodshed, 
against  the  peace  and  stability  of  our  country. 

Mr.  President,  in  my  judgment  there  will  be  a  still  small  voice  that 
will  come  up  from  the  midst  of  the  people  of  this  country,  ere  long,  that 
will  be  a  warning  to  some  of  our  friends  in  the  future.  The  whisperings 
of  that  voice  will  be,  that  the  teaching  of  the  good  men,  the  honest  men, 
and  patriots,  has  been,  and  is,  obedience  to  the  laws  and  the  Constitu 
tion  of  their  country.  Men  who  teach  otherwise  than  this,  are  bad 
teachers  for  a  community,  are  false  teachers  for  a  rising  generation,  and 
are  sowing  the  seeds  of  destruction  in  their  own  government. 


268  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


ON     THE     STUMP     AGAIN — THE     GREAT     DEMAND     FOR    LOGAN — 
CHARACTERISTIC    INCIDENTS    TOUCHING    THE    OLD    SOLDIERS. 

At  the  close  of  this  exciting  session,  which  had  been  full 
of  arduous  labors  for  him,  General  Logan  returned  to  his 
home,  at  Chicago,  to  rest  and  to  prepare  for  entering  actively 
into  the  fall  campaign  in  Ohio  and  Iowa.  The  great  demand 
for  General  Logan's  services  on  the  stump  is  shown  in  the 
following,  from  the  Freeport  Journal  of  July  16,  1879: 

Speaking  of  the  Ohio  campaign,  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  says  of 
our  Senator,  Logan  : 

"There  is  astonishing  information  from  Columbus  about  the  appli 
cation  made  for  speakers.  John  A.  Logan  is  wanted  in  the  most  places. 
He  will  be  a  promising  candidate  for  the  Presidency  presently.  Next 
to  Logan  comes  Garfield,  and  next  to  Garfield,  Elaine.  We  are  sur 
prised  to  hear  that  old  Zach  Chandler  does  not  come  first." 

When  President  Hayes  ran  for  Governor  of  Ohio  the  last  time,  Gen 
eral  Logan  stumped  the  State  at  his  urgent  request,  and  Mr.  Hayes  as 
sured  him,  after  election,  that  his  speeches  had  elected  him.  John  A. 
has  always  been  a  power  wherever  we  have  put  him,  and  should  he  be 
named  for  the  Presidency  would  get  as  many  votes  as  any  one  that  could 
be  nominated,  would  be  elected  by  a  rousing  majority,  and  would  fill 
the  office  as  he  has  all  the  other  high  and  responsible  offices  he  has 
been  called  to  fill,  acceptably  and  well.  No  mistake  would  be  made  in 
heading  our  national  ticket  at  the  next  election  with  the  name  of  John 
A.  Logan. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  Chicago  Evening  Journal 
published  the  special  despatch  which  is  given  below  to  show 
that  General  Logan's  sympathy  for  the  worn-out  and  helpless 
soldier  was  manifested  in  deeds,  as  well  as  words : 

GALESBURG,  ILL.,  July  i2th. — Colonel  L.  Potter,  late  of  the  33d  Infan 
try,  who  has  been  in  ill-health  for  years,  died  this  morning.  Post  No.  45, 
G.  A.  R.,  has  provided  for  him  and  family  since  the  organization  of  the 
Post.  Colonel  Potter  was  a  gallant  soldier,  while  in  the  service  receiv 
ing  wounds  which  have  made  him  helpless.  He  never  applied  for  a 
pension  until  a  few  weeks  ago,  when  the  Post  sent  to  General  Logan, 
who  secured  a  pension,  in  advance  of  thousands  of  applicants,  of  $32 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  269 

per  month,  and  $3,500  back  pension.  This  act  of  General  Logan's  will 
never  be  forgotten  by  the  afflicted  family  of  the  deceased,  nor  by  the 
entire  community. 

At  the  soldiers'  reunion  at  Aurora,  in  August  of  this  same 
year,  General  Logan  was  a  participant.  The  Tribune  of 
August  23d,  after  referring  to  the  fact  that  the  General  par 
took  of  a  little  lunch  in  one  of  the  headquarter  tents,  in  com 
pany  with  others,  said  : 

His  seat  was  near  the  entrance,  and  it  was  amusing  to  see  the  war 
worn  veterans  coming  to  him  with  an  apology  for  intruding,  but  express 
ing  a  strong  desire  to  shake  him  by  the  hand.  Old  soldiers  hobbled  up 
on  wooden  legs,  with  one  coat-sleeve  empty,  and  under  various  similar 
circumstances,  and,  proudly  pointing  to  their  infirmities,  would  say,  "  I 
got  that  fighting  in  your  division,  General,"  or  would  name  the  battle 
that  crippled  them  for  life.  And  General  Logan  would  shake  them 
heartily  by  the  hand  and  appear  glad  to  see  them.  This  reunion  of 
soldiers  has  called  up  many  reminiscences  of  the  great  struggle  extend 
ing  over  the  period  of  nearly  five  years,  and  the  old  soldiers  have  spun 
many  yarns  since  they  have  been  here,  and  the  remembrance  of  Camp 
Dick  Yates  will  linger  lovingly  in  their  hearts  for  years  to  come.  It  is  a 
question  whether  it  will  not  have  a  better  effect  in  rekindling  the  loy 
alty  of  the  people  in  this  section  of  the  country  than  all  the  essays,  ser 
mons,  and  political  speeches  which  have  been  delivered  in  the  past  five 
years. 

The  soldiers  appear  to  be  fonder  of  relating  the  scrapes  and  awk 
ward  positions  they  got  into  during  their  terms  of  service,  than  any  of 
the  more  pleasant  and  less  exciting  episodes.  Captain  Collins,  an  old 
resident  of  Aurora,  was  introduced  to  General  Logan  to-day.  He  was 
the  commander  of  a  company  in  the  Fourth  Illinois  Cavalry,  and  he 
tried  to  make  General  Logan  remember  him,  without  success  for  a  time. 
Finally  a  gleam  of  joy  overshadowed  his  face  as  he  renewed  the  attack. 

"General,"  said  he,  "do  you  remember  the  circumstance  of  a  cav 
alry  captain  brought  before  you,  at  one  time,  on  the  charge  of  stealing 
horses?  I  told  you  that  cavalrymen  were  poor  walkers,  and  their 

own  horses  were  played  out;  and  you  said,  'By captain,  I  don't 

blame  you  a  bit ! '  and  dismissed  me  with  a  compliment,  while  you  sent 
the  owners  of  the  horses  back  to  my  quarters  to  get  whatever  horses  the 
company  could  not  use  and  had  to  spare." 

The  General  then  remembered  the  captain  well,  and  shook  him  by 
the  hand  more  warmly  than  ever. 


2/0  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

LOGAN'S  CANVASS  OF  OHIO  IN  1879 — AT  DAYTON,  SPRINGFIELD, 

VAN    WERT,    BELLEFONTAINE,    AND    ELSEWHERE OVATIONS 

EVERYWHERE. 

General  Logan's  canvass  of  Ohio  was  a  triumphant  one. 
"No  man,"  said  the  Inter-Ocean,  "has  been  received  with 
more  favor  by  the  people  of  Ohio  than  General  John  A. 
Logan.  He  meets  with  ovations  everywhere  he  goes.  No 
one  has  been  more  persistently  vilified  and  lied  about,  and 
such  receptions  from  the  loyal  masses  in  Ohio  cannot  be  other 
than  gratifying  to  him,  as  they  are  to  his  hosts  of  friends  in 
Illinois."  At  Dayton  he  was  met  at  the  depot  by  a  large 
committee  of  veterans,  and  great  numbers  of  other  veterans 
called  on  him.  "  No  celebrated  personage  ever  visited  us," 
said  a  Dayton  special  of  September  4th  to  the  Cincinnati 
Gazette,  "  who  attracted  more  attention  or  who  was  more 
cordially  received  than  General  Logan  ;  and  we  have  had  a 
look  at  all  our  eminent  personages.  '  You  see,'  remarked 
an  old  battle-scarred  veteran,  '  the  General  takes  right  hold 
of  a  fellow,  and  sorter  shakes  him  up  ! '  All  the  old  army 
boys  have  faith  in  General  Logan,  and  we  heard  quite  a  num 
ber  swear  by  him."  The  same  account  continues  : 

The  gathering  of  the  masses  at  the  court-house  was  a  sight  worth 
witnessing,  and  was  an  inspiration  to  the  illustrious  speaker.  It  was 
altogether  the  largest  meeting  of  the  sovereign  people  we  have  seen 
here  since  the  papers  have  taken  to  publishing,  the  morning  after  their 
delivery,  the  speeches  of  illustrious  men.  It  was  an  outpouring  of 
the  masses,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  crowd  was  quite  up  ta  the  meas 
ure  of  the  great  occasion.  The  appearance  of  the  speaker  on  the  stand 
was  the  signal  for  an  outburst  of  applause  such  as  is  seldom  heard  ;  it 
was  such  a  greeting  as  any  man  might  be  proud  of. 

In  the  course  of  his  speech  there,  as  reported  by  the 
above  paper,  General  Logan  said : 

"  The  Constitution  makes  every  man  born  in  the  United  States,  or 
naturalized,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  of  the  State  in 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR.  271 

which  he  lives,  and  holds  him  under  obligation  to  support  and  defend 
the  Government.  It  was  folly  to  say  that  under  the  Constitution  the 
Government  could  make  laws,  but  had  not  the  requisite  powers  to 
enforce  them.  All  the  power  exists  in  the  people  of  which  the  Nation 
is  composed.  So,  when  the  Constitution  guarantees  to  each  State  a 
Republican  form  of  government,  and  to  protect  it  against  domestic  vio 
lence  or  invasion,  it  has  the  right,  and  it  is  its  duty,  to  use  the  whole 
power  of  the  people  for  this  purpose.  But  they  say  the  Government 
cannot  invade  a  State.  Nobody  wants  it  to.  We  want  it  to  enforce  its 
own  laws  in  each  and  every  State.  When  Congress  passed  laws  for  pro 
tection  at  the  ballot-box,  they  carried  with  them  the  obligation  to  see 
them  enforced.  If  it  were  otherwise  ;  if  the  State  could  nullify  such 
laws,  the  State  would  be  more  powerful  than  the  General  Government. 
That  was  the  doctrine  attempted  to  be  carried  out  in  1861  ;  that  is,  the 
minority  declared  the  majority  had  no  power  to  decide  the  constitution 
ality  of  questions  affecting  their  interests  ;  that  there  was  no  power  in 
herent  in  the  government  for  its  own  preservation.  Upon  that  doctrine 
the  Democratic  Party  brought  on  the  war.  All  knew  the  results.  It 
was  hoped  that  the  question  was  settled  forever,  but  in  the  last  Con 
gress,  State  rights  and  secession  reared  its  head  again,  declaring  this  was 
a  mere  confederacy  ;  that  senators  were  only  ambassadors  from  the 
States  ;  that  there  was  no  power  to  make  the  people  of  a  State  acknowl 
edge  the  constitutionality  of  a  law,  or  yield  obedience  to  it. 

As  to  article  4,  section  4,  of  the  Constitution,  providing  that  the 
State  Legislatures  may  call  on  the  Government  for  aid  to  suppress 
domestic  violence,  etc.,  it  simply  means  that  when  a  State  has  not  the 
power  to  put  down  violence  against  its  own  laws  and  its  own  officers,  it 
may  ask  the  General  Government  for  aid  ;  but  when  and  wherever  the 
Government  finds  it  necessary  to  use  force  to  execute  its  own  laws  and 
protect  its  own  officers,  the  State  has  no  part  in  the  matter.  The  Gov 
ernment  executes  its  own  laws,  and  every  man  in  the  Nation  may  be 
called  out  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  them,  without  waiting  to  be 
called  on  by  the  State  authorities.  In  support  of  the  Confederate 
idea,  your  Democratic  Senators  and  members  of  Congress  voted  with 
the  South.  Why  ?  Because  in  the  caucus,  a  majority  were  from  the 
South,  and  when  the  decree  of  the  caucus  was  known,  every  Northern 
Democrat  ran  eagerly  to  vote  accordingly.  They  are  bound  hand  and 
foot  to  obey  the  mandates  of  the  South.  Your  members  of  Congress 
from  this  State  have  no  more  power  with  them  than  a  child. 

At  Springfield,  the  next  night,  there  was  another  grand 
turnout  of  the  people,  and  "  General   Logan   held  the  audi- 


272 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


ence  in  the  closest  attention  for  two  hours  and  a  quarter." 
At  the  conclusion  of  Logan's  speech,  the  following  scene 
occurred.  General  Kennedy,  after  denying  a  published  false 
hood,  that  he  had  said  that  "he  didn't  believe  there  was  an 
honest  man  in  the  Democratic  Party,"  continued  thus — as 
reported  by  the  Springfield  Republic : 

He  told  of  some  Democrats  whom  he  liked  and  honored  ;  especially 
of  one  who,  when  it  became  a  question  of  patriotism  or  party,  gave  up 
his  party  as  a  Democrat,  and  went  to  the  front  as  a  soldier  to  fight  the 
battles  of  his  country  at  the  head  of  a  large  army.  General  Kennedy 
described  that  man  as  he  saw  him  riding  up  and  down  the  lines,  cheer 
ing  his  men  on  to  victory,  and  concluded,  "that  man  was  General  John 
A.  Logan,  who  sits  before  you."  At  those  words  the  vast  audience 
rose  to  its  feet  and  cheered  itself  hoarse,  taking  up  the  applause  again 
and  again.  Such  an  ovation  was  probably  never  given  any  man  in 
Springfield,  and  the  best  of  it  was,  it  was  as  honest  and  well  meant  as 
it  was  spontaneous. 

The  Cincinnati  Commercial  correspondence  of  this  date, 
from  Columbus,  gives  the  following  exaggerated  description 
of  General  Logan  on  the  stump,  which,  however,  is  not  so 
bad — barring  the  "  long  hair,"  which  the  General  had  not 
got — when  it  is  known  to  have  been  written  by  a  hostile  pen  : 

.  .  .  He  makes  a  good  point,  and  there  is  an  appreciative  burst  of 
applause  from  the  audience,  and  the  barriers  are  down  at  last,  and 
Logan  is  charging  them  all  along  the  line,  as,  in  leaden  hail,  with  Hying 
banners  and  rattling  musketry  and  screaming  shells,  he  used  to  ride 
down  on  the  rebel  lines  like  the  black  angel  of  death.  His  sleeves  are 
pulled  up  to  his  elbows,  his  long  black  hair  is  hanging  over  his  flash 
ing  eyes  ;  his  clenched  right  fist  beats  a  tattoo  on  the  desk  beside  him, 
or  wildly  pounds  the  open  palm  of  his  left  hand  with  blows  that  would 
knock  down  an  ox,  and  under  the  huge  mustache  the  broad  chin  churns 
incessantly.  Now  and  then  he  steps  back  and  pauses,  while  he  hitches 
up  his  sleeves,  pushes  back  his  long  hair  from  his  face,  and  tucks  it 
under  at  the  back  of  his  neck,  pulls  his  mustaches  apart  with  both 
hands,  and  lunges  forward  like  a  diver,  to  get  his  coat  back  in  shape. 
Then  he  puts  the  left  thumb  into  the  arm-hole,  pushing  back  his  coat- 
collar  to  do  it,  settles  himself  on  his  right  leg  with  a  stamp  of  the  left 
foot,  raises  the  rather  stumpy  index-finger  of  his  right  hand  and  inaug- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  273 

urates  another  advance,  terminating  inevitably  in  a  wild  charge  and  a 
ringing  whoop-la  and  hi-yah  of  victory.  His  very  earnestness  and  self- 
belief  carry  away  his  hearers.  Whatever  may  be  the  feeling  of  the 
audience,  it  is  plain  to  see  that  the  speaker  enjoys  it.  In  Springfield 
he  spoke  for  two  hours  and  fifteen  minutes,  and  closed  then  reluct 
antly,  and  it  is  but  fair  to  say  that  no  speaker  in  the  world  ever  ad 
dressed  a  more  appreciative  audience,  or  one  that  listened  more  atten 
tively  to  every  word,  and  applauded  more  promptly  and  heartily  every 
point  made.  Even  the  General  said  that  he  would  speak  in  Ohio  for  a 
month  if  he  could  have  such  audiences  as  that,  for  it  was  one  of  the 
best  he  ever  addressed. 

As  it  was  at  Springfield,  so  had  it  been  at  Van  Wert,  and 
so  was  it  at  Bellefontaine,  and  wherever  in  Ohio  he  addressed 
the  people.  Everywhere  the  audiences  were  immense,  and 
the  enthusiasm  evoked  by  his  coming,  and  by  his  speeches, 
unbounded.  Indeed,  the  papers  were  full  of  suggestions  of 
his  name  for  the  Presidency  so  great  was  his  evident  popu 
larity  wherever  he  went. 

HIS    CAMPAIGN    IN    IOWA OVATION    AFTER   OVATION    ALONG  THE 

WHOLE    LINE    FROM  WATERLOO    TO     BURLINGTON LOGAN     EX 
CELS    IN    A    NEW   ROLE. 

In  Iowa,  later  on,  it  was  the  same.  At  Waterloo  he  had 
to  speak  twice  in  one  day.  The  Iowa  State  Register  s  account 
says :  "  Ths  meeting  in  the  beautiful  West  Side  Park,  in  the 
afternoon,  was  the  grandest  political  demonstration  ever 
known  in  the  Cedar  Valley.  The  incoming  trains  were 
jammed  to  their  utmost  capacity,  and  when  the  great  crowd 
of  ten  thousand  people  gathered  about  the  speaker's  stand  in 
the  afternoon,  it  was  evident  no  human  voice  could  bring 
them  all  within  hearing.  In  the  evening,  at  Waterloo,  there 
was  another  magnificent  meeting  at  the  Opera  House."  At 
West  Liberty,  where  the  General's  sleeping-car  was  side 
tracked,  the  whole  town,  with  a  military  company  and  band, 
turned  out  in  the  morning  and  insisted  on  a  speech  from 
Logan.  Says  the  same  account:  "At  every  station  along 
18 


274 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


the  road,  old  soldiers  would  board  the  train  and  demand  the 
privilege  of  shaking  hands  with  the  General.  At  Newton, 
the  General  was  received  with  a  cannon  salute,  music  by 
bands,  an  address  of  welcome  by  Mayor  Smith,  and  three 
times  three  cheers  for  Logan,  by  the  veteran  soldiers.  Chair 
man  Runnells,  and  the  reception  committee  from  Des  Moines, 
joined  the  party  here.  The  General  was  taken  at  once  to  the 
court-house  square,  and  addressed  an  immense  audience  for 
over  two  hours."  Another  account  tells  of  the  grand  pro 
cession  ;  the  great  display  of  red,  white,  and  blue,  from  the 
houses  on  the  line  of  march  ;  the  magnificent  triple  arch  of 
welcome  formed  of  evergreens,  stars,  wreaths,  pennons  and 
flags  bearing  the  names  of  Logan's  battles,  while  the  keystone 
of  the  arch  was  a  huge  cartridge-box  inscribed  with  "  Fifteenth 
Army  Corps — Forty  Rounds  ;"  the  richly  decorated  stand  in 
the  court-house  park  ;  the  park  covered  with  seats  ;  "  the 
court-house  itself  one  grand  display  of  flags  and  color  ;"  and 
further  describes  the  march  itself  as  an  "  ovation."  At  Des 
Moines,  September  I5th,  "  General  Logan,"  said  a  special  to 
the  Inter-Ocean,  "  drew  such  a  crowd,  that  the  Opera  House, 
where  he  spoke,  with  a  capacity  of  two  thousand,  would  not 
hold  one-third  of  those  who  wanted  to  hear  him.  He  spoke 
for  two  hours — a  powerful  and  effective  effort.  .  .  .  There 
were  many  evidences  that,  as  a  soldier  and  a  patriot,  General 
Logan  has  a  remarkable  and  lasting  hold  upon  the  affections 
and  the  admiration  of  the  people  of  the  State,  regardless  of 
political  feeling  or  partisan  bias."  So  it  was  everywhere.  At 
Burlington  the  last  of  these  grand  ovations  was  given  on 
September  i8th.  To  add  to  the  General's  pleasure,  Frank 
Hatton  had  telegraphed  to  Mrs.  Logan  to  come  on,  and  sur 
prise  the  General.  "  She  was  made  a  member  of  the  recep 
tion  committee,  and,"  said  an  eye-witness,  "  when  the  General 
stepped  off  the  train  to  the  music  of  a  cannon  salute  and  a 
brass  band,  he  received  the  best  of  all  welcomes  from  his 
wife."  The  same  narrator  tells  an  interesting  story  of  an  im- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 

promptu  chowder  excursion  given  to  the  General  and  his 
wife,  up  the  river,  from  Burlington  to  Otter  Island.  Said  he  : 
"  Quite  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  the  occasion  occurred 
on  the  boat  coming  down.  Night  was  falling,  and  the  steamer 
was  running  rapidly  down  the  Mississippi.  The  excursion 
ists  were  all  on  deck,  and  General  Logan  at  last  yielded  to 
the  demands  of  the  ladies  for  some  recitations  from  Shake 
speare.  He  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  company,  and  recited, 
in  splendid  style,  some  of  the  speeches  of  Richard  the  Third. 
In  form,  bearing,  and  appearance  he  seemed  the  very  person 
ation  of  tragic  power  and  passion.  It  was  a  treat  not  soon  to 
be  forgotten,  to  hear  a  United  States  Senator  and  Major-Gen 
eral  recite  Shakespeare  in  a  manner  Booth  might  envy." 

Under  the  head  of  "  LOGAN'S  LOGIC — IT  DID  GOOD  WORK 
AMONG  THE  DEMOCRATS,"  the  Hawkeye,  September  20,  1879, 
said : 

General  Logan  has  done  a  good  work  in  Burlington.  He  had  a 
great  many  Democrats  among  his  auditors  at  Union  Hall,  who  listened 
attentively  to  his  eloquent  address.  They  did  not  indorse  all  his  ideas, 
but  many  of  them  acknowledged  that  he  laid  down  a  good  many  truths 
and  political  facts  that  are  worth  considering.  "I  tell  you,"  said  a 
prominent  Democrat,  "  there  is  a  good  deal  of  sound  sense  in  what 
Logan  said  about  finances  and  about  things  down  South.  I  can't  and 
won't  approve  of  such  transactions  as  those  down  in  Mississippi.  It  is 
all  wrong,  and  there  is  no  use  trying  to  defend  them.  And  Logan 
is  right  about  the  finances.  His  experience  with  the  old  State  money  is 
almost  identical  with  mine.  When  I  was  a  young  man  I  worked  on  a 
farm  near  Burlington  for  $12.50  a  month.  Finally,  when  I  was  paid  off, 
I  came  to  town  and  took  my  money  to  the  State  Bank.  Mr.  Brooks 
paid  me  forty  cents  on  the  dollar  for  my  money,  and  that  was  all  it  was 
worth.  That  made  my  wages  $5  a  month,  instead  of  $12.50.  I  tell  you 
I  don't  want  any  more  of  that  kind  of  money.  I've  had  enough  of  it. 
We  have  now  the  best  monetary  system  in  the  world.  Let  it  alone." 
And  in  all  these  utterances  we  are  sure  the  gentleman  reflected  the  sen 
timents  of  hosts  of  the  Democrats  of  Burlington. 

Among  the  numberless  notices  of  General  Logan's  efforts 
in  this  campaign,  the  following  will  give  a  slight  idea  of  the 


276  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

sensation  he  created  both  in  Ohio  and  Iowa.     Said  the  Mon 
itor-Index,  September  igth: 

General  Logan  is  waking  up  the  Republicans  in  Iowa.  He  is  pre 
senting  some  strong  Republican  arguments,  and  drawing  some  of  the 
largest  crowds  that  ever  came  together  in  that  State  to  attend  political 
meetings.  The  political  interest  of  1860  seems  to  have  returned  to  the 
people  of  Iowa.  No  political  speaker  ever  met  with  warmer  reception, 
or  commanded  more  attention,  in  Ohio  and  Iowa,  than  General  Logan 
has  this  fall.  The  people  of  those  States  seem  to  appreciate  Illinois' 
Senator. 

Said  the  Bushnell  Record,  September  26th : 

The  enthusiastic  reception  General  Logan  receives  wherever  he 
goes  in  other  States  indicates  that  he  would  be  a  very  popular  candi 
date  for  a  national  office. 

Said  the  Belvidere  Northivestern,  of  the  same  date : 

During  the  past  week,  General  John  A.  Logan  has  been  campaign 
ing  in  Iowa,  and  everywhere  he  goes  he  does  good  service  for  the  Re 
publican  Party  and  meets  with  a  most  enthusiastic  welcome.  We  no 
tice  that  many  of  the  Republicans  of  that  State  consider  him  the  "  dark 
horse "  in  the  Presidential  contest  next  year.  The  people  might  go 
much  farther  and  fare  worse,  and  we  believe  that  the  ball  once  started 
in  that  direction,  General  Logan  would  become  one  of  the  strongest 
and  most  prominent  candidates  before  the  people  for  the  Chief  Magis 
tracy. 

Said  the  Chicago  Journal : 

Great  crowds  gather  to  hear  General  John  A.  Logan  in  Iowa.  They 
like  his  plain,  emphatic  style  of  putting  things. 

Said  the   Pontiac  Sentinel,  September    i7th,  under  the 
heading  "  JOHN  A.  LOGAN  :  " 

The  ablest  orator  now  speaking  in  the  West  is  he  whose  name  heads 
this  item.  In  Ohio  he  gathered  audiences  such  as  no  other  man  could 
gather,  and  charmed  them  with  his  silver-tongued  eloquence  in  a  way 
that  no  other  man  has  done.  In  Iowa,  he  is  addressing  audiences  of 
ten  thousand  people,  hundreds  of  whom  are  soldier-boys  that  served 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  277 

under  the  bold  and  gallant  commander  in  the  field.  Everywhere  that 
he  goes,  he  creates  an  enthusiasm  almost  unparalleled.  The  boys  in 
blue  are  overjoyed  to  see  again  the  u  Black  Eagle,"  invincible  in  war, 
whom  they  followed  over  a  hundred  bloody  fields  to  hard-won  victories. 
Our  Soldier-President,  Grant,  was  one  of  the  best  that  ever  sat  in  the 
White  House.  He  may  be  followed  by  another  Soldier-President, 
Logan,  equally  brave  and  gifted. 

General  Logan's  Burlington  speech  was  the  last  he 
could  deliver  in  Iowa,  as  he  was  obliged  to  go  on  to  Kansas, 
on  business  connected  with  the  investigations  of  a  Senate 
committee. 

LOGAN,  IN  1879,  ON  THE  RECIPROCAL  DUTIES  OF  THE  CITIZEN 
TO  THE  GOVERNMENT,  AND  THE  GOVERNMENT  TO  THE  CIT 
IZEN. 

In  a  speech,  delivered  before  the  Union  Veteran  Club,  at 
Chicago,  November  13,  1879,  General  Logan  said  : 

I  don't  believe  that  the  armies  of  the  Union  fought  for  the  purpose 
of  executing  the  laws  against  themselves,  and  letting  them  be  unexecuted 
against  others.  I  don't  believe  that  the  army  of  this  Union  fought  for 
the  protection  of  themselves  under  our  Constitution  and  laws,  and  at 
the  same  time  would  withdraw  the  protection  from  others.  I  don't  be 
lieve  that  the  protection  of  the  Government  belongs  to  the  white  man, 
or  the  man  of  any  other  color,  exclusively.  While  this  Constitution, 
by  its  Fourteenth  amendment,  makes  every  man  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States  ;  while  it  makes  him  a  citizen  and  clothes  him  with  the  power  of 
citizenship  everywhere  in  this  country,  at  the  same  time  it  makes  him  a 
citizen  it  requires  of  him  a  duty  to  the  Government,  that  whenever  it 
calls  for  his  services  he  is  bound  to  obey  that  call.  And  while  it  puts  this 
duty  upon  him,  not  only  in  war  but  in  peace,  there  is  a  corresponding 
obligation  growing  out  from  this  Constitution  and  this  Government  to 
that  citizen.  What  is  that,  my  countrymen  ?  It  is,  that  while  he  is 
bound  by  this  Government  to  perform  all  the  duties  of  a  citizen,  this 
Government  is  bound  to  him  to  perform  the  duty  of  a  nation.  The 
government  that  fails  to  extend  protection  to  its  citizens  in  the  exercise 
of  their  political  rights,  where  it  has  the  power  to  do  it,  fails  in  per 
forming  one  of  the  most  important  duties  that  belong  to  a  nation,  and 
fails  to  survive  and  be  perpetuated  as  a  Nation. 


278  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

I  say  right  here,  and  I  want  everyone  to  understand,  that  I  am  in 
favor  of  it  myself ;  and  I  am  not  in  favor  of  any  man  or  set  of  men,  or 
parties,  be  they  who  they  may,  that  will  not  extend  the  power  of  this 
Government  for  the  preservation  and  peace  and  protection  of  its  citi 
zens  in  Illinois,  or  Mississippi,  and  elsewhere.  The  man  or  government 
that  would  force  a  man  to  vote  contrary  to  his  own  judgment,  does  vio 
lence  to  free  institutions.  A  government — city,  State,  national  or  local 
— that  will  not  protect  its  citizens  at  an  election,  be  it  general  or  local, 
in  voting  as  they  please,  as  well  as  it  may  or  can,  fails  to  perform  its 
duty  toward  them.  I  don't  mean  that  this  Government  can  protect  one 
man  from  being  shot — of  course  not — where  the  murderer  waylays 
him  ;  but  I  speak  of  its  citizens,  its  communities,  as  bodies.  So  that, 
whenever  in  Chicago,  or  Illinois,  a  force,  armed  or  otherwise,  under 
takes  to  deprive  a  community  of  citizens,  or  a  body  of  citizens,  from 
exercising  their  political  rights  in  their  own  way,  under  the  Constitu 
tion  and  laws — if  the  power  does  not  exist  there  to  suppress  it  and 
protect  the  citizen,  the  Government  is  a  failure.  That  is  my  notion  of 
a  nation. 

I  want  a  government  that  gives  me  protection — protection  to  my 
life,  my  liberty,  and  my  property,  if  I  have  any.  That  is  what  we 
started  out  to  do  in  the  origin  of  this  Government.  I  feel,  my  com 
rades,  that  this  theory  ought  not  to  belong  to  any  party.  It  ought  not 
to  be  termed  the  theory  of  any  political  party.  It  ought  to  be  the 
theory  of  every  American  citizen  ;  and  the  men  who  fought  to  destroy 
this  Union,  to-day  ought  to  be  the  first  men  to  embrace  the  doctrine 
that  this  is  a  Government  with  power  to  protect  them,  and  that  the 
power  should  be  exercised. 

LOGAN     SECURES     THE     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION    OF 
l88o    FOR    CHICAGO A    BRILLIANT    FLANKING    MOVEMENT. 

As  another  instance  of  the  close  care  with  which  General 
Logan  watched,  and  the  skill  with  which  he  worked  for,  the 
interest  of  his  State  and  people,  may  be  mentioned  the 
brilliant  flank  movement  by  which,  in  December,  1879,  he 
secured  for  Chicago  the  honor  of  the  Republican  Convention 
of  1880,  and  at  the  same  time  himself  named  the  chairman  of 
the  Republican  National  Committee.  The  Washington  cor 
respondent  of  the  Philadelphia  Press  told  the  story  as 
follows  : 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


279 


To  John  A.  Logan  more  than  to  any  other  man  is  Don  Cameron 
indebted  for  his  success.  The  Illinois  Senator  had  set  his  heart  upon 
having  the  next  Republican  Convention  held  in  Chicago.  But  he 
feared  that  a  strong  movement  would  be  made  to  bring  it  East,  and 
was  confirmed  in  this  apprehension  when  he  found,  a  while  ago,  that 
Philadelphia  was  being  much  talked  of  as  the  best  place.  He  saw  that 
the  way  to  nip  this  movement  in  the  bud  was  to  bring  out  a  Pennsyl 
vania  man  for  chairman,  since,  in  that  event,  the  State  would  hardly 
feel  like  asking  the  Convention  also.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  bring 
out  Cameron  for  the  chairmanship,  and  the  result  was  all  that  he 
desired.  The  Pennsylvania  guns  were  spiked  on  the  locality  question, 
and  not  a  lisp  was  heard  to-day  in  advocacy  of  Philadelphia,  while 
Logan's  ticket  of  Cameron  for  chairman,  and  Chicago  the  place,  swept 
the  board. 

LOGAN'S  ABLE  LEGAL  ARGUMENT  IN  THE  SENATE  ON  THE  FIVE- 
PER-CENT.  CLAIMS  OF  ILLINOIS  AND  OTHER  STATES. 

Another  powerful  speech,  during  which  he  was  subjected 
to  frequent  interruptions  by  some  of  the  very  ablest  lawyers 
of  the  Senate,  his  ready  responses  to  whom  exhibited  his 
legal  acumen  and  skill  in  debate,  was  delivered  February  20, 
1880,  in  the  United  States  Senate  on  a  bill  ''to  authorize 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  land 
located  with  military  warrants  in  the  States  described  there 
in,  and  for  other  purposes  "  —the  question  involved  being  the 
payment  of  the  five-per-cent.  claim  of  the  State  of  Illinois 
and  other  States  due  to  them  on  the  sales  or  disposal  of  the 
public  lands  within  their  jurisdiction.  It  was  a  legal  argu 
ment,  and  was  conceded  by  Senator  Edmunds, — although 
not  given  to  compliment  and  who  took  opposite  ground, — to 
be  a  "  very  able  argument."  At  its  close  Logan  said : 

No,  Mr.  President,  this  contract,  between  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  and  these  States,  was  entered  into  in  good  faith,  on  the 
part  of  the  people  at  that  time  desiring  the  growth  of  this  country, 
desiring  that  it  should  be  peopled,  that  it  should  grow  into  great  States. 
These  inducements  were  held  out  to  get  people  to  organize  State  gov 
ernments.  They  did  it,  and  at  the  door  of  this  National  Government, 


\ 


280  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

for  years  back,  these  States  have  asked  that  justice  be  done  in  reference 
to  this  particular  thing  ;  and  it  has  been  denied,  because,  forsooth,  they 
say  it  will  tax  the  people  of  this  country  !  So  does  money  appropri 
ated  for  the  purpose  of  dredging  out  a  harbor,  which  might  be  con 
venient  to  the  constituency  of  some  senators  and  not  of  others.  So 
does  an  appropriation  for  the  great  harbor  of  New  York,  tax  the  people 
of  this  country.  So  does  an  appropriation  for  our  lakes  and  our  rivers, 
tax  the  people  of  this  country.  But  because,  perhaps,  one  of  the  great 
arteries  of  this  Nation  does  not  wend  its  way  through  some  of  the 
States,  is  that  any  reason  why  a  general  fund  should  not  be  taken  for 
the  purpose  of  opening  up  the  highway  ?  Is  that  the  argument  that  is 
to  be  used  in  this  Chamber  ?  If  so,  then  the  doctrine  of  the  rights  of 
States  has  gone  so  far  that  no  one  can  vote  for  any  appropriation  un 
less  it  applies  peculiarly  to  his  own  State. 

Sir,  we,  it  seems  to  me,  as  an  American  people,  should  look  above 
and  beyond  this.  This  great  country  should  be  one  country,  one  grand 
whole,  where  each  and  every  man  should  be  willing  that  his  mite 
if  necessary  should  be  contributed  for  the  general  welfare,  and  that 
which  is  agreed  to  be  honest  and  just  between  the  Government  and 
States,  between  individuals  and  individuals,  should  be  kept  sacred  and 
considered  binding.  Good  faith  should  be  carried  out  on  the  part  of  all, 
and  then  there  will  be  no  reason  for  complaint.  Each  and  every  com 
pact  with  a  State  should  be  kept  in  the  most  implicit  good  faith  ;  every 
thing  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  the  people  should  be  faithfully  ful 
filled,  and  our  arguments,  in  my  judgment,  should  be  in  that  direction 
which  would  benefit  the  whole — not  that  "  my  State  will  not  be  bene 
fited,  if  this  thing  is  done  for  the  East  or  for  the  South,"  but  "the 
whole  country  will  receive  the  benefit."  So,  too,  in  carrying  out  agree 
ments  and  contracts  ;  if  they  are  honest  and  just,  we  should  all  say, 
"Let  them  be  carried  out;  whether  they  benefit  my  State  directly,  or 
not,  is  immaterial  ;  if  the  faith  of  the  Government  is  pledged,  let  the 
faith  of  the  Government  be  kept." 

THE  FITZ-JOHN  PORTER  CASE — LOGAN'S  WONDERFUL  FOUR  DAYS* 
SPEECH  BEFORE  A  LISTENING  SENATE  AND  CROWDED  GAL 
LERIES. 

Of  the  many  great  speeches  made  by  General  Logan, 
whether  on  the  stump,  before  the  courts,  in  the  House,  or  in 
the  Senate,  perhaps  the  greatest  of  all  was  the  famous  four 
days'  speech  of  March  (2,  3,  4,  and  5),  1880,  on  the  bill  to 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  28 1 

restore  Fitz-John  Porter  to  the  army, — and  pay  him  $60,000 
to  boot,  for  back  pay, — delivered  before  a  listening  Senate 
and  crowded  galleries  throughout,  with  Elaine,  and  Conkling, 
and  Edmunds,  and  Thurman,  and  General  Sherman,  and 
even  Porter  himself,  giving  absorbed  attention  to  the  marvel 
lous  array  of  military  law-learning,  facts,  arguments,  illustra 
tion,  denunciation,  and  appeal  which  poured  from  the  eloquent 
lips  of  this  warrior-statesman.  It  was  likened,  by  the  press, 
to  the  greatest  effort  of  Tom  Benton,  in  length  and  force,  and 
the  New  York  Tribune  said  of  it:  "Probably  never  before 
within  the  history  of  the  Senate  has  a  speech,  lasting  through 
the  sessions  of  four  days,  been  listened  to  with  such  atten 
tion."  And  the  result  of  that  speech  was  the  defeat  of  the 
bill  in  that  Congress.  Most  extraordinary  was  the  ease  with 
which,  at  various  stages  of  its  delivery,  when  interrupted  by 
such  practised  debaters  and  legal  luminaries  as  Ben  Hill,  and 
Randolph,  and  Kernan,  he  unhorsed  his  adversaries  in  debate. 
It  is  impossible,  of  course,  even  to  sketch  this  wonderful 
speech,  this  great  legal  argument,  which  covers  no  less  than 
forty-six  pages  of  the  Congressional  Record;  but  the  protest 
with  which  the  gifted  Senator  closed,  may  not  inappropriately 
here  be  given.  Said  he  : 

Then,  sir,  in  conclusion,  I  say  as  an  American  citizen,  as  a  senator 
of  the  United  States,  I  do  most  sincerely  and  earnestly  protest  against 
the  passage  of  this  proposed  bill. 

By  every  remembrance  of  gratitude  and  loyalty  to  those  whose  faith 
ful  devotion  preserved  their  country,  I  must  protest  against  this  stu 
pendous  reward  to  him  who,  in  the  judgment  of  the  court,  faltered  in 
duty  and  failed  in  honor  in  the  hour  of  peril  and  climax  of  battle. 

I  protest,  because  the  precedent  sought  to  be  established  would 
prove  a  source  of  unknown  evils  in  the  future.  It  would  stand  here 
after  as  an  incentive  to  military  disobedience  in  the  crisis  of  arms,  and 
as  assurance  of  forgiveness  and  emolument  for  the  most  dangerous 
crime  a  soldier  can  commit. 

I  protest,  because  every  sentence  heretofore  executed  upon  subor 
dinates  in  the  service,  for  minor  offences,  would  stand  as  the  record  of 


282  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

a  cruel  tyranny,  if  this  supreme  crime  is  to  be  condoned  and  obliterated 
and  its  perpetrator  restored  to  rank  and  rewarded  with  pay. 

I  protest,  because  the  spirit  of  patriotism,  upon  which  alone  we 
must  rely  in  the  Nation's  need,  hereafter  will  be  shamed  and  subdued 
by  inflicting  this  brand  of  condemnation  upon  those  patriotic  men  who 
began  and  conducted  the  original  proceedings  and  sanctioned  the  origi 
nal  sentence,  as  well  as  upon  others,  equally  patriotic,  who  affirmed  the 
sentence  and  refused  to  annul  its  just  decree. 

I  protest,  because  the  money  appropriated  by  this  act  will  be  money 
drawn  from  the  Treasury  in  furtherance  of  an  unauthorized  purpose, 
and  in  defiance  of  the  rules  of  law. 

I  protest,  because  the  bill  is  loaded  with  startling  innovations.  It 
overrides  statutes,  and  is  the  exercise  of  unconstitutional  power.  It 
subverts  the  order  of  military  promotion,  and  postpones  the  worthy  to 
advance  the  unworthy.  Its  tendency  is  to  applaud  insubordination. 
Its  effect  will  be  to  encourage  dereliction  of  duty.  The  soldier  and  the 
civilian  will  alike  feel  its  baneful  influence  ;  for  such  an  error,  if  once 
permitted  to  creep  into  our  system  of  laws,  can  never  be  eradicated. 
Upon  every  motive  for  the  public  good,  without  one  impulse  personal 
to  myself  against  the  subject  of  this  bill,  with  every  proper  remem 
brance  of  the  past  tempered  by  every  proper  conciliation  in  the  pres 
ent,  but  looking  sternly  at  the  inevitable  consequences  in  the  future,  I 
protest  against  this  enactment  as  a  duty  I  owe  to  the  country  which  I 
cannot  and  would  not  avoid. 

As  was  before  stated,  General  Logan  had  the  satisfaction 
of  knowing  the  obnoxious  bill  failed  through  his  great  effort. 

DEATH  OF  ZACH  CHANDLER LOGAN'S  IMPRESSIVE  ACCOUNT  OF 

HIS  DEAD  FRIEND'S  LAST  HOURS — AN  ELOQUENT  EULOGY. 

Few  will  forget  the  sad  death,  in  the  full  ripeness  of  his 
powers,  of  Senator  Zach  Chandler  of  Michigan.  Of  all  the 
orations  delivered  in  the  United  States  in  memory  of  that 
stalwart  statesman,  none  surpassed  in  interest  or  eloquence 
that  delivered  (January  28,  1880)  by  Senator  Logan,  as  the 
following  extract  will  show  : 

He  was  not  only  a  man  of  thought  but  of  action  ;  he  was  generous, 
kind,  true,  and  faithful  ;  his  bosom  welled  up  and  overflowed  with  the 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


283 


milk  of  human  kindness  ;  his  heart  was  large  enough  to  embrace  within 
its  sympathies  all  classes  ;  his  watchword  ever  was,  liberty  and  protec 
tion  to  all.  He  was  a  patriot  in  the  broadest  sense  in  which  that  term 
is  understood.  During  his  country's  severest  trials,  his  services  in  her 
behalf,  in  giving  aid  and  encouragement  to  the  people  of  his  own  State, 
and  in  the  councils  of  the  Nation,  by  his  bold  and  fearless  course,  were 
great.  When  the  storm  of  secession  was  fiercest,  he  was  boldest ;  as 
trials  came,  he  rose  with  the  emergency  ;  in  the  darkest  night,  he  was 
one  of  the  most  steadfast  stars.  Sir,  he  was  by  nature  a  leader  and  con 
troller  of  men,  possessing  all  the  necessary  qualities  that  would  have 
fitted  him  for  a  great  field-marshal — the  energy,  the  boldness,  the  judg 
ment,  the  decision,  the  courage,  with  the  capacity  for  action  and  coun 
sel  He  was  the  builder  of  his  own  fortune,  and  the  moulder  of  his  own 
sentiments  ;  a  man,  sir,  true  and  steadfast  to  his  friends,  and  one  who 
never  begged  quarter  from  an  enemy.  Yet  he  was  just,  at  all  times, 
to  friend  and  foe. 

Mr.  President,  on  the  last  day  of  his  life,  in  company  with  one  other 
gentleman,  I  came  with  him  from  Janesville,  Wisconsin,  to  Chicago. 
He  was  apparently  in  excellent  health.  On  the  way,  once  he  complained 
of  slight  indigestion.  About  twelve  o'clock,  I  left  him  at  the  Grand 
Pacific  Hotel.  About  five  o'clock  that  afternoon  I  called  at  his  room, 
and  found  him  then  in  exceedingly  good  spirits,  and  looking  in  fine 
condition.  At  seven-thirty,  he  went  to  McCormick's  Hall.  There  I 
sat  by  his  side  on  the  stage.  About  eight  o'clock,  he  was  introduced 
by  the  President  of  the  Young  Men's  Auxiliary  Club  (Mr.  Collier)  to  a 
grand  audience  composed  of  ladies  and  gentlemen. 

He  commenced  slowly,  but  warmed  up  with  his  subject  until  he  be 
came  so  eloquent  and  forcible  in  his  language  and  illustrations  that  the 
audience,  in  the  midst  of  his  speech,  arose  with  one  accord  and  gave 
three  cheers.  No  orator  during  an  address  in  the  city  of  Chicago  ever 
received  more  marked  attention  or  greater  applause.  He  created  an 
enthusiasm  that  carried  all  along  with  it,  like  the  rushing  force  of  a 
mighty  storm.  This,  sir,  was  the  grandest  triumph  of  his  life,  and  he 
felt  it  to  be  so. 

He  stood  forth  before  that  grand  audience  like  a  giant,  and  with 
full-volutned  voice  spoke  like  a  Webster,  or  a  Douglas.  His  words 
were  well  chosen  ;  his  sentences  terse  and  complete,  abounding  in  wit, 
humor,  and  happy  local  hits  ;  his  logic  came  like  hot  shot  in  the  din  of 
battle,  crashing  through  the  oaks  of  the  forest.  One  of  his  last  sentences 
still  rings  in  my  ears — "  Shut  up  your  stores,  shut  up  your  manufactories, 
and  go  to  work  for  your  country."  The  effect  of  this  last  speech  of 


284  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Senator  Chandler  was  electrical  ;  its  influence  is  still  felt  among  the 
business  men  of  Chicago.  The  meeting  adjourned  with  great  demon 
strations  in  favor  of  the  speaker.  He  left  the  hall  and  went  directly  to 
his  room,  and  soon  retired  to  rest. 

The  next  morning  I  was  sitting  with  my  family  at  breakfast  in  the 
Palmer  House  ;  a  gentleman  came  into  the  dining-room  in  great  haste 
and  spoke  to  me,  saying,  "Logan,  your  friend  is  dead — found  in  his 
room  dead." 

Sir,  I  arose  and  bowed  my  head  ;  my  heart  was  filled  with  grief  and 
sorrow.  I  repaired  at  once  to  the  room  occupied  by  the  Senator,  in  the 
Grand  Pacific  Hotel,  and  there,  sir,  he  lay,  in  the  cold  and  icy  embrace 
of  death. 

Yes,  sir,  dead  !  He  is  gone  from  us.  We  will  hear  him  no  more  ; 
his  voice  is  hushed  in  silence  forever.  In  his  room,  no  one  being  present 
with  him,  in  the  lonely  and  solemn  gloom  of  the  night,  he  had  passed 
from  life  unto  death,  and  in  such  a  peaceful  manner  that  the  angel  of 
death  must  have  whispered  the  message  so  softly  and  gently  that  he 
knew  not  his  coming.  But,  sir,  what  a  shock  it  was  to  the  living  !  As 
the  fall  of  the  stalwart  oak  causes  a  trembling  in  the  surrounding  forest, 
so  did  the  fall  of  Senator  Chandler  cause  the  tender  chords  of  the  hearts 
of  this  people  to  vibrate  with  the  tender  touch  of  sympathy  everywhere. 

Well  might  his  friends  weep  at  their  own,  as  well  as  their  country's, 
loss.  Indeed,  he  was  a  man  of  whom  all  may  speak  in  praise,  and  upon 
whose  bier  all  may  drop  the  tear  of  sorrow.  When  earth  received  him, 
she  took  to  her  bosom  one  of  her  manly  sons ;  and  when  paradise  bade 
his  spirit  come,  a  noble  one  entered  there. 

Mr.  President,  time  brings  lessons  which  teach  us  that  hope  does  not 
perish  when  the  stars  of  life  refuse  longer  to  give  light. 

The  death  of  our  brother-Senator,  and  those  still  closely  following 
him,  should  constantly  warn  us  of  the  fact  that  we  are  travelling  to  "the 
undiscovered  country  from  whose  bourn  no  traveller  returns."  'Tis 
true  the  grave  in  its  silence  gives  forth  no  voice,  no  whispers  of  the 
morrow  :  but  there  is  a  voice  borne  upon  the  lips  of  the  morning 
zephyrs  that  lets  fall  a  whisper,  quickening  the  heart  with  a  knowledge 
that  there  is  an  abode  beyond  the  tomb.  Sir,  our  lamps  are  burning 
now,  some  more  brightly  than  others ;  some  shed  their  light  from  the 
mountain's  top,  others  from  the  lowly  vales  ;  but  let  us  so  trim  them 
that  they  may  all  burn  with  equal  brilliancy  when  relighted  in  the 
mansions  beyond  the  mysterious  river. 

I  fondly  hope,  sir,  that  there  we  will  again  meet  our  departed 
friend. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  285 


THE    LOGAN    BOOM    IN    l88o — HIS    SELF-ABNEGATING    FIGHT  FOR 

GRANT GARFIELD      MOVED     TO     TEARS      BY     LOGAN*S      EARLY 

SUPPORT HIS    WONDERFUL    PERSONAL     CAMPAIGN    IN     l88o— 

HE      STRIVES      TO      MAKE      PEACE      BETWEEN      CONKLING      AND 
PRESIDENT    GARFIELD. 

Early  in  1880,  in  consequence  largely  of  the  effect  pro 
duced  by  his  wonderful  effort  in  the  Fitz-John  Porter  case,  a 
Logan  Presidential  "boom"  started,  which  he  himself  nipped 
in  the  bud.  He  declared  for  his  old  commander  Grant  as 
being  the  most  available  man  to  nominate,  and  thus  avert  the 
calamity  of  a  "  Solid  South."  In  an  interview  published 
May  17,  1880,  in  the  Chicago  Daily  News,  he  said: 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  General  Grant  for  the  Presidency 
simply  and  only  because  he  is  the  strongest  and  most  available  man  in 
the  contest.  I  am  not  making  war  upon  any  of  the  rival  candidates. 
No  man  has  heard  me  say  a  cruel  or  unjustifiable  word  about  Mr. 
Elaine,  Mr.  Sherman,  or  indeed  any  of  the  gentlemen  whose  names  have 
been  mentioned  as  candidates.  That  I  am  against  them  is  true,  but 
only  because  I  am  for  Grant. 

As  to  his  own  "boom"  and  an  intimation  that  he  was 
"  trying  to  play  the  part  of  dark-horse  in  the  contest,"  he  at 
once  wrote  a  manly  letter  for  publication  in  which  he  said : 
"  I  never  play  '  hide-and-seek '  in  politics.  When  I  wish  to 
be  a  candidate  I  say  so,  and  make  a  square  and  honorable 
fight  for  the  prize.  ...  I  never  have  second  choices  ;  the 
man  that  I  am  for,  is  my  choice  always,  unless  defeated  ;  then 
the  choice  made  by  my  friends  becomes  my  choice."  And  the 
Chicago  Joiirnaly  commenting  on  his  frank  and  manly  letter, 
said :  "  He  is  a  stalwart  Grant  man,  standing  by  his  great 
commander  now  with  the  same  chivalric  spirit  which  pre 
vented  him  from  assuming  command  of  Thomas'  army  on 
the  eve  of  victory,  as  he  could  have  done  under  his  instruc 
tions."  How  nobly  he  carried  out  the  promise  of  that 


286  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

letter  !  *     When  Garfield  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  at 
the  Chicago  Convention,  it  was  Logan  who   so  warmly  and 
fervently  seconded    the   motion   to   make   the   vote   for  him 
unanimous,  and  who   was   the   first  to  promise  that  he,  with 
the    Garfield   men,  would  "go  forward   in   this  contest,   not 
with    tied    hands,    not    with    sealed    lips,    not    with    bridled 
tongues,  but  to  speak  the  truth  in  favor  of  the  grandest  party 
that   has  ever  been  organized  in  this   country ;   to  maintain 
its  principles,   to  maintain  its   power,  to  preserve  its  ascen 
dency/'     He  was  the  first,  also,  of  the  "Stalwarts"  to  take 
the  stump  for  Garfield.     At  the  ratification  meeting,  June  16, 
1880,  in  Washington,  it  was  Garfield's  eye  that  saw  Logan 
in  the  crowd,  and  Garfield's  hand  that  beckoned  him  to  come 
up,  and  Garfield's  voice  that  asked  him  to  say  a  word  on  that 
occasion,  and  that  exclaimed,  "  Thank  God,  Jack's  up  !  "  when 
he   stood  up  before  the  multitude.     The  Washington   Star 
briefly  tells  what  followed  :   "  General  Logan  was  here  recog 
nized,  and  for  ten  minutes  the  applause  was  deafening.    When 
quiet  had  been  partially  restored,  General  Logan  said  :   '  If 
anyone  desired  to  know  who  his  first  and  last  choice  was,  he 
would  answer  :   The  nominee  of  the  Republican  Party.     The 
candidate  who  now  bore  its  banner  was  all  that  he  or  the  peo 
ple  could  desire.      If  the  people  of  this  country  desired  a  born 
leader,  they  had  it  in  the  person  of  James  A.   Garfield.     No 
matter  who  the  first  or  second  choice  had  been  ;  let  the  only 
choice    now  be  the  nominee.      All  sores  should  be  healed, 
and  there  should  be  no  feeling  save  one  of  success ;  and  to 
his  old  comrades  he  would  say  :  Touch  elbows  on  the  march, 
and   press  forward  to  certain  victory.'     General  Logan  re 
tired   amid    loud  applause,  and  the  assemblage   dispersed." 
And  those  who  were  on  the  spot  will  remember  that  Garfield 
was  moved  to  tears  as  he  thanked  Logan  for  his  hearty  sup 
port.     In  an  interview,  in  the  New  York    Tribune  of  June 

*  How  he  "  thrice  refused  the  crown"  himself,  at  this  convention,  may  be  gathered 
from  the  Addenda,  at  the  end  of  this  biography 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


287 


23d,  he  again  declared  that  he  would  give  Garfield  the  hearti 
est  support,  and  that  he  would  go  on  the  stump  for  him. 
Early  in  July,  the  Republican  National  Committee  placed  him 
at  the  head  of  the  Executive  Committee  in  charge  of  the 
Republican  campaign  in  the  West,  and,  within  a  week  there 
after,  he  opened  the  campaign  in  Illinois  with  a  ringing  two 
hours'  speech  in  Murphysboro' — a  great  speech,  covering  the 
records  of  both  parties,  elaborate,  exhaustive,  direct,  and  con 
vincing, — before  an  audience  larger  than  had  ever  before  been 
seen  there  at  a  political  meeting.  "  Logan,"  said  one  who 
knew,  "  was  the  man  who  drew  Conkling  and  Grant  to  the 
support  of  Garfield,  and  arranged  the  Mentor  meeting.  He 
neither  sulked  nor  lamented.  He  was  the  first  of  the  Stal 
warts  to  take  off  his  coat,  and  mount  the  stump  for  Garfield. 
His  labors  in  this  State  [Illinois]  were  little  short  of  hercu 
lean.  He  spoke  night  and  day,  and  his  speeches — plain, 
practical,  destitute  of  rhetorical  flourishes,  and  dealing  in  the 
questions  that  were  asked  during  the  canvass — had  an  im 
mense  effect  upon  his  auditors."  From  the  beginning  of  the 
campaign  to  its  close  in  November,  besides  his  other  labors, 
and  in  addition  to  in-door  addresses,  he  made  more  than  sixty 
out-door  speeches,  to  audiences  ranging  from  a  few  thousands 
up  to  forty  thousand  !  Ovation  after  ovation  signalized  his 
appearance  everywhere.  Said  a  special  telegram  from  Pitts- 
field,  to  the  Inter- Ocean  of  November  ist,  after  alluding  to  his 
speech  there,  the  previous  evening:  "Thus  ends  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  personal  campaigns  ever  made.  Senator 
Logan  has  made  over  sixty  open-air  speeches,  extending  from 
Maine  to  Illinois.  He  spoke  in  Indiana  nearly  a  month,  al 
most  every  day,  and  one  day,  at  railroad  stations,  made  no 
less  than  nine  different  short  speeches."  True  to  Garfield  the 
Republican -nominee,  he  was  true  also  to  Garfield  the  Repub 
lican  President.  After  Garfield's  inauguration,  when  troubles 
arose  within  the  party,  Logan  supported  the  Administration 
cordially.  As  has  been  well  said  by  another,  "  While  not  as- 


288  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

sailing  his  friend  Conkling,  he  yet  gave  him  no  encouragement 
in  his  contest  with  the  President.  He  rather  assumed  the 
attitude  of  a  peace-maker,  and  sought  to  heal  all  wounds  and 
put  an  end  to  all  dissensions  in  the  party." 

INSINUATIONS    AGAINST    LOGAN'S    LOYALTY    BEFORE     THE    WAR— 
HIS     TRIUMPHANT    SPEECH    OF    VINDICATION    IN     l88l DEMO 
CRATIC  AND    REPUBLICAN    SENATORS    FOLLOW    IT    WITH    THEIR 
OWN    PERSONAL  TESTIMONY. 

In  an  early  part  of  this  work  the  base  charge  that  Logan 
was  not  loyal  before  the  war  has  been  briefly  touched  on. 
It  may  be  well  here  to  touch  on  it  more  fully.  As  was  then 
remarked,  the  only  man  that  ever  dared  insinuate  to  Logan's 
face  *  that  he  was  a  secession  sympathizer  before  the  war, 
was  Senator  Ben  Hill  of  Georgia,  in  the  United  States  Sen 
ate  Chamber,  March  30,  1881 ;  and  Logan  instantly  retorted : 
"  Any  man  who  insinuates  that  I  sympathized  with  it  at  that 
time,  insinuates  what  is  false,"  and  Senator  Hill  at  once  re 
tracted  the  insinuation.  Subsequently,  April  19,  1881,  Sen 
ator  Logan,  in  a  speech  fortified  with  indisputable  record 

*  Says  a  correspondent,  writing  since  Logan's  death,  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial: 
In  1876,  during  the  Hayes-Tilden  campaign,  I  attended  a  political  meeting,  addressed  by 
General  Logan,  at  La  Harpe,  111.  After  Logan  had  concluded  his  speech  and  taken  his 
seat,  someone  from  the  crowd  arose  and  requested  of  Logan  the  liberty  of  asking  him  a 
question.  Logan,  of  course,  very  promptly  and  courteously  granted  the  request. 

"  The  question,''  said  the  gentleman,  "  I  wish  to  ask  you  is  this  : 

"On  my  way  to  the  meeting  this  morning,  on  board  the  cars,  there  was  a  gentleman 
who  claimed  to  have  been  raised  in  Southern  Illinois,  and  well  acquainted  with  you.  He 
said  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  war  you  raised  a  company  of  men  to  go  into  the  rebel 
army,  and  I  take  this  public  opportunity  of  asking  you  if  that  is  so?  " 

General  Logan  eyed  his  interrogator  a  moment,  his  eyes  flashing  fire,  and  the  whole 
expression  of  his  face  indicating  the  terrible  passion  within,  and  glancing  for  a  moment 
over  the  crowd  of  people  who  stood  breathlessly  waiting  for  the  answer  of  the  General,  he 
asked: 

"  Is  the  man  who  told  you  that  present  ?" 

The  gentleman  from  the  audience  replied  :   "  I  think  he  did  not  stop  off." 

"I  am  sorry,"  said  Logan,  "for  I  would  like  to  meet  him  face  to  face,  and  tell 
him  that  he,  or  any  other  man,  that  charged  me  with  that  in  seriousness  is  a  liar,  an 
infernal  scoundrel,  and  a  coward,  and  he  dares  not  face  me  in  the  assertion." 

He  took  his  seat  witli  no  further  words,  amid  the  wildest  excitement  and  enthusiasm. 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR.  289 

and  documentary  evidence,  forever  set  at  rest  the  atrocious 
calumny.  From  that  record  it  appears  :  that,  on  December 
17,  1860,  while  still  a  Douglas  Democrat,  immediately  after 
Lincoln's  election,  and  long  before  his  inauguration,  before 
even  the  first  gun  of  the  war  was  fired,  Mr.  Logan,  then  a 
representative  in  the  House,  voted  affirmatively  on  a  resolu 
tion,  offered  by  Morris  of  Illinois,  which  declared  an  "  im 
movable  attachment"  to  "our  National  Union,"  and  "that  it 
is  our  patriotic  duty  to  stand  by  it  as  our  hope  in  peace  and 
our  defence  in  war;"  that,  on  January  7,  1861,  Mr.  Adrian 
having  offered  the  following:  "Resolved,  That  we  fully 
approve  of  the  bold  and  patriotic  act  of  Major  Anderson 
in  withdrawing  from  Fort  Moultrie  to  Fort  Sumter,  and  of 
the  determination  of  the  President  to  maintain  that  fearless 
officer  in  his  present  position  ;  and  that  we  will  support  the 
President  in  all  constitutional  measures  to  enforce  the  laws 
and  preserve  the  Union  "  —Mr.  Logan,  in  casting  his  vote, 
said:  "As  the  resolution  receives  my  unqualified  approval,  I 
vote  'Aye;'"  and  that,  further,  on  February  5,  1861,  before 
the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  in  a  speech  made  by 
Logan  in  the  House  in  favor  of  the  Crittenden  Compromise 
measures,  he  used  the  following  language  touching  secession  : 

Sir,  /  have  always  denied,  and  do  yet  deny,  the  right  of  secession.  There 
is  no  warrant  for  it  in  the  Constitution.  It  is  wrong,  it  is  unlawful,  un 
constitutional,  and  should  be  called  by  the  right  name — revolution.  No 
good,  sir,  can  result  from  it,  but  much  mischief  may.  It  is  no  remedy 
for  any  grievances.  I  hold  that  all  grievances  can  be  much  easier  re 
dressed  inside  the  Union  than  out  of  it. 

In  that  same  speech  he  also  eloquently  said: 

I  have  been  taught  that  the  preservation  of  this  glorious  Union, 
with  its  broad  flag  waving  over  us  as  the  shield  for  our  protection  on 
land  and  on  sea,  is  paramount  to  all  the  parties  and  platforms  that  ever 
have  existed  or  ever  can  exist.  I  would  to-day,  if  I  had  the  power,  sink 
my  own  party  and  every  other  one,  with  all  their  platforms,  into  the 
vortex  of  ruin,  without  heaving  a  sigh  or  shedding  a  tear,  to  save  the 
Union,  or  even  stop  the  revolution  where  it  is. 


290 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


In  this  most  complete  speech  of  vindication — which  Sena 
tor  Logan  said  he  put  upon  record,  "  First,  that  my  children 
after  me  may  not  have  these  slanders  thrown  in  their  faces 
without  the  power  of  dispelling  or  refuting  them;  and  second, 
that  it  may  endure  in  this  Senate  Chamber,  so  that  it  may  be 
a  notice  to  Senators  of  all  parties  and  all  creeds  that  here 
after,  while  I  am  here  in  this  Senate,  no  insinuation  of  that 
kind  will  be  submitted  to  by  me," — the  proofs  of  the  falsity  of 
the  charge  were  piled  mountain-high,  and  among  them  the 
following  voluntary  statements  from  two  Democratic  Senators 
who  were  with  him  before  the  War,  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  : 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  April  14,    1881. 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  a  discussion  in  the  Senate  a  few  weeks  since  you  re 
ferred  to  the  fact  that  a  Southern  Senator,  who  had  served  with  you  in 
Congress  before  the  war,  could  testify  that  during  your  term  of  service 
there  you  gave  -no  encouragement  to  the  secession  of  the  Southern 
States,  adding,  however,  that  you  did  not  ask  such  testimony.  I  was  not 
sure  at  the  time  that  your  reference  was  to  me,  as  Senator  Pugh  of 
Alabama  was  also  a  member  of  that  Congress. 

Since  then,  having  learned  that  your  reference  was  to  me,  I  propose 
on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  should  suitable  occasion  offer,  to  state  what 
I  knew  of  your  position  and  views  at  the  time  referred  to.  But,  as  I 
may  be  absent  from  the  Senate  for  some  time,  I  deem  it  best  to  give  you 
this  written  statement,  with  full  authority  to  use  it  in  any  way  that  seems 
proper  to  you. 

When  you  first  came  to  Congress  in—  —you  were  a  very  ardent 
and  impetuous  Democrat.  In  the  division  which  took  place  between 
Mr.  Douglas  and  his  friends  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Southern  Demo 
crats  on  the  other,  you  were  a  warm  and  uncompromising  supporter  of 
Mr.  Douglas;  and  in  the  course  of  that  contention  you  became  some 
what  estranged  from  your  party  associates  in  the  South.  In  our  fre 
quent  discussions  upon  the  subjects  of  difference,  I  never  heard  a  word 
of  sympathy  from  your  lips  with  secession  in  either  theory  or  practice. 
On  the  contrary,  you  were  vehement  in  your  opposition  to  it.  I  remem 
ber  well  a  conversation  I  had  with  you  just  before  leaving  Washington 
to  become  a  candidate  for  the  Secession  Convention.  You  expressed 
the  deep  regret  you  felt  at  my  proposed  action,  and  deplored  the  con- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


291 


templated  movement  in  terms  as  strong  as  any  I  heard  from  any  Re 
publican.  Yours  truly, 

L.  Q.  C.  LAMAR. 
Hon.  John  A.  Logan,  United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  April  14,  1881. 

Having  read  the  above  statement  of  Senator  Lamar,  I  fully  concur 
with  him  in  my  recollection  of  your  expressions  and  action  in  opposi 
tion  to  secession.  Truly  yours, 

J.  L.  PUGH. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Senator  Logan's  speech  of  refutation 
Senator  Brown  of  Georgia  (Democrat)  said : 

Our  newspapers  may  have  misrepresented  his  position.  I  am  now 
satisfied  they  did.  I  have  heard  the  Senator's  statement  with  great  interest, 
and  I  take  pleasure  in  saying — for  I  had  some  idea  before  that  there  was 
some  shadow  of  truth  in  this  report — that  /  think  his  vindication  is  full, 
complete,  and  conclusive.  I  recollect  very  well  during  the  war,  when  I  was 
Governor  of  my  State  and  the  Federal  army  was  invading  it,  to  have  had 
a  large  force  of  militia  aiding  the  Confederate  army,  and  that  General 
Logan  was  considered  by  us  as  one  of  the  ablest,  most  gallant,  and  skil 
ful  leaders  of  the  Federal  army.  We  had  occasion  to  feel  his  power, 
and  we  learned  to  respect  him. 

Senator  Beck,  of  Kentucky  (Democrat),  referring  to  the 
fact  that  he  [Beck]  was  kept  out  of  the  House  at  one  time, 
and  a  great  many  suggestions  had  been  made  to  him  as  to 
General  Logan,  continued: 

As  I  said  the  other  day,  I  never  proposed  to  go  into  such  things  and 
never  have  done  so  ;  but  at  that  time  General  Frank  Blair  was  here, 
and  I  submitted  many  of  the  papers  I  received,  to  him, — I  never  thought 
of  using  any  of  them, — and  I  remember  the  remark  that  he  made  to 
me,  "Beck,  John  Logan  was  one  of  the  hardest  fighters  of  the  war;  and 
when  men  who  were  seeking  to  whistle  him  down  the  wind  because  of 
his  politics  when  the  war  began,  were  snugly  fixed  in  safe  places,  he  was 
taking  his  life  in  his  hand  wherever  the  danger  was  greatest — "  and  I 
tore  up  every  paper  I  got,  and  burnt  it  in  the  fire  before  his  eyes. 

Senator  Dawes,  of  Massachusetts  (Republican),  also  took 
occasion  to  say : 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  know  that  anything  which  can  be  said  on 
this  side  would  be  of  any  consequence  to  the  Senator  from  Illinois  in  this 
matter.  But  I  came  into  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the  same 


292  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

session  that  the  Senator  did  :  he  was  at  that  time  one  of  the  most  intense 
of  Democrats,  and  I  was  there  with  him  when  the  Rebellion  first  took 
root  and  manifested  itself  in  open  and  flagrant  war  ;  and  I  wish  to  say 
as  a  Republican  of  that  day,  when  the  Senator  from  Illinois  was  a  Demo 
crat,  that  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  when  the  Republican  Party 
was  in  anxiety  as  to  the  position  of  the  Northern  Democracy  on  the 
question  of  forcible  assault  on  the  Union,  nothing  did  they  hail  with 
more  delight  than  the  early  stand  which  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  from 
the  Democratic  side  of  the  House,  took  upon  the  question  of  resistance 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  I  feel  that  it  is  right  that  I 
should  state  that  he  was  among  the  first,  if  not  the  very  first,  of  the  Northern 
Democrats  who  came  out  and  openly  declared,  whatever  may  have  been  their 
opinion  about  the  doctrines  of  the  Republican  Party,  that  when  it  came  to  a  ques 
tion  of  forcible  resistance,  they  should  be  counted  on  the  side  of  the  Government 
and  in  co-operation  with  the  Republican  Party  in  the  attempt  to  maintain  its 
authority. 

I  am  very  glad,  whether  it  may  be  of  any  service  or  not,  to  bear  this 
testimony  to  the  early  stand  the  Senator  from  Illinois  took  while  he  was 
still  a  Democrat,  and  the  large  influence  Jie  exerted  upon  the  Northern  Democ 
racy,  which  kept  it  from  being  involved  in  the  condition  and  in  the  work  of  the 
Southern  Democracy  at  that  time. 

GRANT'S  DEFENCE  OF  FITZ-JOHN  PORTER — LOGAN  SHOWS  IT  TO 
BE  FOUNDED  ON  A  MISAPPREHENSION  OF  THE  REAL  FACTS. 

In  the  North  American  Review  there  appeared,  late  in 
1 88 1,  an  article  written  by  General  Grant  in  justification  of 
the  conduct  of  Fitz-John  Porter  in  disobeying"  the  orders  of 
General  Pope,  his  commanding-  officer,  on  the  27th,  28th, 
and  29th  of  August,  1862.  To  this  article  General  Logan, 
through  the  Chicago  Tribune  of  November,  1881,  made  a 
most  forcible  and  convincing  reply,  covering  four  columns  of 
small  type  in  that  paper,  which  opened  in  the  following 
modest  yet  manly  way  : 

I  dislike  very  much  to  enter  into  any  discussion  with  General  Grant 
on  matters  pertaining  to  military  movements,  as  I  must  do  so  knowing 
I  am  contesting  ground  with  a  man  of  great  military  renown.  But 
inasmuch  as  General  Grant  has  so  recently  changed  his  opinion  on  this 
subject,  after  having  the  case  before  him  when  General  of  the  Army, 
and  during  eight  years  while  President  of  the  United  States,  based  upon 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE    WAR. 


293 


Porter's  own  statement  of  the  case,  and  after  careful  examination  of  the 
case  concluded  that  he  was  guilty,  and  having  more  than  once  im 
pressed  his  own  opinion  upon  my  mind,  which  very  strongly  confirmed 
me  in  my  own  conclusions  of  Porter's  guilt,  therefore  I  take  it  that  the 
General's  generosity  will  be  sufficient  to  pardon  me  if  I  shall  now  differ 
with  him,  and  trust  my  own  judgment  in  the  case  instead  of  accepting 
his  present  conclusions — especially  when  I  feel  confident  that  I  can 
clearly  demonstrate  that  his  present  opinions  are  based  upon  a  misappre 
hension  of  the  facts  as  they  did  exist  and  were  understood  by  those 
investigating  them  at  the  time.* 

*  A  staff-writer  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  in  its  issue  of  January  2,  1887,  says  : 
"General  James  A.  Hall,  of  Maine,  who  has  been  a  prominent  orator  in  Republican 
National  campaigns  for  many  years,  has  been  here  on  business  for  some  days.  He  is  a  stout 
man  with  a  florid  face,  sandy  moustache  and  reddish  hair.  In  conversation  about  General 
Logan  the  other  day  the  Fitz-John  Porter  case  was  recalled,  when  General  Hall  said  :  '  The 
greatest  thing  in  Logan's  civil  career  was,  I  think,  the  fight  he  made  against  the  restoration 
of  Fitz-John  Porter  to  the  Army.  A  record  of  the  Porter  trial  has  just  been  published  by 
the  Government  in  the  official  history  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  I  took  down  the 
volumes  that  contained  it  a  few  days  ago,  and  sat  down  to  a  careful  investigation  and 
perusal  of  the  Porter  case.  I  said  to  myself  that  I  would  forget  that  I  had  taken  part  in 
that  campaign,  and  I  would  find  the  man  innocent  if  it  was  a  possible  thing  from  the  records. 
The  first  thing  that  I  struck  was  Porter's  letters  to  Burnside  making  complaints  about  the 
direction  of  the  army.  Then  I  saw  the  man's  animus.  When  I  got  to  the  place  where 
they  harped  continually  and  incessantly  about  the  darkness  of  the  night  and  the  terrible 
condition  of  the  road,  I  got  disgusted.  I  knew  every  foot  of  that  ground,  and  it  was  an 
August  night.  There  was  a  railroad  on  which  the  men  could  march,  flanked  on  either  side 
by  a  road  which  the  artillery  could  easily  have  travelled.  There  might  have  been  '  chuck 
holes '  where  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  put  on  additional  horses  to  pull  out  the  can 
non.  But  the  roads  were  sufficient.  I  finally  gave  the  case  up  and  my  old  judgment  stands 
that  Porter  was  properly  convicted.' 

"  I  said  to  General  Hall  that  public  opinion  had  largely  reversed  itself  in  the  Fitz-John 
Porter  case  on  account  of  General  Grant's  position,  when  he  replied  :  'That  is  one  of  the 
inexplicable  things  in  General  Grant's  history.  We  have  a  man  up  in  our  State,  Joshua  L. 
Chamberlain,  who  became  Governor  of  Maine.  He  was  recommended  for  promotion  to  a 
general's  position,  after  he,  had  been  terribly  wounded  in  battle.  The  recommendation 
was  by  General  Grant.  He  belonged  to  the  Fifth  Army  Corps,  and  at  the  annual  meetings 
of  the  Fifth  Army  Corps  for  a  number  of  years  resolutions  were  passed  requesting  the  Presi 
dent  to  reopen  the  Fitz-John  Porter  case.  After  one  of  these  meetings  Governor  Chamber 
lain  was  deputed  to  take  the  resolutions  to  General  Grant.  They  were'  old  comrades  and 
the  General  invited  him  to  breakfast.  There  the  Governor  explained  his  mission  and  offered 
to  present  the  papers.  General  Grant  said  to  him  :  '  The  friends  of  General  Porter  make 
a  mistake  in  pressing  for  a  reopening  of  that  case.  I  have  been  through  it  seven  or  eight 
times  carefully.  They  do  not  want  it  reopened.  They  had  better  let  it  alone.  It  will  be 
worse  for  him  if  it  is  reopened.'  Governor  Chamberlain  took  the  copy  of  the  resolutions 
from  his  pocket  and  made  a  memorandum  of  this  on  the  back  of  the  paper.  It  is  in  his 
library  to-day  in  Maine.'  " 


291  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

This  is  given  merely  to  show  how  much  of  modesty  and 
manliness,  as  well  as  courage,  was  characteristic  of  Logan. 
And  surely  it  required  courage  of  no  small  degree — courage 
of  conviction  in  the  highest  degree — thus  to  take  issue  with 
his  old  friend  and  great  commander.  But  the  whole  history 
of  Logan's  life,  military  and  civil,  before  the  war,  during  the 
war,  and  since  the  war,  shows  that  he  followed  old  David 
Crockett's  maxim,  "  Be  sure  you're  right,  and  then  go  ahead." 

LOGAN'S  SPEECH  ON  THE  BILL  TO  RETIRE  GENERAL  GRANT — 
HE  "  RATTLES  "  THE  CONFEDERATE  BRIGADIERS  AGAIN — A 
FINE  TRIBUTE  TO  GRANT'S  MILITARY  GENIUS. 

In  discussing  the  bill  to  place  General  Grant  on  the  re 
tired  list  of  the  army  (1881  or  1882)  Senator  Logan  stood 
up  manfully  for  his  old  General,  and  said  to  the  Democratic 
Senators  : 

You  say  you  have  nothing  personal  against  him.  If  there  is  nothing 
personal  against  him,  you  have  done  the  very  same  thing  for  others  that 
is  asked  to  be  done  for  him.  If  you  have  done  the  same  thing  for 
others,  why  not  for  him  ?  If  you  cannot  do  it  for  him,  why  not  ?  Is  it 
on  account  of  politics  ?  Oh,  no.  Is  it  because  he  fought  against  you  ? 
Not  that.  But  what  then  ?  In  God's  name,  tell  me  what  it  is.  I  want 
to  know.  I  ask  some  Senator  to  tell  me  what  is  the  reason.  When  I 
show  you  that  it  is  not  because  there  is  no  precedent  for  it,  for  there  is, 
then  tell  me  the  reason  ;  I  should  like  to  know  it.  I  say  to  Senators  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Chamber — for  I  certainly  feel  kindly  to  all  Sen 
ators  here — I  have  no  bitter  prejudices  ;  I  can  treat  any  Senator  on  that 
side  of  the  Chamber  with  the  same  cordiality  and  friendship  that  I  can 
a  Senator  on  this  side — that  I  am  only  sorry  to  see  (and  I  say  it  from 
the  bottom  of  my  heart)  the  prejudice  still  lingering  in  the  bosoms  of 
some  gentlemen  on  that  side  of  the  Chamber  against  a  man  who  accom 
plished  great  things  for  the  success  of  this  Union.  The  success  of  this 
country,  Senators  on  that  side  of  the  Chamber,  was  yours.  When  I  say 
"your  success,"  I  mean,  by  that,  it  was  the  making  of  your  country  in 
the  future.  You  will  receive  part  of  the  glory  of  the  achievements  of 
this  man  in  the  building  up  of  your  portion  of  the  United  States  here 
after,  by  entertaining  different  notions,  by  going  forward  on  a  different 
line,  and  by  teaching  the  people  that  all  must  unite,  and  that  each  and 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


295 


every  man  must  live  by  his  own  energy  and  labor ;  so  the  sooner  these 
prejudices  die  out — the  sooner  they  are  not  permitted  longer  to  show 
themselves  in  this  Chamber,  or  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol, — the 
better  it  will  be  for  all. 

Fitz-John  Porter,  as  he  stands  before  you,  you  are  willing  to  restore 
to  the  army  ;  dismissed  the  service,  dishonorably  discharged  ;  the  dis 
missal  signed  by  Lincoln  ;  the  dismissal  agreed  to  by  Garfield  ;  the 
man  who  caused  the  loss  of  a  battle  by  not  doing  his  duty — you  would 
restore  him  to  a  place  on  the  retired  list,  and  yet  you  would  refuse  to 
retire  General  Grant,  the  man  to  whom  we  owe  more  for  the  salvation 
of  this  country  than  to  any  other  military  man  ! 

Well,  who  is  Grant  ?  Grant  was  a  little  quiet  man,  far  off  in  a  little 
remote  village,  almost  unknown  in  this  country  when  the  war  broke 
out.  In  the  West  he  moved  forward  from  the  rank  of  colonel  until  he 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  army  ;  in  every  battle  that  he  fought,  he 
showed  himself  a  genius  in  military  science.  In  the  East,  when  the 
thundering  of  the  artillery  was  heard  on  the  hills  not  distant 
from  the  capital,  when  General  McClellan  failed  of  success — I  will 
not  say  on  account  of  want  of  ability  ;  it  may  have  been  his  misfortune, 
but  he  did  fail  of  success — when  your  Fitz-John  Porter  held  back  and 
disobeyed  orders,  when  the  armies  against  the  Union  were  thundering 
at  the  very  gates  of  the  capital,  Grant,  after  his  successes  in  the  West, 
was  called  by  Abraham  Lincoln  to  take  charge  of  all  the  armies  of  the 
United  States.  He  came,  a  modest  man,  with  his  long  blue  coat,  made 
for  a  private  soldier,  over  his  uniform.  He  went  to  the  White  House, 
and  received  his  instructions.  He  went  down  to  the  front,  and  took 
command  of  the  army  that  had  been  defeated  and  driven  back  every 
where.  He  snatched  victory  from  the  jaws  of  defeat ;  he  crushed 
treason  and  rebellion  wherever  they  raised  their  head.  By  this  genius 
of  Grant,  the  old  flag  of  our  fathers  and  of  this  country  was  unfurled 
from  the  house-tops  and  the  hill-tops,  and  the  songs  of  the  Union  were 
echoed  in  the  valleys,  until  the  people  of  this  land,  from  one  end  to  the 
other,  shouted  "Amen!"  to  the  success  of  this  little  man  Grant,  to 
whom  to-day  you  refuse  this  recognition. 

On  the  walls  of  this  Capitol,  on  the  226.  day  of  May,  1865 — I  wit 
nessed  it  myself — the  loyal  hand  of  this  country  had  placed,  "  We  owe 
a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Union  soldier  that  future  generations  can 
never  pay."  That  was  the  sentiment,  then,  of  the  people  of  this  land. 
To  whom  more  than  any  other  man  did  we  owe  that  debt  ?  To  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  more  than  to  any  other  man  in  this  Nation  who  had  to  do 
with  the  army  of  this  country.  Yet  you  cannot  afford  to  put  him  on 
the  retired  list  of  the  army  ! 


296  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


SPEECH  ON  ARREARAGES  OF  PENSIONS —HE  DEFENDS  THE  BILL 
IN  THE  SENATE,  IN  WORDS  THAT  REACHED  THE  HEART  OF 
EVERY  SOLDIER. 

During  the  winter  of  1881-82,  the  Pension  Appropriation 
Bill  being  before  the  Senate,  Senator  Logan  replied  to  the 
attacks  made  upon  the  bill  because  of  the  amount  of  the  pen 
sion-list  being  "  enormous."  Said  he: 

Of  course  it  is  enormous.  There  are  many  other  things  that  are 
enormous  ;  many  other  of  our  appropriations  in  other  directions  are 
very  large.  There  are  many  things  in  regard  to  which  we  might  say 
Congress  is  appropriating  a  large  amount  of  money  where  there  is 
not  half  as  much  merit  as  there  is  in  the  pension-roll.  It  is  true  we 
appropriate  $100,000,000,  or  a  little  more,  this  year.  We  appropriate 
it  because  we  owe  it ;  that  is  the  reason  why.  In  other  cases  we  appro 
priate  that  which  we  do  not  owe,  but  appropriate  for  things  that  we 
propose  to  do.  This  is  an  appropriation  for  an  account  accumulated 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  where  the  debt  exists  to 
day  by  reason  of  passing  on  these  claims  by  the  Commissioner  of  Pen 
sions  under  the  law.  Hence  we  appropriate  for  that  which  we  owe, 
that  which  has  been  adjudged  against  us.  I  ask  why,  then,  should  a 
raid  be  made  on  that,  any  more  than  on  an  appropriation  that  is  made 
to  pay  the  judgment  of  a  court  that  has  decided  in  reference  to  a  claim, 
or  something  of  that  character?  I  cannot  understand  it. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  something  about  this,  that  many  persons  do 
not  understand.  I  know  a  great  many  persons  who  are  the  recipients 
of  pensions.  Whether  they  are  entitled  to  them  or  not  I  cannot  say, 
because  I  did  not  make  the  examination.  I  know  persons,  who  draw 
pensions,  who  look  as  if  they  are  stout  and  healthy  men  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  I  have  no  doubt  they  are  entitled  to  pensions.  I  could  illus 
trate  this  by  members  on  this  floor.  I  know  three  Senators  on  this  floor, 
to-day,  who  are  suffering  from  wounds  they  received  in  the  army  ;  but 
yet  they  do  not  draw  pensions,  they  do  not  ask  for  pensions.  To  look 
at  those  men  there  is  not  a  man  in  the  Senate  who  would  suppose  that 
either  one  of  them  could  obtain  a  pension  if  he  would  try  ;  yet  they 
could  without  any  trouble,  and  I  know  that  they  suffer,  and  are  confined 
frequently  to  their  beds,  from  the  effects  of  their  military  service.  Yet 
nobody  would  suppose  they  were  entitled  to  be  pensioners. 

Therefore  I  conclude  that  there  are  many  persons,  drawing  pensions 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


297 


in  this  country,  whose  wounds  are  covered  by  their  garments  and  are 
unseen,  wounds  which  are  painful  to  them.  And  because  such  a  man  is 
going  around,  people  say  he  is  not  entitled  to  a  pension!  That  is  the 
reason  why  there  is  so  much  criticism  on  the  pension-list.  I  know  an 
ex-officer  of  the  army  here,  in  Washington  City,  to-day.  He  comes  into 
the  Senate  very  frequently.  He  is  a  pensioner.  I  suppose  if  any  Sena 
tor  were  to  see  him,  he  would  say  that  man  is  a  fraud.  I  know  he  is 
not  a  fraud,  and  I  will  tell  you  why.  That  man  to-day  is  as  healthy- 
looking  a  man  as  you  or  I,  and  yet  that  man  wears  a  seton  in  his  body 
running  through  from  side  to  side,  and  he  has  done  so  ever  since  the 
war.  He  has  to  do  it  in  order  to  keep  the  wound  open,  to  preserve  his 
life,  and  that  man  is  as  healthy-looking  a  man  as  I  am.  But  his  wounds 
are  concealed,  and  many  persons  say  that  he  is  a  fraud.  I  know  he  is 
not  a  fraud.  I  know  he  is  not  able  to-day  to  perform  any  labor  of  any 
kind,  and  yet  he  walks  around  a  healthy-looking  man. 

I  might  give  a  number  of  instances  of  the  same  kind.  I  know  others 
similarly  situated.  I  know  a  Senator  on  this  floor  to-day  who  has  a 
wound  which  breaks  out  frequently,  yet  he  says  nothing  about  it  ;  you 
do  not  know  anything  about  it.  He  suffers  intense  pain  from  it  at 
times,  and  has  a  physician  sometimes  to  examine  it,  and  to  re-dress  it, 
and  heal  it  up  again  ;  yet  he  never  asks  for  a  pension,  and  says  nothing 
about  his  wounds.  There  are  many  cases  of  this  kind  all  over  the 
country. 

Men  who  do  not  understand  this  thing,  men  who  have  not  served  in 
the  army  on  either  side,  men  who  do  not  know  anything  about  camp- 
life  and  the  service  of  men  in  the  wars  of  this  country,  are  not  alto 
gether  competent  to  judge  of  those  who  have  performed  such  service. 
I  say  that,  in  all  kindness.  There  is  not  a  man,  within  the  sound  of  my 
voice,  who  served  either  in  the  Union  army  or  the  Confederate  army, 
but  will  agree  with  me  in  the  statement  that  no  man  who  did  not  see 
service  can  tell  the  effect  of  service  upon  those  who  rendered  it. 

What  I  intended  was  merely  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to 
the  fact  that  the  provision  that  the  pension  should  attach  at  the  time 
of  the  presentation  of  the  case,  instead  of  at  the  time  when  the  injury 
was  received,  was  the  fault  of  Congress  at  the  time  that  law  was  enacted  ; 
so  that  the  law  giving  arrears  of  pension  is  merely  an  amendment  to 
that  law,  saying  that  the  pension  shall  attach  at  the  time  the  disability 
was  incurred,  at  the  time  the  soldier  was  shot  down  in  line,  instead  of 
ten  years  afterward,  that  being  the  time  the  injury  was  inflicted.  It  is 
merely  doing  that  which  Congress  should  have  done  at  the  time  they 
passed  the  Pension  Act,  dating  the  pension  from  the  time  the  injury 
occurred,  instead  of  at  any  other  time.  It  is  merely,  then,  the  correc- 


298  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

tion  of  an  error  that  grew  up  at  the  time  in  Congress  when  the  act 
was  passed,  and  is  not  an  error  itself  because  of  the  amount  that  is  ex 
pended. 

LOGAN'S  BILL  DEVOTING  INTERNAL  REVENUE  TO  EDUCATION— 

HIS  STATESMANLIKE  VIEWS  ON  THE  SUBJECT A  GRAND  AND 

INSTRUCTIVE  SPEECH. 

We  have  already  seen,  as  far  back  as  his  great  speech  at 
Louisville,  Ky.,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  that  General  Logan 
was  even  then  revolving  in  his  mind,  not  only  the  duty  of  the 
Nation  to  enlighten  and  civilize  the  barbarously  ignorant 
race  that  it  had  converted  into  freemen,  but  the  prime  neces 
sity  of  educating  the  masses  everywhere  in  the  land.  He 
had  then  said  :  "  We  look  in  vain  through  the  Southern  States 
for  public  schools,"  and  that  ''in  the  rural  regions  of  the 
South  the  people  are  frequently  found  in  whole  communities 
totally  destitute  of  the  simplest  rudiments  of  an  English  edu 
cation."  He  was  convinced  that  the  corner-stone  of  civiliza 
tion  is  education.  How  then  to  make  education  coextensive 
with  the  boundaries  of  his  native  land  was  a  problem  which 
might  well  engage  the  best  efforts  of  our  noblest  statesmen 
to  properly  solve.  In  all  his  multitudinous  labors  in  other 
fields  of  mental  activity,  this  problem  was  ever  recurring  to 
his  mind  as  that  which  would  have  grander  results  to  the 
future  of  this  Nation  than  any  yet  seen;  that  would  indeed 
more  thoroughly  and  rapidly  than  any  other  class  of  legisla 
tion  carry  out  the  magnificent  scheme  of  the  founders  and 
fathers  of  the  Republic  in  securing  "  the  greatest  good  to  the 
greatest  number."  But  how  to  do  it  ?  Therein  lay  the  chief 
difficulty.  At  last,  in  March,  1882,  Senator  Logan,  having 
reached  his  own  solution  of  the  difficulty,  introduced  to  the 
Senate,  and  had  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Education 
and  Labor,  (of  which  Senator  Blair  was  and  is  the  chairman), 
a  bill,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy: 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act  the 
entire  income  derived  from  the  internal-revenue  taxes  on  the  maiuifact- 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


299 


ure  and  sale  of  distilled  spirits  shall  be  appropriated  and  expended  for 
the  education  of  all  the  children  living  in  the  United  States. 

SEC.  2.  That  the  money  so  received  shall  be  expended  pro  rata  in 
the  several  States  and  Territories,  as  shown  by  the  census  of  1880  and 
each  succeeding  census. 

SEC.  3.  That  the  education  hereby  contemplated  shall  include  such 
instruction  as  is  provided  in  the  curriculum  of  the  public  schools  of  the 
country,  and  also  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  normal  schools, 
teachers'  institutes,  and  instruction  in  the  industrial  and  mechanical 
arts. 

SEC.  4.  That  any  State  or  Territory,  before  receiving  the  benefits  of 
this  act,  shall  be  required,  by  local  enactment,  to  make  obligatory  upon 
all  children  between  the  ages  of  seven  and  twelve  years  school-attend 
ance  for  at  least  six  months  in  each  year. 

SEC.  5.  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  charged  with  the  proper 
administration  of  this  law,  through  the  Commissioner  of  Education  ;  and 
they  are  authorized  and  directed,  under  the  approval  of  the  President, 
to  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  to  carry  this  law  into  effect. 

SEC.  6.  That  no  part  of  this  fund  shall  be  used  for  the  erection  of 
school  houses  or  buildings  of  any  kind  for  school  purposes. 

On  the  1 6th  of  that  month,  Senator  Logan  made  a  speech 
upon  his  bill  which  attracted  public  attention  and  public  com 
ment,  throughout  the  country,  to  a  remarkable  degree.  It 
was  a  grand  speech,  worthy  of  the  man  and  his  great  and 
patriotic  purpose — a  speech  which  every  lover  of  his  country 
should  read — full  of  statements  and  statistics  bearing  upon 
the  question ;  and  logical  reasoning,  and  ripe  wisdom,  and 
patriotic  appeal  founded  thereon.  It  has,  in  fact,  been  the 
backbone  of  all  the  debates  that  have  since  taken  place  in 
Congress  upon  this  or  other  measures  having  similar  aims, 
and,  furthermore,  it  has  resulted  in  accomplished  legislation 
so  far  as  the  United  States  Senate  is  concerned.  It  is  rarely 
that  the  reader  can  find  matter  that  will  so  richly  repay  peru 
sal  as  the  following  extract  from  the  close  of  this  great  and 
successful  patriotic  effort : 

Nations  are  counted  great  and  remembered  chiefly  for  two  things — 
wisdom  and  power  :  the  former  the  property  of  the  few  ;  the  latter  the 
property  of  the  many,  though  wielded  by  the  few.  The  ancients  aimed 


300 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


to  confine  knowledge  to  a  select  class,  and  to  make  it,  so  far  as  possible, 
an  inheritance  transmissible  to  their  descendants.  The  enlightened 
moderns  seek  to  make  it  the  common  heritage  of  all.  They  search  for 
all  the  specimens  of  mind,  even  to  the  shreds  of  it  found  in  idiots,  and 
cultivate  all  these.  Why?  Because  every  mind  is  an  element  of  power. 
Private  individuals  ransack  the  streams  and  the  mountains  for  particles 
of  gold,  and  offer  them  to  the  world  as  an  addition  to  its  wealth  ;  but  a 
nation  finds  honor  in  discovering  minds,  and  offering  them  to  be  used 
in  all  the  duties  of  life.  Des  Cartes  was  accustomed  to  say,  "  In  the  uni 
verse  there  is  nothing  great  but  man,  and  in  man  there  is  nothing  great 
but  mind," — an  expression  afterward  condensed  and  improved  by  Sir 
William  Hamilton  thus  :  "  In  the  universe  nothing  is  great  but  mind." 

Our  systems  of  public  schools  give  emphasis  to  this  idea,  and  justify 
the  search  alluded  to.  A  nation  may  honorably  seek  power  ;  indeed,  if 
it  is  to  live,  it  must  seek  and  retain  power.  Those  who  are  to  constitute 
the  power  of  the  nation  are  the  children  scattered  in  the  palaces,  garrets, 
and  cellars  of  cities,  and  in  the  homes  and  cabins  of  the  country,  from 
the  Atlantic  seaboard  to  the  Pacific  shore.  Whatever  force  there  shall 
be,  therefore,  to  do  or  direct,  must  be  found  in  these  children.  Their 
tide,  growing  with  every  advancing  year,  must  supply  for  the  future  of 
our  nation  all  its  wealth,  all  its  science,  all  its  power,  all  its  honor. 

It  may  be  assumed  that,  as  the  present  generation  shall  receive  and 
educate  its  children,  and  welcome  the  annual  swarms  of  immigrants 
crowding  to  our  shores,  so  will  the  land  increase  in  all  that  maks  a  peo 
ple  worthy  of  everlasting  remembrance. 

And  the  same  conditions  which  secure  this,  will  also  establish  our 
country  in  all  that  a  free  people  can  desire — power,  honor,  comfort,  in 
telligence,  and  wealth.  What  some  of  these  conditions  are,  it  is  not 
hard  to  declare  ;  for  knowledge,  universally  diffused,  is  so  clearly  the 
great  force,  that  even  a  statement  to  this  effect  is  unnecessary.  That 
"  knowledge  is  power"  is  a  truism  now  denied  by  none. 

What  is  of  so  much  worth  as  children,  even  reckoning,  on  that  very 
low  plane,  their  simple  cash  value  as  prospective  laborers  ?  A  fine 
climate  gives  effect  to  every  interest  and  industry  of  a  land  ;  a  fertile 
soil  attracts  population  and  enterprise  to  cultivate  it  ;  mines  afford 
opportunity  for  the  poor  to  gather  wealth  and  scatter  it  abroad  through 
out  the  world.  But  none  of  these  are  of  any  more  worth  than  a  desert, 
without  hands  to  improve  them  ;  and  what  are  hands  worth,  without 
minds  to  direct  them  ?  A  hand,  with  an  educated  brain  behind  it,  is 
worth  more  than  treble  an  ignorant  one.  Give  the  finest  climate  earth 
can  show,  the  fattest  soil  the  continents  lift  out  of  the  sea,  the  richest 
mines  the  mountains  contain,  the  safest  harbors  that  border  the  sea  or 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


301 


indent  the  land,  and  let  a  people  be  ignorant  of  their  own  capabilities, 
or  of  the  resources  of  Nature  and  her  mighty  agencies,  and  what  are  all 
these  worth  ?  Africa  to-day  has  ten  million  square  miles  of  soil  as 
fertile  as  lies  beneath  the  sun.  She  has  a  hundred  millions  of  people. 
Yet  the  little  island  of  England,  with  only  about  sixty  thousand  square 
miles  and  forty  millions  of  people,  produces  annually,  in  a  climate 
almost  of  the  polar  circle,  more  articles  of  food  and  clothing  raised 
directly  from  the  earth  by  agricultural  labor  alone,  than  all  that  conti 
nent  ;  and  if  you  "count  in"  the  manufactures  which  her  machinery 
yields,  she  does  the  work  of  ten  times  the  whole  population  of  Africa. 
How  is  she  enabled  to  do  this  ?  Simply  because  the  educated  mind  of 
England  can  multiply  her  hands  by  a  thousand-fold.  Nature  lends  her 
gravitation — even  enslaves  her  sun,  and  harnesses  her  lightning,  so  that 
they  afford  hands  and  feet  to  labor  and  run  for  those  people  who  have 
learned  how  to  use  such  agencies.  The  same  thing  is  seen  in  any 
enlightened  country,  or  at  least  where  education  is  widely  diffused. 
And  yet  in  England  less  than  half  the  common  people's  children  are 
educated  in  any  suitable  degree.  It  is  mind  which  has  accomplished 
all  these  wonders  ;  and  minds  are  found  in  almost  equal  numbers  in  all 
ranks  of  society.  The  child  of  the  peasant  is  often  as  full  of  genius  as 
the  child  of  the  prince,  with  a  stronger  body  and  less  tendency  to  habits 
of  vice  or  recklessness  ;  and  if  he  can  be  found  and  educated,  the  nation 
certainly  derives  the  greatest  possible  benefits  ;  and,  if  a  nation  is  to  be 
raised  to  its  highest  degree  of  efficiency,  every  particle  of  its  mind  must 
be  utilized. 

The  war  between  France  and  Germany  affords  pertinent  illustration 
of  the  value  of  education  in  a  peasantry  to  increase  the  worth  of  men, 
considered  as  mere  machines  of  warfare.  Every  German  soldier  could 
read  and  write,  and  knew  the  geography  of  France.  He  could  calcu 
late  almost  as  well  as  his  officers,  and  he  knew  how  to  take  care  of  his 
person  and  health.  Those  of  France  were  nearly  half  illiterate,  and  as 
an  army  they  seemed  little  more  than  a  bank  of  snow  before  an  April 
wind  in  comparison  with  the  Germans. 

The  nine  millions  of  children  who  daily  march  to  the  school-houses 
of  the  North,  the  West,  and  the  South,  are  better,  as  a  defence  for  the 
whole  nation,  than  a  standing  army  as  large  as  all  the  armies  of  Europe. 
The  quarter  of  a  million  of  school-teachers,  who  daily  drill  these  chil 
dren  in  the  school-houses,  are  a  better  provision  for  training  the  nation 
in  patriotism  than  all  the  statesmen  and  military  officers  of  the  Old 
World.  Let  every  child  of  the  Nation  be  sent  to  a  good  school,  and 
trained  by  a  proper  method  in  broad  national  ideas,  and  we  never  need 
fear  either  foreign  aggression  and  domination,  or  domestic  insurrection 


-O?  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

\j 

and  sectional  strifes  and  jealousies.  Strength,  peace,  harmony,  pros 
perity,  nobility  of  character,  patriotism,  virtue  and  happiness,  would 
flow  as  from  a  perennial  spring  in  the  mountains,  to  fill  the  land 
forever. 

But  the  benefits  of  education  are  not  confined  to  an  increase  of  ma 
terial  prosperity,  and  to  the  means  of  promoting  the  public  defence. 
The  physical  comfort  and  general  healthfulness  of  the  whole  popula 
tion  are  advanced  thereby  in  even  a  greater  ratio  than  the  interests 
before  named.  Can  it  be  reckoned  no  benefit  to  a  community  that 
every  person  possesses  sufficient  intelligence  to  understand  the  reasons 
for  cleanliness  and  exercise,  the  necessity  for  pure  air  and  good  food, 
and  the  means  of  securing  all  these  ?  Are  more  comfortable  and 
beautiful  homes  no  profit  to  families,  and  do  not  all  arts  which  knowl 
edge  fosters  contribute  to  the  happiness  and  power  of  a  people  ?  In 
the  mere  matter  of  bodily  health  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  show  that 
if  the  whole  of  a  community  could  be  brought  to  practise  the  precepts 
of  hygiene,  which  could  be  readily  learned  by  a  child  of  fourteen  with 
out  loss  of  time  for  ordinary  family  duties  or  for  needed  rest,  at  least 
two-thirds  of  all  the  diseases  which  now  afflict  the  human  race  would 
be  as  effectually  banished  from  the  earth  as  reptiles  are  from  Ireland. 

The  effect,  also,  of  the  general  diffusion  of  education  among  the 
masses  of  our  population  in  respect  to  their  moral  condition  can 
scarcely  be  calculated.  That  evil  will  ever  go  side  by  side  with  good  in 
this  world,  experience  leaves  us  no  reason  to  doubt.  That  while,  by  a 
general  school  system  we  are  educating  those  who  will  be  an  honor  to 
themselves  and  a  benefit  to  society  and  the  nation,  we  are  also  to  a  certain 
extent  educating  the  vicious,  is  true  ;  but  that,  on  the  whole,  education 
tends  largely,  very  largely,  to  increase  the  better  element  in  proportion 
to  the  vicious,  is  a  fact  that  cannot  be  denied.  To  enter  fully  upon 
the  discussion  of  this  proposition  would  be  out  of  place  here,  notwith 
standing  its  great  importance  in  this  connection.  But  it  is  evident,  to 
every  intelligent  person,  that  safety  in  this  matter  consists  in  continued 
progress.  To  halt  in  the  race,  will  result  in  giving  over  society  and  the 
nation  to  the  control  of  the  vicious.  To  education,  therefore,  must  we 
look  for  all  the  elements  of  national  strength,  and  the  more  generally 
it  is  diffused  and  the  higher  its  grade,  in  like  proportion  will  our 
national  power  be  increased.  So  that  if  Congress  intends  to  do  any 
thing  in  this  great  work  that  will  be  adequate  to  the  wants  of  the  people, 
it  must  be  done  with  a  liberal  hand,  and  in  a  manner  that  will  show 
manifest  justice  to  all  sections.  While  ten  or  fifteen  millions  may,  and 
will,  do  much  good  if  granted  to  one  section,  those  who  are  imposing 
heavy  burdens  upon  themselves  in  other  sections  to  educate  their 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


303 


children  will  have  just  grounds  to  complain  that  injustice  has  been 
done  them. 

While  Illinois  spends  i  per  cent,  of  the  assessed  value  of  her  tax 
able  property,  and  Iowa  1.4  per  cent.,  for  school  purposes,  Georgia 
spends  but  one-tenth  of  i  per  cent.,  and  North  Carolina  but  one-fourth 
of  i  per  cent,  for  this  purpose.  This  difference  cannot,  of  course,  be 
charged  to  inability,  but,  to  put  it  in  the  mildest  form,  it  must  be 
charged  to  neglect,  or  the  want  of  appreciation  of  the  value  of  education. 
To  help  the  latter,  then,  and  withhold  assistance  from  the  former, 
would  have  too  much  the  appearance  of  rewarding  the  negligent,  who 
are  unwilling  even  to  do  what  they  can  to  help  themselves,  and  refus 
ing  aid  to  those  who  are  burdening  themselves  to  prepare  their  chil 
dren  to  be  useful  members  of  society  and  valuable  citizens  of  the 
Nation.  I  am  as  desirous  as  anyone  in  this  Senate  to  assist  those 
States  that  are  in  the  background  in  this  respect,  for  I  am  fully  aware 
they  are  laboring  under  difficulties  which  do  not  apply  to  their  sister 
States,  and  this  is  one  great  reason — in  fact,  I  may  say  the  chief  reason 
— why  I  have  brought  forward  this  bill.  But  I  wish  the  Government 
to  be  just  in  distributing  its  favors,  and  this  cannot  be  done  effectually 
in  this  matter  with  much  less  than  the  amount  I  have  proposed. 
Although  money  from  this  tax  has  no  more  inherent  value  in  it  for  this 
purpose  than  any  other  fund,  yet  there  is  something  pleasing  in  the 
idea  that  the  mighty  stream  of  liquid  sin,  flowing  on  in  spite  of  all  the 
efforts  made  to  check  it,  and  bearing  multitudes  downward  to  its  whirl 
pool  of  crime  and  death,  will  thus  be  made,  by  its  very  downward  press 
ure,  a  power  to  lift  as  many  more  from  the  depths  of  ignorance  ;  that 
the  very  streams  the  distillers  and  retailers  are  sending  forth  to  foster 
vice  and  crime  may  be  used  as  a  force  to  destroy  their  origin,  just  as  the 
maddened  waters  of  Niagara  may  be  made  a  force  to  level  the  precipice 
from  which  they  fall.  So  far,  then,  as  the  use  of  this  particular  fund 
in  this  way  inspires  this  feeling  in  those  who  encourage  education  and 
temperance,  so  far,  we  may  truly  say,  it  would  be  more  effectual  than 
any  other. 

Men  called  statesmen  are  apt  to  believe  that  they  control  the  masses  ; 
but  when  the  masses,  whether  right  or  wrong,  become  aroused  on  any 
question  pertaining  to  government,  the  men  known  as  statesmen  are 
as  powerless  to  control  them  as  they  are  to  direct  the  storm  ;  and  so  the 
leading  men,  or  statesmen,  as  they  are  called,  join  their  respective  sides 
and  add  fury  to  the  desires  of  the  people.  Aristides  did  not  control 
Athens,  nor  Xerxes,  Persia,  in  that  fullest  sense  which  brought  the  des 
tinies  of  nations  into  conflict.  The  common  Greeks  and  the  common 
Persians,  who  had  in  some  way  learned  in  their  ignorance  to  hate  and 


304 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


despise  each  other,  made  those  furious  wars  possible,  if  not  necessary. 
So  it  will  always  be.  The  instincts,  as  we  sometimes  call  them, — and  these 
are  scarcely  anything  but  the  transmitted  notions  and  sentiments  of  one 
generation  accumulating  power  in  another, — will  sway  the  populace, 
and  influence  the  policy  of  rulers.  They  will,  by  their  desires,  force  the 
government  into  unwise  measures.  If  they  are  selfish,  they  will  com 
pel  a  selfish,  and  perhaps  an  aggressive,  policy.  If  they  are  vicious, 
the  government  cannot  long  maintain  a  consistent  course  of  justice  and 
honor.  If  they  are  divided  by  sectional  jealousies  and  trained  to  hos 
tile  feelings,  can  there  be  union  of  sentiment  and  action? 

In  our  own  land,  to-day,  the  grossly  ignorant  are  numerous  enough 
to  control  the  affairs  of  the  Nation.  They  hold  the  balance  of  power, 
if  they  could  only  unite.  But  while  they  do  not  unite  as  a  class,  their 
influence  may  do  worse  than  form  a  union  among  themselves  ;  for  any 
apparent  attempt  to  form  a  party  of  the  ignorant,  would  undoubtedly 
be  met  by  a  combination  of  the  intelligent.  Their  wishes  and  desires, 
their  prejudices  and  jealousies,  may  suggest  to  demagogues  opportuni 
ties  to  gain  selfish  ends,  and  plunge  us  into  still  greater  sectional  strifes. 
We  need,  as  a  Nation  so  extended,  to  foster  homogeneous  instruction  in 
our  hundred  different  climates  and  regions.  The  one  grand  thing  to  do 
in  every  one  of  these  regions,  each  larger  than  most  of  the  nations  of  the 
world,  is  to  secure  the  uniformity  of  intelligence  and  virtue.  We  need 
no  other. 

If  our  people  in  the  pine  woods  of  Maine  or  Michigan  ;  if  those  in  the 
mines  of  the  Carolinas  and  Virginia,  in  Colorado  and  Nevada,  in  Cali 
fornia  and  Alaska  ;  if  the  cultivators  of  the  farms  in  Ohio  and  Dakota, 
of  the  plantations  of  Georgia  and  Louisiana  ;  if  the  herders  of  the  ranches 
of  Texas  and  New  Mexico, — can  all  be  rendered  intelligent  enough  to  see 
the  excellence  of  virtue,  and  be  made  noble  enough  to  practise  its  self- 
restraining  laws  ;  if  they  can  be  taught  wisdom  enough  to  appreciate  the 
ten  thousand  advantages  of  a  national  Union  embracing  a  hundred  cli 
mates  and  capable  of  sustaining  a  myriad  of  mutually  helpful  industries, 
freely  interchanging  their  products  and  acting  on  one  another,  as  mutual 
forces,  to  stimulate  every  one  to  its  highest  capacity  of  rival  endeavor, 
— then  we  would  be  sure  of  a  stable  Union, and  an  immortality  of  glory. 

Is  it  not,  now,  easy  to  see  that  the  education  of  the  young,  on  one 
common  plan,  with  one  common  purpose, — the  people's  children 
taught  by  the  people  themselves, — in  schools  made  by  the  people 
themselves,  yet  in  some  noble  sense  patronized  by  the  Nation,  and 
supervised  by  the  Nation,  in  some  proper  manner,  will  aid  in  making 
on  this  continent  a  nation  such  as  we  hope  to  be,  and  what  the  fore- 
shadowings  of  Providence  seem  to  indicate  we  ought  to  be,  the  one 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


305 


great  and  mighty  Nation  of  the  world  ?  We  have  the  same  glorious 
Constitution.  Let  us  all,  from  highest  to  lowest,  from  richest  to  poor 
est,  from  blackest  to  whitest,  learn  to  read  its  words  as  they  are  written, 
and  then  we  shall  be  most  likely  to  interpret  its  provisions  alike,  and 
administer  its  enactments  alike,  in  justice  and  honor. 

We  all  read  the  same  Bible,  and  claim  to  practise  the  same  golden 
rule.  Let  us  instruct  all  the  youth  whom  the  beneficent  Father  gives 
us,  natives  of  this  land  or  born  on  other  shores,  in  the  grand  principles 
of  morality  which  it  inculcates,  and  in  all  the  science  which  it  has  fos 
tered.  We  all  inherit,  from  our  mother-land,  the  same  invaluable  code 
of  common  laws  and  institutions.  Let  us,  if  need  be,  be  careful  all  to 
obtain  enough  knowledge  to  read  and  understand  the  laws  which  the 
Legislatures  of  the  several  States  shall  make,  and  the  decisions,  in 
accordance  with  that  common  law,  which  their  courts  shall  render.  We 
have  received  from  our  ancestors,  and  from  the  present  generation  of 
philosophic  scientists,  a  body  of  knowledge  and  wisdom,  the  worth  of 
which  even  genius  can  scarcely  estimate.  Let  that  be  given  to  every 
child  that  breathes  our  atmosphere,  in  substantially  the  same  spelling- 
book  and  primer,  in  schools  as  good  among  the  snows  of  Aroostook  as 
in  marts  of  New  York,  Boston,  or  Charleston ;  as  free  on  the  shores  of 
Puget  Sound  as  on  the  prairies  of  Illinois,  and  as  well  taught  in  the 
rice-fields  of  the  South  as  on  the  hills  of  Connecticut.  Then  we  shall 
be  "one  and  inseparable,  now  and  forever." 

THE    FITZ-JOHN    PORTER    CASE    IN    1884 LOGAN    AGAIN    ASSAILS 

THE    OBNOXIOUS    BILL     IN     THE     SENATE HE    BIDS    THE    CON 
FEDERATE    DEMOCRATS    BEWARE  ! 

Again,  on  March  14,  1884,  Senator  Logan  made  a  most 
powerful  and  convincing  speech  in  the  Senate  upon  a  House 
bill  to  place  Fitz-John  Porter  on  the  retired  list  of  the  army  as 
a  colonel,  but  without  the  back-pay  feature  which  had  been 
attached  to  previous  attempted  legislation  in  his  behalf. 
Again,  as  before,  every  senator  was  in  his  seat  during  the 
hours  in  which  he  held  their  rapt  attention,  and  again  the  gal 
leries  were  crowded  to  suffocation — and  it  was  difficult  to 
restrain  their  plaudits.  In  concluding  this  speech  General 
Logan  eloquently  said : 

If  this  act  of  wrong,  as  I  deem  it,  shall  be  perpetrated  by  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States,  it  will  be  declaring  that  those  who  failed  in 
20 


306  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  hour  of  trial,  are  those  who  shall  be  honored  in  the  hour  of  tri 
umph  ;  it  will  be  declaring  to  the  world  that  the  record  of  those  in  the 
army  who  failed  at  the  important  time,  is  as  good  as  those  who  sus 
tained  the  Government ;  that  the  honor  and  glory  of  the  whole  army  of 
the  United  States  shall  not  be  maintained  alone  by  the  honors  it  won, 
but  shall  be  maintained  by  the  honors  lost  by  its  unworthy  members. 
When  we  returned  to  our  homes  and  our  peaceful  pursuits,  when  the 
armies  of  a  million  of  men  melted  away  into  the  paths  of  peace,  we  then 
expected,  and  ought  to  expect  now,  that  nothing  would  be  done,  by 
Congress,  at  least,  that  would  mar  the  thought  which  should  be  in  every 
man's  mind,  that  equality  and  justice  should  be  done  to  all  according  to 
the  laws  and  Constitution  of  our  land  ;  that  justice  should  be  done  the 
living,  and  that  justice  also  should  be  meted  out  to  the  reputation  of  the 
dead. 

So  then,  for  the  honor  of  this  Nation,  let  not  its  representatives  mar 
the  record  that  loyalty  made  in  behalf  of  this  Government  and  for  the 
benefit  of  this  people. 

I  have  deemed  it  to  be  my  duty  as  a  member  of  this  body  to  oppose 
at  all  times  a  proposition  of  this  character,  because  I  believe  it  to  be 
wrong  in  theory,  and  certainly  wrong  in  practice.  I  believe  it  will  de 
moralize  the  army,  and  have  a  demoralizing  effect  upon  the  country. 

I  say,  in  all  kindness,  to  the  other  side  of  this  Chamber  (it  will  per 
haps  have  no  effect),  your  course,  assisted  by  a  few  of  our  side,  in  this 
case,  will  prevent  the  people  of  this  country,  as  long  as  you  shall  pro 
ceed  in  this  way,  from  having  confidence  that  you  intend  to  administer 
the  affairs  of  the  Government  fairly.  The  opening  of  the  doors  for 
Fitz-John  Porter  does  not  mean  Fitz-John  Porter.  It  means  breaking 
down  the  barrier,  the  wall  between  the  good  and  the  bad,  and  those 
who  failed  in  time  of  trial  and  those  who  did  their  duty.  It  means 
opening  the  door  on  the  retired  list  to  Porter,  and  to  other  men, 
who  failed  us  in  our  trials,  who  shall  follow  in  his  wake.  It  means 
more.  I  do  not  care  what  a  few  gentlemen  who  were  in  the  Union 
army,  may  say  ;  I  do  not  care  what  a  few  gentlemen  who  were  not  in  the 
Union  army,  may  say  ;  but  the  great  body  of  the  American  people  do  not 
believe  in  breaking  down  the  barriers  between  the  men  who  failed  in 
time  of  need  and  the  men  who  stood  at  their  posts. 

When  I  say  that,  I  am  speaking  of  our  loyal  people.  I  mean  that 
the  people  do  not  believe  in  your  coming  here  to  regulate  courts-mar 
tial  for  us  during  the  war.  They  do  not  believe  it  just ;  they  do  not  be 
lieve  it  is  right.  I  am  speaking  in  truth  to  you,  and  the  people  will 
emphasize  it  to  you  hereafter.  Let  your  Confederacy  regulate  its  own 
courts-martial  while  it  existed  in  opposition  to  this  Union,  but  do  not 


LOGAN  AFTER    THE  WAR. 


307 


come  here  from  under  that  flag  with  numbers  sufficient  to  put  disgraced 
men  back  in  the  army,  to  cast  slurs  upon  our  men  who  did  their  duty,  to 
trample  in  the  dust  the  authority  that  suppressed  your  Confederacy. 
Let  not  your  feelings  go  that  far.  If  they  do,  I  tell  you  that  more  years 
than  you  think  will  pass  over  your  heads  before  you  will  have  the  con 
fidence  of  the  American  people. 

There  are  some  friends  on  this  side  of  the  Chamber  who  join  with  the 
other  side.  They  are  entitled  to  their  views.  I  say  to  them,  you  will 
open  the  doors  to  danger  in  this  country,  when  you  do  this  act.  It  is 
not  an  act  of  kindness  to  this  man  ;  it  is  an  act  of  injustice  to  the  army  ; 
it  is  an  act  of  injustice  to  the  loyal  people  of  this  country  ;  it  is  an 
act  of  injustice  to  the  memory  of  Lincoln,  and  those  who  were  asso 
ciated  with  him  at  the  time  ;  it  is  trampling  underfoot,  the  law  and  the 
facts.  You  who  were  their  friends  in  the  hour  of  trial,  you  who  stood 
by  them  then,  should  not  falter  now.  You  are  to-day  doing  that  which 
you  would  not  have  done  ten  years  ago.  But  to-day  the  consciences  of 
some  people  are  getting  so  easy,  that  we  must  do  everything  that  is 
asked,  for  men  who  failed  us  in  the  hour  of  greatest  danger,  for  men 
who  are  entitled  to  nothing  except  what  they  received.  We  are  asked 
in  charity,  which  is  no  charity,  to  violate  the  law,  to  violate  the  proper 
rules  of  civil  conduct,  to  violate  the  judgment  of  a  court,  to  violate  the 
order  of  a  President  made  according  to  law  and  justice,  as  shown  at  that 
time  and  now.  I  hope,  at  least,  that  men  who  have  stood  by  the  coun 
try  in  the  hour  of  trial,  will  not  weaken,  in  the  hour  of  triumph,  in  the 
interests  of  those  whose  triumph  would  have  proved  disastrous  to  the 
country. 

The  conscientious  feeling  that  I  have  performed  my  duty,  accord 
ing  to  my  honest  convictions,  to  my  country,  to  the  honor  of  our  now 
faithful  little  army,  to  my  comrades  in  arms  during  the  war,  to  the  living 
and  the  dead  that  took  part  in  the  judgment  of  the  court,  to  the  loyal 
people  that  loved  this  country  and  helped  to  save  it,  shall  be  in  my  own 
breast,  through  life,  my  reward  for  my  action  in  this  case. 

SENATOR    LOGAN     ASSAILED    AS     A      "  LAND-GRABBER  "•  —HE     DE 
NOUNCES  THE  CHARGE  AS    "  MALICIOUSLY  FALSE,"  AND  PROVES 

IT  TO  BE    SO EVEN    THE    DEMOCRATIC    SENATORS    LAUGH   THE 

CHARGE    TO    SCORN. 

On  July  4,  1884 — just  twenty-one  years  after  that  other 
Fourth  of  July  when  he  had  led  the  victorious  hosts  of  the 
Union  into  the  fortress  of  Vicksburg, — General  Logan,  who 


308  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

had  been  again  slanderously  assailed  by  his  Democratic  ene 
mies,  this  time  as  a  "  land-grabber,"  deemed  it  necessary  to 
meet  and  repel  the  base  attack  on  the  floor  of  the  United 
States  Senate.  The  published  charge  or  insinuation  was  that 
Logan,  "  who  from  his  manner  and  appearance  rumor  says 
has  their  blood  in  his  veins,  tried  to  steal  from  his  own  kith 
and  kin  hundreds  of  thousands  of  acres  of  land — taken  from 
the  unfortunate  savage,  who  was  unable  to  protect  himself 
until  an  honest  Secretary  of  the  Interior  went  there  with 
the  Surveyor,  and  took  back  the  land  for  the  Zunis  "  —the 
reading  of  which  was  received  with  scornful  "  laughter  and 
applause  on  the  Democratic  side/'  After  declaring  this 
charge  to  be  "  maliciously  false,"  Logan  proceeded  to  place 
upon  record,  written  statements  from  Commissioner  McFar- 
land  of  the  General  Land  Office,  Major  Tucker,  U.S.A., 
Captain  Lawton,  U.S.A.,  Colonel  James  Stevenson  of  the 
United  States  Geological  Survey,  and  Secretary  Teller  of  the 
Interior  Department,  which  conclusively  proved  it  to  be  so, 
and  that  the  whole  story  was  based  upon  the  single  attenuated 
fact  that  Major  Tucker,  Captain  Lawton,  and  Mr.  Stout,  ex 
ercising  their  own  undoubted  rights  as  citizens,  had  located 
desert-land  claims  on  public  lands,  open  to  entry  by  anybody, 
at  Nutria  Spings,  N.  M.,  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles 
from  the  town  of  Zuni,  and  outside  of  the  Zuni  reservation,— 
a  location,  moreover,  in  which  Logan  had  not  the  slightest 
pecuniary  interest.  But  Major  Tucker  being  Logan's  son-in- 
law,  the  attempt  had  thus  been  made  to  assail  the  latter 
through  the  former.  Logan  ended  by  saying  "  This,  sir,  is 
a  full  answer  to  this  false,  unprovoked,  and  malicious  slander, 
which  I  place  on  record,  where  all  may  have  access  to  it." 
And  so  full  and  complete  was  this  speech  of  self-vindication, 
that,  during  all  the  long  and  exciting  and  bitterly  personal 
National  campaign  which  closely  followed  it,  neither  this  nor 
any  other  insinuation  was  breathed  against  the  personal  char 
acter  of  Logan. 


PART  IV. 


LOGAN  ON  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  TICKET. 

GENERAL  LOGAN  AGAIN  TALKED  OF  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY— 
A  TRAIN  OF  LOGAN  MEN  REACHES  CHICAGO — HIS  NAME  BEFORE 
THE  CHICAGO  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 

FOR  some  time  prior  to  the  meeting1  of  the  Republican 
National  Convention  at  Chicago,  June  3,  1884,  the  name  of 
General  Logan,  as  that  of  an  available  Republican  candidate 
for  the  Presidency,  had  frequently  been  discussed  in  the 
press,  and  among  leading  men  of  that  party,  with  evident 
favor.  It  was  argued  that  his  candidacy  would  secure  the 
support  of  the  great  body  of  the  Methodist  Church,  of  which 
he  was  a  member ;  of  that  strong  element  represented  by 
the  Union  soldiers  and  their  relations  and  friends;  of  the 
colored  people,  whose  steadfast  friend  he  had  ever  been  from 
the  period  of  their  emancipation ;  and  of  that  still  more 
numerous  factor  in  American  politics  known  as  the  laboring 
element,  for  whose  education,  welfare,  and  prosperity  he  had 
so  earnestly,  persistently,  and  faithfully  labored.  With  his 
grand  record  in  the  army,  at  the  hustings,  and  in  the  legis 
lative  halls  of  the  Nation,  his  friends  thought  such  a  candi 
date  at  the  head  of  the  Republican  ticket  would  sweep  the 
States  triumphantly.  In  the  course  of  an  article  headed 
"  General  John  A.  Logan,"  the  Grand  Army  Record  as  far 
back  as  October  15,  1882,  had  said  : 

Next   to   General   Grant,  no   man   in  the   Republic  has  a  stronger 
hold  on  the  affections   of  the   masses  than  he  who   heads  this  article. 


3io  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

Plain,  affable,  guileless,  honest,  John  A.  Logan  is  one  of  Nature's 
noblemen.  Whether  in  the  field,  at  the  head  of  his  invincible  army 
corps,  or  as  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  he  has  always  proven  himself 
equal  to  any  emergency,  and  has  always  merited  and  received  the 
plaudits  of  his  countrymen.  .  .  . 

But  it  is  as  a  statesman  that  General  Logan  has  won  a  name  even 
greater  than  the  proud  distinction  he  acquired  as  a  field-marshal. 
What  an  exemplar  for  the  youth  of  the  Republic!  Surrounded 
by  opportunities  for  amassing  millions,  John  A.  Logan  is  to-day  a 
poor  man.  While  others  have  made  themselves  rich,  on  salaries  of 
$5,000  per  annum,  he  has  amassed  nothing  but  imperishable  renown, 
and  is  doubtless  a  poorer  man  than  he  was  in  1860.  For  this  reason 
he  is  entitled  to  the  highest  commendation,  and  good  men  everywhere 
delight  to  know  such  a  man. 

Should  he  be  made  the  standard-bearer  of  his  party,  he  would  re 
ceive  the  earnest,  hearty,  and  successful  support  of  the  vast  majority 
of  his  countrymen,  who  would  thus  delight  to  honor  the  noblest  work 
of  God,  an  honest  man. 

Numberless  other  papers  bore  testimony  to  a  pretty 
widespread  feeling  in  favor  of  his  candidacy.  But  General 
Logan,  although  saying  and  doing  nothing  to  discourage  his 
friends  from  urging  his  candidacy,  persistently  declined,  from 
the  very  first  moment,  to  say  or  do  anything  in  this  direction 
that  might  possibly  be  construed  even  by  his  enemies  as  self- 
seeking.  He  held,  with  another,  that  the  Presidential  office 
is  that  one  of  all  offices  in  the  people's  gift  that  should  seek 
the  man,  and  not  the  man  the  office.  The  Illinois  delegation 
to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1884,  determined, 
however,  to  present  the  General's  name  as  the  candidate  of 
his  native  State.  That  their  candidate  was  popular,  they  had 
assurances  from  delegates  of  many  other  States  ;  and  the 
arrival  of  "  a  train  of  Logan  men  "  at  Chicago  June  2,  1884, 
as  told  in  the  following  words  by  the  Evening  Journal,  only 
confirmed  their  impression  of  the  enthusiasm  which  his  nom 
ination  for  that  position  would  evoke  throughout  the  country  : 

A  special  train  arrived  here  at  eight  o'clock  this  morning  from 
Washington,  D.C.,  over  the  Pennsylvania  Road,  via  Baltimore,  hand- 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          ^n 

somely  decorated,  and  the  following  mottoes  on  the  cars :  "  Boys, 
McPherson  and  Revenge."  There  was  a  life-like  portrait  of  General 
Logan,  on  each  side  of  which  were  the  words,  ''Our  Choice."  Then 
followed  "  With  Logan  is  Victory."  These  were  all  in  large  and  con 
spicuous  characters,  that  they  might  be  seen  from  a  distance.  The  train 
consisted  of  fourteen  cars  in  two  sections,  and  on  its  arrival  at  Baltimore 
was  met  by  a  large  delegation  from  that  city,  headed  by  Hon.  A.  Worth 
Sparks,  Captain  Frank  Duhorst,  and  Colonel  William  Leonard.  This 
train  was  arranged  for  in  Washington  by  Dr.  E.  A.  Adams,  a  prominent 
Loganite,  and  in  its  transit  to  Chicago  was  greeted  at  every  point 
with  an  ovation.  At  points  where  the  train  stopped  such  expressions 
as  the  following  were  heard:  "Logan  would  be  hard  to  beat."  "  He 
would  divide  the  Democratic  soldier-vote."  "I'm  a  Democrat,  but  put 
up  Logan  and  I  will  vote  for  him."  "  He  is  the  only  man  that  ever 
sought  the  nomination  whose  record  is  immaculate." 

On  board  the  train  were  friends  of  Logan  from  Virginia,  North  and 
South  Carolina,  and  it  is  evident  that  if  General  Logan  is  not  nomi 
nated,  it  will  not  be  the  fault  of  his  friends  from  Maryland  and  the 
District  of  Columbia. 


LOGAN  S    NAME    PRESENTED  TO  THE    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL  CON 
VENTION    OF    1884    AS    THE    CANDIDATE    OF    ILLINOIS HOW  IT 

WAS    RECEIVED. 

On  Tuesday,  June  3,  1884,  the  Republican  National  Con 
vention  met  at  Chicago,  and  was  temporarily  organized.  On 
Wednesday,  June  4th,  it  was  permanently  organized.  When 
General  J.  B.  Henderson,  of  Missouri,  was  chosen  Permanent 
Chairman  he  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  referred  to  all  the 
candidates.  His  reference  to  General  Logan — "  Illinois  can 
come  with  one  who  never  failed  in  the  discharge  of  public 
duty,  whether  in  council-chamber  or  on  field  of  battle," — was 
loudly  cheered.  So  also  was  his  reference  to  Mr.  Elaine 
when  he  said  "  Maine  has  her  honored  favorite,  whose 
splendid  abilities  and  personal  qualities  have  endeared  him  to 
the  hearts  of  his  friends,  and  the  brilliancy  of  whose  genius 
challenges  the  admiration  of  all."  On  the  evening  of  Thurs 
day,  June  5th,  nominations  of  candidates  for  the  Presidency 


-!->  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

\j 

being    in    order,    after    Connecticut    had    presented   Senator 
Hawley's  name,  the  Washington  National  Tribune  says  : 

The  next  State  that  responded  was  Illinois,  and  as  Senator  Cullom 
mounted  the  platform  to  present  the  name  of  General  John  A.  Logan, 
cheer  after  cheer  followed  him.  When  he  was  at  last  allowed  to  pro 
ceed,  he  began  by  referring  to  the  nominations  of  Lincoln  and  Grant, 
both  from  Illinois,  and  both  first  nominated  in  Chicago.  In  1880,  the 
party  assembled  again  in  Chicago,  had  organized  success  by  nominating 
Garfield,  and  now,  in  1884,  in  the  same  State,  Illinois,  which  had  never 
wavered  in  its  adherence  to  the  Republican  Party,  presents,  as  the 
standard-bearer  of  that  party,  another  son,  one  whose  name  would  be 
recognized  from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other  as  an  able  statesman, 
a  brilliant  soldier,  and  an  honest  man — John  A.  Logan. 

The  announcement  of  General  Logan's  name  was  received  with  a 
wild  burst  of  applause,  a  great  many  persons  rising  to  their  feet,  waving 
their  hats  and  handkerchiefs,  and  the  thousands  of  people  in  the  gallery 
joining  in  the  roars  of  applause.  The  cheers  were  renewed  again  and 
again.  The  speaker  resumed  : 

"A  native  of  the  State  which  he  represents  in  the  council  of  the 
Nation,  reared  among  the  youth  of  a  section  where  every  element  of 
manhood  is  early  brought  into  play,  he  is  eminently  a  man  of  the  peo 
ple.  [Applause.]  The  safety,  the  permanency,  and  the  prosperity  of 
the  Nation  depend  upon  the  courage,  the  integrity,  and  the  loyalty  of 
its  citizens.  When  yonder  starry  flag  was  assailed  by  enemies  in  arms, 
when  the  integrity  of  the  Union  was  imperiled  by  an  organized  treason, 
when  the  storm  of  war  threatened  the  very  life  of  the  Nation,  this  gal 
lant  son  of  the  Prairie  State  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  returned  to  his  home,  and  was  the  first  of  our  citizens  to 
raise  a  regiment  and  to  march  to  the  front  in  defence  of  his  country. 
[Applause.]  Like  Douglas,  he  believed  that  in  time  of  war  men  must 
be  either  patriots  or  traitors,  and  he  threw  his  mighty  influence  on  the 
side  of  the  Union,  and  Illinois  made  a  record  second  to  none  in  the  his 
tory  of  States  in  the  struggle  to  preserve  this  Government.  [Applause.] 
His  history  is  the  record  of  the  battles  of  Belmont,  of  Donelson,  of  Shi- 
loh,  of  Vicksburg,  of  Lookout  Mountain,  of  Atlanta,  and  of  the  famous 
march  to  the  sea.  [Great  applause.]  I  repeat  again,  Mr.  Chairman 
and  fellow-citizens,  he  never  lost  a  battle  in  all  the  war.  [Applause  ] 
When  there  was  fighting  to  be  done  he  did  not  wait  for  orders,  nor  did 
he  fail  to  obey  orders  when  they  were  received.  His  plume — the  white 
plume  of  Henry  of  Navarre — was  always  to  be  seen  at  the  point  where 
the  battle  raged  the  hottest.  [Applause.]  During  the  long  struggle  of 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.  ->  T  - 

o    o 

four  years,  he  commanded,  under  the  authority  of  the  Government,  first 
a  regiment,  then  a  brigade,  then  a  division,  then  an  army  corps,  and 
finally  an  army.  He  remained  in  the  service  until  the  war  closed,  when, 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  with  the  scars  of  battle  upon  him,  he  marched 
into  the  capital  of  the  Nation,  and  with  the  brave  men  whom  he  had  led 
on  a  hundred  hard-fought  fields  was  mustered  out  of  the  service  under 
the  very  shadow  of  the  Capitol  building  which  he  had  left  four  years 
before  as  a  member  of  Congress,  to  go  and  fight  the  battles  of  his  coun 
try.  When  the  war  was  over,  and  genial  peace  victoriously  returned, 
he  was  again  invited  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  take  his  place  in  the  coun 
cils  of  the  Nation.  In  a  service  of  twenty  years  in  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress,  he  has  shown  himself  to  be  no  less  able  and  distinguished  as  a 
citizen  than  he  was  renowned  as  a  soldier.  Conservative  in  the  advo 
cacy  of  measures  involving  the  public  welfare,  ready  and  eloquent  in 
debate,  fearless — yes,  I  repeat  again,  fearless — in  defence  of  the  rights 
of  the  weak  against  the  oppressions  of  the  strong,  he  stands  to-day 
closer  to  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  this  country  than  almost  any 
other  man  now  engaging  public  attention.  [Applause.]  No  man  has 
done  more  in  defence  of  those  principles  which  have  given  life  and  spirit 
and  victory  to  the  Republican  Party  than  has  John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois. 
[Applause.]  In  all  that  goes  to  make  up  a  brilliant  military  and  civil 
career  and  to  commend  a  man  to  the  favor  of  the  people,  he  whose 
name  we  have  presented  here  to-night  has  shown  himself  to  be  the  peer 
of  the  best. 

General   Prentiss  seconded   the   nomination  of  General  Logan  in  a 
brief  but  telling  speech,  and  the  roll-call  was  then  resumed. 

The  remarkable  scenes  and  proceedings  of  that  memorable 
Convention  are  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  all.  Hence  it  is  not 
the  purpose  of  the  writer  to  allude  to  them  except  in  so  far 
as  they  have  a  direct  bearing  on  the  illustrious  subject  of  this 
narrative. 

THE    FOUR  BALLOTS HOW  LOGAN  SECURED  THE    NOMINATION  OF 

ELAINE,    AND    WHY    HE    DID    IT HIS    FAMOUS    DESPATCH. 

It  will  doubtless  be  remembered  that  it  required  four  bal 
lots  to  absolutely  decide  the  contest  for  the  Presidential  nomi 
nation.  Upon  the  first  ballot  the  vote  for  the  four  leading 
candidates  stood:  Blaine,  334^;  Arthur,  278;  Edmunds,  93; 
Logan,  63^.  Upon  the  second  :  Blaine,  349;  Arthur,  276; 


314  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Edmunds,  85;   Logan,   61.      Upon  the  third:   Elaine,  375; 
Arthur,  274;  Edmunds,  69  ;  Logan,  61. 

During  the  balloting,  General  Logan,  with  his  wife  and 
two  or  three  friends — the  writer  among  them — was  in  the 
upper  rooms  of  his  (Twelfth  Street)  Washington  residence, 
receiving  despatches  direct  from  the  Convention-hall.  Before 
the  third  ballot  was  concluded,  the  General,  sitting  on  the 
edge  of  a  couch,  wrote  in  pencil  the  famous  despatch  which 
decided  the  contest.  It  was  in  these  words  : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  June  6,  1884. 
To  Senator  Cullom,  Convention  Hall,  Chicago,  III.  : 

The  Republicans  of  the  States  that  must  be  relied  upon  to  elect  the 
President  having  shown  a  preference  for  Mr.  Elaine,  I  deem  it  my  duty 
not  to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  people's  choice,  and  recommend  my 
friends  to  assist  in  his  nomination. 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

The  despatches  to  the  Washington  Post  said : 

The  result  of  the  third  ballot  had  hardly  been  announced  when,  like 
a  flash  of  lightning,  the  report  went  over  the  floor  that  Logan  had  tele 
graphed  his  supporters  to  go  for  Blaine.  When  the  news  reached  the 
Arthur  managers  it  was  received  with  incredulity,  but  a  moment  later  a 
copy  of  the  telegram,  addressed  to  Senator  Cullom  and  signed  by  John 
A.  Logan,  was  before  their  eyes.  This  made  the  result  of  the  ensuing 
ballot  a  foregone  conclusion,  especially  when  the  news  was  followed 
by  the  announcement  that  the  Ohio  delegation  would  go  solid  the  same 
way. 

The  contents  of  General  Logan's  despatch,  as  has  been 
stated,  being  known  all  over  the  Convention  in  less  time  than 
it  takes  to  write  the  fact,  an  attempt  was  made  to  defeat  "the 
people's  choice  "  by  a  motion  to  take  a  recess  until  the  even 
ing,  in  the  hope  that  it  would  carry,  and  that  time  would  thus 
be  gained  for  concentrating  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Blaine  upon 
some  other  candidate,  but  it  was  too  late.  Logan's  telegram 
had  already  effected  its  purpose,  and  the  subsequent  proceed 
ings,  including  the  fourth  ballot,  necessarily  followed,  and  were 


LOGAN   ON    THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          3,5 

mere  matters  of  form.     What  ensued  is  thus  told  in  the  des 
patches  of  the  Post : 

When  Illinois  was  called,  the  chairman  of  the  delegation,  Senator  S. 
M.  Cullom,  said  :  "  I  ask  leave  of  this  Convention  to  read  a  despatch 
which  I  have  received  a  few  moments  ago  from  General  John  A.  Logan, 
addressed  to  the  Illinois  delegation."  (Loud  cries  of  "  Regular  order, 
regular  order,"  "  I  object,"  "  Call  the  roll,"  and  great  confusion.) 

Mr.  Cullom— "To  the  Republicans" — (  Loud  cries  of  "  Order,"  "Call 
the  roll,"  "  Regular  order.") 

"  I  am  directed  by  General  Logan  to  read  it  to  this  Convention,  and 
shall  send  the  despatch  to  the  desk  to  be  read."  (  Loud  cries  of  "  No, 
no,"  and  great  confusion.) 

Mr.  Burrows  of  Michigan — "  I  make  the  point  of  order  that  the  read 
ing  of  the  despatch  is  not  in  order,  and  nothing  but  the  announcement 
of  the  vote  is  in  order."  (Loud  applause.) 

"The  chair  sustains  the  point  of  order."     (  Loud  applause.) 

Mr.  Cullom — "  The  Illinois  delegation  then  withdraws  the  name  of 
General  John  A.  Logan,  and  gives  for  Elaine  thirty-four  votes,  for  Lo 
gan  seven,  and  for  Arthur  three."  ( Loud  applause  and  loud  cheers.) 

This  clinched  the  business,  the  fourth  ballot  standing,  for 
the  four  candidates  mentioned  :  Elaine,  541  ;  Arthur,  207  ; 
Edmunds,  41  ;  Logan,  7 — the  nomination  of  Mr.  Elaine  be 
ing  then  made  unanimous.  The  account  in  the  Post  said  : 

The  secretary's  announcement  of  the  votes  for  James  G.  Elaine  go; 
no  further  than  the  hundreds,  for  his  voice  was  lost  in  a  whirlwind  of 
applause  that  followed  the  announcement  of  Elaine's  nomination,  which 
had  been  a  certainty  ever  since  Shelby  M.  Cullom  had  tried  to  read  his 
telegram  from  John  A.  Logan. 

Every  person  in  the  audience,  delegates  and  visitors  alike,  rose  to 
their  feet  simultaneously,  and,  all  being  Elaine  men  now,  shouted  and 
sang  their  delight  to  the  success  of  the  man  from  Maine,  with  demon 
strations  of  joy  such  as  had  not  been  seen  before  in  the  Convention. 
It  took  nearly  thirty  minutes  to  get  to  business. 

The  moment  that  it  was  absolutely  certain  that  Mr.  Elaine 
would  get  the  nomination,  General  Logan  wrote  and  sent  to 
Mr.  Elaine,  then  at  Augusta,  the  despatch  of  congratulation 
hereafter  given. 


3i6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

From  this  prompt  and  decisive  action  of  General  Logan 
at  exactly  the  right  time  the  political  reader  will  get  an  idea 
of  some  of  the  qualities  which  made  him  so  successful  as  a  lead 
er  in  war.  When  he  wrote  the  despatch  there  was  no  hesitancy 
about  it ;  after  he  sent  it,  no  regret.  On  the  contrary  he  de 
clared  that  it  was  a  matter  of  conscience  with  him,  and  was 
the  right  and  only  thing  to  do.  Many  another  politician  in  his 
position  would  have  written  no  such  despatch  ;  would  have 
favored  an  adjournment,  and  depended  upon  his  excellent 
chances  for  making  combinations  and  securing  the  great  prize 
to  himself.  But  here  again,  as  in  the  case  of  General  Thomas 
at  Nashville, — heretofore  referred  to, — he  triumphed  over  self, 
and  secured  victory  to  the  man  whom  he  thought  the  people 
wanted  to  win  it.  And  now  that  he  is  gone  from  them  forever, 
the  people,  whom  General  Logan  in  so  many  fields  of  action 
served  so  conscientiously,  so  devotedly,  so  grandly,  too  late 
will  learn  to  appreciate  him  in  all  the  sincere,  honest,  manly 
beauty  of  his  really  lovable  character. 

At  that  time,  however,  his  enemies  continued  to  lie  about 
him  and  try  to  mislead.  In  fact  no  sooner  was  he  nomin 
ated  for  the  Vice-Presidency  than  some  envenomed  tongue 
whispered  that  it  was  "  a  bargain  with  Elaine."  The 
Aurora  Beacon  of  July  2,  1884,  thus  refuted  the  mean  cal 
umny  : 

It  is  claimed  by  many  enemies  of  Logan,  and  by  the  Democratic 
partisans,  that  it  was  an  agreed  matter  that  Logan  should  be  the  Repub 
lican  nominee  for  Vice-President  in  case  Elaine  took  the  Presidency. 
That  this  was  not  so,  is  proven  by  the  facts  in  the  case.  On  the  eve  of 
the  Vice-Presidential  nomination  various  members  of  the  Convention 
desired  A.  M.  Jones,  who  was  recognized  as  Mr.  Logan's  next  friend,  to 
ask  Logan  to  accept  the  Vice-Presidency.  This,  Mr.  Jones  refused  to 
do.  Later,  Governor  Long,  of  Massachusetts,  urged  this  upon  Mr. 
Jones  again,  stating  that  there  were  twenty-eight  States  which  would 
give  solid  delegations  for  Logan  as  Vice-President,  and  urging  him  to 
advise  Logan  to  accept  the  position.  Again  he  refused,  but  did  tele 
graph  to  Logan  the  position,  adding,  "What  shall  we  do  ?"  To  this, 
Logan  sent  the  following  answer  : 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 


317 


"WASHINGTON,  D.  C  ,  June  6,  7.30  P.M. 
"A.  M.Jones,  Grand  Pacific,  Chicago  : 

"The  Convention  must  do  what  they  think  best  under  the  circum 
stances. 

"JOHN  A.  LOGAN." 

And  that  is  the  history  of  the  connection  of  Logan  with  the  nomina 
tion  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  It  came  to  him,  not  from  any  preparation, 
but  from  combinations  of  circumstances  which  compelled  the  Conven 
tion  to  the  course  it  took,  and  it  was  a  very  proper  and  acceptable 
course. 

The  writer  can  add,  of  his  own  knowledge,  that  besides 
the  despatch  from  Mr.  Jones,  here  alluded  to,  General  Logan 
received  a  number  of  others  from  gentlemen  of  distinction  at 
Chicago  immediately  after  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Elaine,  and 
whom  it  was  fair  to  presume  could  control  the  choice  of  the 
Convention  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  offering  him  that  nomi 
nation  and  urging  him  to  state  whether  he  would  accept  if 
nominated — to  none  of  which  did  the  General  consider  it 
proper  to  reply.  Further  than  that,  the  same  evening,  several 
gentlemen  of  national  distinction  called  upon  him  to  beg  him 
to  accept  the  nomination  for  the  second  place,  to  all  of  whom 
he  listened  in  his  usual  gentle  and  kindly  manner,  but  gave 
no  indication  as  to  his  probable  course.  The  fact  is,  that  he 
did  not  want  the  Vice-Presidential  nomination,  but  was  after 
ward  reconciled  to  it  by  the  remarkable  unanimity  with  which 
it  came  to  him,  and  his  sense  of  duty  to  party  and  country. 

HOW  GENERAL  LOGAN  WAS  NOMINATED  FOR  THE  VICE-PRESI 
DENCY ON  ROLL-CALL  HE  GETS  779  VOTES THE  NOMINA 
TION  MADE  UNANIMOUS  BY  ACCLAMATION. 

The  manner  in  which  General  Logan  was  nominated  by 
the  Convention,  at  its  evening  session  of  the  6th,  for  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  must  have  been  very  pleasing 
to  him.  The  story  is  very  fairly  told  in  the  Washington  Post 
(Democratic)  despatches  of  that  date,  as  follows: 

The   resolution,    limiting  speeches  of   nomination   to    ten   minutes, 
passed,  and  the  clerk  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of  States  for  nominations. 


3i8  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

No  response  was  made  until  Illinois  was  reached,  when  Senator  Plumb 
of  Kansas  came  forward.  He  said  the  Convention  had  completed  two 
of  its  most  serious  duties — the  adoption  of  a  platform,  and  the  nomina 
tion  of  a  candidate  for  President.  The  platform  was  one  on  which  all 
good  Republicans  could  unite,  and  the  candidate  was  one  who  could 
beat  any  Democrat  living  or  dead.  But  it  was  still  important  that  the 
best  possible  man  should  be  named  for  the  second  place.  It  was  but  a 
matter  of  just  recognition  to  the  great  body  of  soldiers  of  the  War  for 
the  Union  that  a  representative  of  their  number  should  be  placed  as  the 
second  name  on  the  ticket.  The  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  had  en 
rolled  more  than  three-quarters  of  a  million  men  who  lately  wore  the 
blue.  In  presenting  a  nam?  from  their  ranks  the  speaker  would  men 
tion  a  man  fitted  in  every  way  for  the  first  place  ;  a  man  who  would  add 
strength  to  the  ticket  and  justify  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  the 
party.  That  man  was  General  John  A.  Logan.  [Loud,  long,  and  re 
newed  applause.]  The  speaker  did  not  present  him  on  behalf  of  Illinois, 
or  of  any  other  State,  but  of  the  whole  United  States.  He  belonged  no 
more  to  Illinois  than  to  Kansas,  where  75,000  soldiers  would  receive  the 
news  of  his  nomination  with  shouts  of  gladness.  The  speaker  was 
commissioned  by  the  State  of  Kansas  to  make  this  nomination.  [Ap 
plause.] 

Judge  Houk  of  Tennessee,  in  seconding  the  nomination,  said  that 
while  the  Convention  had  not  chosen  his  first  choice,  it  had  done  well, 
and  the  speaker  proceeded  to  pay  a  tribute  to  the  Plumed  Knight  of 
Maine.  He  hoped  the  Convention  would  come  to  a  common  under 
standing  and  agreement  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket.  When  the 
wires  should  transmit  the  news  of  the  nomination  of  General  Logan  to 
the  soldier  boys  of  East  Tennessee  there  would  be  rejoicing  among 
them,  as  there  would  be  everywhere.  On  the  Presidential  nominee  his 
delegation  was  somewhat  divided,  but  when  they  came  to  name  John 
A.  Logan  they  were  united  twenty-four  strong. 

Mr.  Thurston  of  Nebraska  also  seconded  the  nomination.  He  wanted 
the  Republican  Party  to  write  upon  its  banner  the  invincible  legend, 
"Elaine  and  Logan."  [Applause,  and  cries  of  "Time,  time."] 

After  a  few  other  speeches,  Mr.  Robinson  of  Ohio  moved  to  sus 
pend  the  rules  and  nominate  Logan  by  acclamation.  The  motion  was 
carried,  both  the  ayes  and  nays  being  very  weak. 

Mr.  McKinley  of  Ohio  moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  ap 
prise  the  candidates  of  their  nomination. 

Congressman  Davis  of  Illinois  moved  that  the  roll  be  called  on 
Logan's  nomination,  and  it  was  called  accordingly.  The  idea  of  a  roll- 
call  met  the  approval  of  the  galleries,  and  each  chairman,  as  he  an- 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 


319 


nou need  the  vote  of  his  delegation,  was  cheered  as  heartily  as  though 
an  exciting  contest  was  in  progress. 

Wisconsin  voted  nine  for  Logan  and  three  for  Lucius  Fairchild,  the 
latter  being  received  with  prolonged  hissing.  Massachusetts  only  cast 
twelve  votes,  and  G.  W.  Curtis,  on  behalf  of  New  York,  asked  time  to 
make  the  count.  The  Wisconsin  delegation  withdrew  their  votes  for 
Fairchild  and  gave  twelve  for  Logan.  New  York  being  called  a  second 
time,  Curtis  responded  with  sixty  for  Logan,  six  for  Gresham,  and  one 
for  Foraker.  Total  number  of  votes  polled  for  Logan,  779. 

The  nomination  was  made  unanimous  this  time,  amid  great  ap 
plause. 

When  quiet  was  restored,  a  motion  to  adjourn  sine  die  was  put  and 
carried,  and  the  vast  audience  began  to  disperse. 

NEWS  OF  LOGAN'S  NOMINATION  RECEIVED  IN  WASHINGTON — AX 

IMPROMPTU  OVATION LOGAN'S  CONGRATULATIONS  TO  ELAINE 

— ELAINE'S    REPLY — ELAINE'S     OVATION     IN    AUGUSTA — HIS 
HAPPY  REFERENCE  TO  LOGAN. 

No  sooner  was  the  news  of  Logan's  nomination  for  the 
Vice-Presidency  known  in  Washington  than  the  crowds 
around  the  bulletin-boards  cheered  themselves  hoarse  for 
the  grand  ticket.  All  seemed  to  feel  that  now  the  one  thing 
needful  to  insure  success  had  been  done,  and  "  It's  a  double- 
barrelled-ticket,"  and  "  It's  a  double-ender,"  and  similar  ex 
pressions,  were  heard  on  every  tongue.  The  old-soldier  ele 
ment  was  especially  delighted,  since  they  could  not  have 
Logan  at  the  head,  to  have  him  second  on  the  ticket.  The 
news  spread  through  the  city  like  a  flash.  The  Washington 
Post  (Democratic),  of  July  7th,  tells  what  spontaneously  fol 
lowed,  in  these  words: 

At  ten  o'clock  last  night  General  Logan  sat  in  his  library,  an  inner 
second-floor  room,  at  No.  812  Twelfth  Street,  conversing  with  a  friend 
upon  the  events  of  the  day's  session  of  the  Convention  at  Chicago. 
All  the  doors  and  windows  were  open  to  catch  the  evening  breeze,  and 
the  lights  were  turned  low  except  at  a  desk  in  one  corner,  where  the 
General's  secretary  sat  writing.  In  the  adjoining  front  room  Mrs. 
Logan  was  conversing  with  a  party  numbering  eight  or  ten  ladies  and 
two  or  three  gentlemen.  The  picture  was  that  of  an  informal  evening 


320  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

gathering  of  near  acquaintances,  and  if  there  was  any  expectancy  of  an 
impending  event  it  was  successfully  concealed  by  all  the  actors  in  the 
pleasant  scene. 

A  card  was  brought  in  to  the  General  by  a  colored  waiter,  followed 
on  the  instant  by  two  or  three  perspiring  gentlemen,  who  seized  Gen 
eral  Logan's  hand  and  shook  it  heartily,  offering  him  congratulations 
upon  something  which  they  were  not  given  the  opportunity  to  fully 
explain.  There  was  a  momentary  sound  of  more  excited  conversation 
in  the  front  room  as  if  something  of  an  agreeable  nature  had  become 
known  to  the  companion  of  Mrs.  Logan,  and  that  lady  entered  the 
library  bearing  a  torn  envelope  and  its  enclosure  in  her  hand.  "  Come, 
papa,  here  is  something,"  she  said,  as  she  grasped  his  hand  to  lead  him 
toward  the  light.  A  shout  of  three  or  four  hoarse  voices  made  itself 
heard  from  the  street.  A  charming  lady  clad  in  pure  white  passed  Mrs. 
Logan  and  seized  both  the  General's  hands,  beginning  an  impressive  and 
evidently  a  very  welcome  greeting.  More  gentlemen  entered.  Louder 
shouts  came  up  from  the  street.  Somebody  proposed  three  cheers  for 
something,  and  the  result  drowned  for  a  moment  all  voices  in  the  room. 
A  sound  of  drums  approaching  from  a  distance  lent  its  help  to  swell 
the  noise. 

The  General's  face  at  the  first  salutation  wore  a  look  of  something 
resembling  surprise,  but  it  gave  place  to  blushes  and  broad  smiles,  as 
he  was  seized  by  ladies  and  gentlemen  and  conducted  to  the  front 
window  in  response  to  the  din  of  demand  from  the  crowded  street 
below.  "  Speech  !  speech  !  "  shouted  a  crowd  of  a  thousand  white  and 
colored  men,  in  about  equal  portions  ;  and  again  the  General,  now  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  his  agreeable  captors,  took  up  his  march.  Way 
was  cleared  with  difficulty  through  the  hall,  down  the  stairs,  and  out  to 
the  front  door,  where,  standing  upon  the  steps  of  the  mansion,  the 
General  was  cheered  vociferously  by  his  visitors. 

Silence  was  secured,  and  General  Logan,  in  a  voice  inaudible  to  more 
than  half  the  crowd,  said,  "  Friends,  I  thank  you  for  your  cordial 
greeting  to-night.  I  am  not  prepared  to  make  a  speech.  Again  I 
thank  you.  Good-night." 

The  General  and  Mrs.  Logan  were  conducted  back  to  the  parlor  of 
the  mansion,  and  then,  the  doors  being  thrown  open,  the  crowds  pressed 
in.  Forming  in  line  they  decorously  filed  past,  shaking  the  extended 
hands  of  both  the  General  and  his  wife.  In  half  an  hour  they  were 
gone,  and  General  Logan  had  an  opportunity  to  read  the  paper  which 
Mrs.  Logan  had  brought  him  as  the  scene  began.  It  proved  to  be  an 
Associated  Press  bulletin  announcing  his  nomination  by  acclamation 
for  the  Vice-Presidency. 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          321 

In   reply  to  the  query  of  the  Post  reporter  as  to   his   acceptance, 

Senator  Logan  said : 

"I  suppose  it  is  my  duty  to  accept,  and  I  shall  do  so." 

"What  do  you  think  of  Mr.  Elaine's  nomination  ?" 

"  I   think   it  is  a  very  strong  one.     I  have  sent  him  the  following 

telegram  : 

"  «  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  June  6,  1884. 

"' Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Augusta,  Me.: 

"'I  most  heartily  congratulate  you  on  your  nomination.     You  will 

be  elected.  Your  friend, 

"  *  JOHN  A.  LOGAN.'" 

To  Senator  Logan's  telegram  of  congratulation  Mr.  Elaine  sent  the 
following  reply  : 

"  I  am  proud  and  honored  in  being  associated  with  you  in  the 
National  campaign. 

"JAMES  G.  ELAINE." 

During  the  same  evening  Mr.  Elaine  was  the  recipient  at 
Augusta  of  a  very  flattering  ovation — thus  described  in  a 
despatch  to  the  same  Democratic  journal : 

A  special  train  of  fifteen  cars  from  Portland,  Lewiston,  and  other 
cities  reached  this  city  this  evening,  and  a  few  minutes  later  a  special 
Bangor  train  arrived  with  thirteen  cars  and  upward  of  a  thousand  per 
sons.  The  visitors  marched  to  the  residence  of  Mr.  Elaine,  who  received 
them  and  addressed  them  as  follows  : 

"GENTLEMEN  :  I  am  sure  I  must  regard  this  as  a  compliment  totally 
unprecedented  in  the  history  of  politics  in  Maine.  I  do  not  dare  take 
the  compliment  at  all  to  myself,  but  I  recognize  the  earnestness  with 
which  you  are  prepared  to  enter  the  pending  National  campaign  ;  and 
I  have  the  pleasure  to  announce  to  you,  from  a  despatch  I  have  just 
received,  that  I  have  myself  the  honor  to  be  associated  on  the  Repub 
lican  ticket  with  that  brave  and  honorable  soldier,  that  eminent  Senator 
and  true  man,  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois.  [Tremendous  applause  and 
cheers,  three  times  three,  for  Logan.  A  voice,  "You  can't  beat  that 
team."] 

"  I  am  sure,  gentlemen,  I  am  very  sorry  that  the  elements  are  not 
as  auspicious  as  they  might  have  been  for  your  visit  [A  voice,  *  We 
have  been  waiting  for  the  shower  eight  years,']  and  the  way  you  stand 
it  is  a  good  proof.  I  am  sure  that  you  are  wet.  I  can  add  nothing  by 
a  speech  to  that  fact,  and  you  would  hardly  expect  me  to  do  more  on 

21 


322 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


this  occasion  than  to  express  to  you  the  very  deep  obligations  I  feel  for 
the  extraordinary  compliment  you  have  paid  me  in  coming  from  your 
homes  in  distant  parts  of  the  State  on  the  announcement  of  the  action 
of  the  National  Convention.  I  wish  my  home  was  large  enough  to 
contain  you  all,  as  my  heart  is."  [Cries  of  "Good  !  "  and  cheers.] 

HOW     THE     PRESS      AND      PEOPLE      THROUGHOUT    THE     COUNTRY 
HAILED    THE    NOMINATION    OF    LOGAN. 

The  spontaneous  delight  with  which  the  news  of  the 
unanimous  nomination  of  General  Logan  to  the  second 
place  on  the  Presidential  ticket  was  hailed  by  the  Republi 
can  press  of  the  whole  country  was  as  remarkable  in  its  way 
as  was  the  manner  of  the  nomination  itself.  A  very  few 
only — and  these  in  the  briefest  possible  limits — can  be  given 
here,  but  they  will  serve  to  indicate  the  general  enthusiasm 
with  which  that  event  was  regarded  by  the  press,  as  well  as 
by  the  people  to  whom  the  General  had  devoted  his  life's 
best  services : 

His  name  affords  a  sufficient  guarantee  that  should  the  Republican 
Party  be  successful  at  the  coming  election,  its  pledge  to  the  soldier 
will  be  faithfully  carried  put. — Washington  National  Tribune,  June  12, 
1884. 

General  Logan  is  abundantly  qualified  in  character,  resources,  and 
experience  to  discharge  the  duties  of  President.  Should  the  office 
accidentally  fall  to  him,  he  will  second  the  work  so  auspiciously  begun 
by  General  Arthur,  of  removing  the  stigma  that  three  successive 
failures  had  fastened  upon  the  position  and  the  name  of  "  accidental 
President." — Kingston  Daily  Freeman. 

The  nomination  of  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice-President,  with  James 
G.  Elaine  as  the  candidate  for  President,  has  made  the  Republican 
ticket  of  this  year  one  of  the  strongest  the  party  has  ever  presented. 
The  selection  has  given  the  second  place  the  dignity  and  importance 
with  which  it  was  regarded  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic.  .  .  . 
General  Logan  will  bring  a  tremendous  personal  strength  to  the  cam 
paign. —  Tribune,  June  7,  1884. 

The  two  great  men  represent  the  best  elements  of  the  American 
statesman  and  the  American  soldier.  Logan  would  adorn  either  place. 
— Cleveland^  O.,  Leader. 

He  is  the  equal  of  the  head  of  the  ticket  in   all   the  attributes  of 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          323 

greatness  and  well-bestowed  services  that  endear  a  public  man  to 
the  people,  and  which  beget  their  abiding  confidence. — Kansas  City 
Journal. 

General  John  A.  Logan  is  a  typical  Western  man.  He  is  a  national 
character  as  well ;  and  though  Illinois  is  honored  with  his  residence,  he 
belongs  to  the  whole  country. — Kansas  City  Journal. 

He  was  the  choice  of  General  Grant  for  the  first  place  on  the  ticket, 
and  of  many  others  of  that  division  of  the  party.  .  .  .  General 
Logan  is  a  bluff,  hearty,  generous,  outspoken,  and  honorable  man,  of 
great  force  of  character  and  much  ability.  He  has  no  narrow  preju 
dices,  and  does  not  make  enemies. — Buffalo  Express. 

His  selection  gives  the  proper  geographical  balance  to  the  ticket 
and  will  appeal  strongly  to  Western  men,  who  have  in  Senator 
Logan  a  man  of  their  own  type,  and  to  war  veterans  who  know  him  as 
a  staunch  friend  of  the  soldiers. — Boston  Journal. 

John  A.  Logan  is  the  peer  of  any  man  in  the  Senate.  He  has  great 
ability  and  long  experience,  and  is  well  fitted  to  fill  the  highest  place 
in  the  Nation. — Kansas  City  Journal. 

His  life  is  almost  the  typical  one  of  the  successful  American.— 
Davenport  Gazette. 

The  soldier  element  is  abundantly  and  well  represented  on  the  ticket 
in  the  person  of  General  Logan — the  ablest  and  most  illustrious  of  the 
volunteer  officers  who  fought  against  the  rebellion. — Minneapolis  Trib 
une. 

John  A.  Logan,  the  candidate  for  Vice-President,  is  a  man  fit  to  be 
President.  .  .  .  He  is  honest,  strong,  frank,  and  true  ;  a  man  of 
broad  views,  prompt  action,  and  great  power ;  a  wise  counsellor  and  a 
strong  fighter,  whose  name  will  add  strength  to  the  ticket  and  whose 
election  will  be  a  credit  to  the  party. — Manchester  Mirror. 

General  Logan's  career  has  been  a  brilliant  one,  alike  in  military 
and  in  civil  life.  .  .  .  His  name  will  revive  the  glorious  memories 
of  many  a  well-fought  field,  .  .  .  and  be  a  watchword  of  victory 
around  the  Republican  camp-fires  in  the  political  conflict  now  impend- 
i  ng. — Ohio  State  Journal. 

Although  he  has  been  in  public  life  for  a  long  period  he  has  a  repu 
tation  for  being  honest  and  incorruptible. — Langhorne,  Pa.,  Standard. 

General  Logan  has  an  unblemished  record  as  a  soldier  and  states 
man.  He  was  one  of  the  bravest  of  the  brave  during  the  dark  days  of 
the  rebellion,  and  his  reputation  as  a  stainless  and  incorruptible  repre 
sentative  of  the  people  in  the  Halls  of  Congress  is  world-wide. — Wash 
ington  Republican. 

As  for  General  Logan,  the  soldiers  love  him,  the  Western  people 


324  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

love  him,  the  Eastern  people  either  love  or  respect  him,  and  none  are 
against  him,  excepting,  perhaps,  Fitz-John  Porter  and  the  Democratic 
Party. — Denver  Tribune. 

He  is  a  man  the  American  people  can  point  to  with  pride.  There  is 
not  a  public  man  of  prominence  in  either  party  to-day  with  a  better 
record  than  General  Logan.  He  adds  strength  to  the  ticket. — Philadel 
phia  Item. 

His  political  religion  is  that  the  country  can  never  pay  the  debt  it 
owes  to  those  who  saved  it  in  its  hour  of  need,  and  made  a  country 
grand  enough  to  live  for  ;  that  is  why  he  has  to-day  such  a  place  in  the 
affectionate  regard  of  all  his  comrades.  This  feeling  will  find  expres 
sion  at  the  polls  next  November  in  spite  of  party  needs  or  affiliations. — 
Fargo  Argus. 

No  man  has  more  nobly  won  the  honors  that  the  Chicago  Conven 
tion  have  conferred  upon  him.  Now  let  the  people  honor  themselves 
by  ratifying  the  action  of  the  Convention. — Sandusky  Republican. 

But  in  nominating  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice-President,  the  Conven 
tion  selected  a  man  who  almost  matches  the  head  in  the  grandeur  of  his 
intellect,  his  force  of  brain,  and  in  popularity.  General  Logan  is  one 
of  the  heroes  of  the  Republic,  whose  brilliant  career  on  the  field  is 
equalled  by  his  achievements  in  statesmanship. — Allentown,  Pa.,  Chronicle 
and  News. 

General  Logan  is  probably  the  strongest  man  who  could  have  been 
named  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  He  is  particularly  popular  in  the  West 
and  with  the  colored  voters  of  the  South,  for  whose  civil  and  political 
rights  no  man  has  more  courageously  contended.  He  will  strengthen 
the  ticket  in  the  two  Virginias,  North  Carolina,  and  Indiana,  .  . 
and  he  will  increase  the  Republican  majorities  in  Illinois,  Kansas,  Wis 
consin,  and  all  the  Northwestern  States. — San  Francisco  Chronicle. 

The  Convention  did  not  go  off  in  haste  and  nominate  a  small  man 
for  Vice-President.  General  John  A.  Logan  stood  in  the  front  rank  of 
candidates  for  the  Presidency,  and  he  is  nominated  on  his  own  stand 
ing,  and  not  as  any  man's  follower. — Cincinnati  Commercial  Gazette. 

The  nomination  of  Senator  John  A.  Logan  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
unquestionably  added  strength  to  the  ticket — a  strength  that  probably 
no  other  nomination  could  have  given  it.  He  was  one  of  the  foremost 
men  mentioned  as  the  soldiers'  candidate,  and  will,  beyond  question,  poll 
the  full  vote  of  those  who  wore  the  blue. — Columbus  Evening  Dispatch. 

General  John  A.  Logan,  the  gallant,  brave,  successful  soldier  ;  the 
plain-spoken,  clear-headed  legislator,  needs  no  words  of  commenda 
tion.  .  .  .  He  is  worthy  of  any  honor  the  party  or  the  people  can 
confer  upon  him. — Indianapolis  Journal^  June  yth. 


LOGAN  ON   THE   PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          325 

Taking  all  things  into  consideration, — his  peculiar  characteristics, 
his  magnetism,  his  honesty,  and  the  strength  he  displayed  as  a  Presi 
dential  candidate, — we  know  of  no  man  whom  the  Convention  could 
have  better  selected  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  with  James  G. 
Elaine. — Buffalo  Commercial  Advertiser. 

The  nomination  of  General  Logan  for  Vice-President  will  be  hailed 
by  Republicans  everywhere,  and  by  the  soldier  element  in  particular,  as 
a  proper  and  deserved  recognition  of  a  brave,  honest,  and  likable  man. 
His  whole  life,  practically,  has  been  spent  in  the  public  service,  and  he 
was  never  known  to  neglect  a  duty  nor  betray  a  trust.  The  Republican 
Party  owes  tiim  a  big  debt  of  gratitude  both  for  his  military  and  his 
civic  services. — St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat. 

Had  he  been  the  head  himself  it  would  in  reality  have  been  stronger 
than  it  is. — New  York  Times. 

He  has  been  scarcely  less  prominent  in  public  life  than  Mr.  Elaine, 
and  is  worthy  of  the  support  of  the  Republican  Party,  and  will  create 
great  enthusiasm  among  the  soldier-citizens. — Hartford  Evening  Post. 

Logan  the  soldier  and  Logan  the  statesman,  known  and  beloved  by 
all,  is  a  fit  second  to  the  great  leader,  Elaine. — Davenport  Gazette. 

In  the  war  he,  was  a  brilliant  soldier  ;  in  peace,  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,-  he  has  always  been  at  the  front,  defending  those  prin 
ciples  for  which  he  fought.  His  nomination,  like  Elaine's,  was  an  in 
spiration,  and  it  will  be  enthusiastically  received  by  the  country.— 
Kokomo  Gazette-  Tribune. 

No  man  has  so  thoroughly  the  affections  of  the  soldiers  who  wore 
the  blue,  as  has  General  Logan.  His  stainless  record,  both  military 
and  civil,  his  long  public  services,  entitle  and  fit  him  for  the  high  posi 
tion  to  which  a  grateful  people  will  call  him  next  fall. — Lafayette  Jour 
nal. 

His  nomination  will  be  especially  pleasing  to  old  soldiers  and  South 
ern  Republicans,  while  all  over  the  North  it  will  arouse  a  spirit  of 
enthusiasm.  The  ticket  is  one  of  giants,  and  will  sweep  the  country. — 
Frankfort  Banner. 

John  A.  Logan  is  worthy  himself  to  be  President.  He  has  distin 
guished  himself  in  war  and  peace  in  patriotic  services  for  his  country, 
and  his  nomination  will  add  strength  to  the  ticket.  —  Terre  Haute 
Courier. 

As  Senator  Cullom  remarked  when  he  placed  General  Logan's  name 
before  the  Convention,  "  No  man  has  done  more  in  defence  of  the  prin 
ciples  which  have  given  life  and  spirit  and  victory  to  the  Republican 
Party. ' ' —  Chattanooga  Commercial. 

The  nomination  of  General  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice-President  is  the 


326  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

very  strongest  that  could  have  been  made,  in  view  of  all  the  circum 
stances. —  Vineland)  N.  J.,  News-Times. 

Logan's  name  will  add  great  strength  to  the  ticket,  and  his  selection 
is  an  honor  worthily  bestowed  upon  a  brave  soldier,  a  broad-minded 
statesman,  and  a  true-hearted  man. — Des  Moines  State  Register. 

Aside  from  these  considerations,  General  Logan  is  eminently  well 
qualified  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  in  case  of  the  death  or  removal 
of  the  President  would  fill  the  higher  position  with  dignity  and  ability. 
— Pitfsburg  Commercial  Gazette. 

General  John  A.  Logan,  the  most  distinguished  of  our  volunteer 
soldiers,  is  also  a  most  thoroughly  acceptable  American  ;  patriotic, 
brave,  capable,  and  as  honest  as  he  is  bold. — Dayton  Journal. 

A  successful  soldier  in  war,  an  able  and  trained  statesman  in  civil 
life,  he  will  be  a  good  second  for  Mr.  Elaine  on  the  ticket.  The  con 
junction  of  two  such  favorites  is  one  which  will  give  a  presage  of  victory 
as  the  crowning  glory  of  the  campaign. —  Troy  Daily  Times. 

In  some  respects  he  is  more  popular  with  the  soldier  element  than  is 
either  of  the  trio  of  great  military  leaders  (Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheri 
dan)  whose  names  are  always  spoken  in  one  breath  by  the  American 
people.  .  .  .  He  is  a  broad,  enlightened,  and  courageous  statesman, 
worthy  of  any  honor  which  the  country  might  bestow.  He  is  fitted  to 
be  President,  if,  in  the  providences  of  the  future,  he  should  be  called  to 
the  place. — Chicago  Evening  Journal. 

If  there  is  one  name  more  than  any  other  worthy  to  be  associated 
with  that  of  the  Republican  candidate  for  President,  as  representing  the 
virile,  patriotic  impulses  with  which  Republicanism  is  instinct,  the  name 
is  that  of  John  A.  Logan.  The  Convention,  which  had  nominated 
Elaine  amid  scenes  of  enthusiasm,  made  no  mistake  when,  with  one 
voice,  it  asked  the  great  General  of  Union  volunteers  and  the  distin 
guished  Senator  from  Illinois,  to  stand  with  the  illustrious  statesman  as 
joint  representative  of  the  purposes  of  the  party. — Albany  Evening  Journal. 

The  name  of  John  A.  Logan  was  a  happy  inspiration.  The  sugges 
tion  ran  through  the  Convention  like  wildfire,  and  it  will  be  received 
with  equal  enthusiasm  throughout  the  Nation.  .  .  .  He  is  so  strongly 
identified  with  all  the  great  victories  of  arms  and  the  equally  great 
measures  of  reconstruction  and  rehabilitation;  he  is  so  positive  a  char 
acter,  so  forceful,  so  incorruptible  in  his  personal  and  public  character 
and  services,  that  there  can  be  and  will  be  no  disparagement  when 
the  candidate  for  Vice-President  shall  be  put  in  comparison  with  the 
brilliant  and  aggressive  statesman  who  heads  the  column. — Indianapolis 
Journal. 

There  is  nothing  weak  or  vacillating  about  him  ;  robust  in  body  and 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          327 

mind,  he  is  a  typical  American  character,  as  is  also  the  head  of  the 
ticket,  and  together  they  will  arouse  more  enthusiasm  than  any  ticket 
the  party  ever  presented. — Columbus  Republican. 

His  public  life  is  a  record  of  patriotism  that  any  man  or  any  nation 
might  be  proud  of. — Norfolk  Times. 

John  A.  Logan  as  Vice-President  strengthens  to  a  wonderful  extent 
the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Elaine.  Give  Logan  the  wreath  of  victory  if  it  falls 
on  that  side. — Springfield  New  Era  (Democratic). 

The  St.  Paul  Pioneer  Press  is  mistaken  when  it  says  that  Logan's 
nomination  is  not  strong  outside  of  Illinois.  It  will  find  that  he  is  the 
stronger  of  the  two.  He  will  march  triumphantly  through  the  popular 
vote  at  the  ballot-box  as  he  marched  triumphantly  with  Sherman  to  the 
sea. — Chippewa,  Wis.,  Herald. 

The  addition  of  John  A.  Logan  greatly  strengthens  the  ticket.  He 
is  the  idol  of  the  soldiers,  and  his  career  in  Congress  has  been  able  and 
honorable.  Elaine  and  Logan  make  a  strong  combination. — Green- 
castle,  Ind.,  Banner. 

General  Logan's  nomination  was  a  rounding  out  and  perfecting  of 
the  ticket  that  would  not  have  been  properly  filled  had  he  not  accepted 
the  place.  ...  In  a  sturdy  and  manly  manner  he  has  stood  by  his 
comrades  in  the  army,  while  his  Republicanism  is  of  such  a  broad  and 
national  character  that  he  has  been  recognized  for  years  as  the  friend  of 
all  sections  of  the  country.  .  .  .  Of  the  soldier-statesman,  John  A. 
Logan,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  he  was  a  terror  to  the  enemies  of  his 
country  in  a  time  of  peril,  and  a  bulwark  to  its  friends.  ...  He 
was  a  friend  of  the  oppressed,  the  defender  of  the  Constitution,  the 
idol  of  his  comrades,  the  Black  Prince  of  the  century. — Dover,  Del., 
State  Sentinel. 

Democratic  as  well  as  Republican  soldier-boys  will  vote  the  ticket 
that  bears  his  name. — Ottumwa  Courier. 

It  is  a  cause  for  congratulation  that  the  second  place  on  the  ticket 
is  filled  by  a  man  who  is  strong  in  himself  and  very  strong  among  the 
people — one  who  is  fully  competent  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  ticket,  and 
whose  nomination  for  President  we  should  have  hailed  with  joy.  .  .  . 
Throughout  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  the  entire  South,  Logan  is 
especially  strong,  and  Elaine  is  peculiarly  popular  in  other  portions  of 
the  country. — London  County,  Va.,  Telephone. 

With  Elaine  at  the  head,  and  Logan  associated  with  him,  the  popu 
lar  chord  has  been  struck  and  the  greatest  enthusiasm  has  been  aroused. 
.  .  .  Elaine  and  Logan  will  receive  the  vote  of  every  Republican 
and  Liberal  in  the  State,  and  that  will  give  them  the  vote  of  North 
Carolina. — Raleigh,  N.  C.,  State  Journal. 


328  LIFE   OF  LOGAN, 

REPUBLICANS  AT  WASHINGTON  PREPARING  TO  RATIFY — THE 
ILLINOIS  REPUBLICAN  ASSOCIATION  CALL  UPON  LOGAN  AND 
PAY  THEIR  RESPECTS. 

On  the  evening  of  June  ijth  a  meeting  of  Republicans 
representing  all  the  States  and  Territories  of  the  Union  — 
including  the  District  of  Columbia — was  held  at  German 
Hall,  Washington,  D.  C.,  to  perfect  arrangements  for  an  open- 
air  meeting  in  front  of  the  City  Hall,  for  the  ratification  of  the 
nominations  of  Elaine  and  Logan,  at  which  three  resolutions 
were  adopted,  besides  that  touching  the  proposed  ratification. 
The  first  spoke  highly  of  President  Arthur's  administration. 
The  second,  of  the  great  qualities  of  James  G.  Elaine,  term 
ing  him  "  the  typical  American."  The  third  characterized  the 
nomination  of  John  A.  Logan  as  "  a  just  tribute  to  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  of  the  country." 

The  same  evening  the  Illinois  Republican  Association, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  strong,  marched  to  General  Logan's 
Washington  residence  to  pay  their  respects  to  that  illustrious 
man,  and  were  cordially  received  by  the  General  and  his  wife. 

The  Washington  Republican  of  June  I4th,  alluding  to  this 
pleasing  visit,  said : 

Mr.  T.  L.  DeLand,  President  of  the  Association,  in  introducing  the 
members,  spoke  for  them  in  expressing  their  gratification  at  the  selec 
tion  of  a  Vice-President  made  by  the  National  Convention.  He  spoke 
of  the  responsibilities  and  duties  which  would  fall  upon  both  the  nomi 
nees  ;  referred  to  the  military  and  civil  history  of  the  General  as  inter 
woven  with  that  of  the  Nation,  and  familiar  to  every  child  in  the  land, 
and  said  that  his  fame  as  a  soldier  and  statesman  would  never  be  for 
gotten. 

General  Logan  thanked  the  association  for  its  expression  of  good 
will,  referred  to  his  long  and  pleasant  association  with  many  of  those 
present,  in  success  and  in  adversity,  and  closed  with  these  words  : 

"To  one  and  all  of  you,  gentlemen,  I  desire  to  manifest  my  deep 
appreciation  of  the  spirit  which  prompts  your  visit  at  this  time,  and  to 
extend  the  hand  of  fellowship  and  of  hearty  greeting  to  my  friends  here 
assembled." 


LOGAN   ON   THE   PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          329 


LOGAN  IN    MAINE AN  OVATION  FROM  PORTLAND    TO    AUGUSTA — • 

GRAND  RECEPTION  AT  AUGUSTA — HIS  STIRRING  SPEECH  AT  MR. 
ELAINE'S  RESIDENCE. 

The  following  interesting  despatches  from  the  same  paper 
will  give  some  slight  idea  of  the  enthusiasm  excited  in  Maine 
by  his  appearance  there  on  a  short  visit,  at  this  time,  to  Mr. 
Elaine : 

PORTLAND,  ME.,  June  i6th. — Senators  John  A.  Logan  and  Eugene 
Hale  passed  through  this  city  on  the  noon  train,  and  were  met  at  the 
depot  by  Collector  Dow,  Postmaster  Barker,  Judge  Haskell,  and  others. 
No  reception  was  given.  By  invitation  Senators  Logan  and  Hale  occu 
pied  the  directors'  car.  A  grand  reception  will  be  given  on  the  arrival 
of  the  train  at  Augusta. 

AUGUSTA,  ME.,  June  i6th. — Hon.  John  A.  Logan  and  Senator  Eugene 
Hale  arrived  here  at  3.15  P.M.  by  the  fast  express.  They  were  cheered 
at  all  the  stations  along  the  line.  They  will  remain  with  Mr.  Elaine  to 
night,  and  to-morrow  go  to  Ellsworth,  returning  to  Washington  on 
Wednesday.  Mr.  Blaine  will  be  invited  to  accompany  the  party  to 
Ellsworth.  At  the  station  here,  on  alighting  from  the  train,  the  distin 
guished  party  were  received  with  rounds  of  cheers.  They  were  driven 
to  Mr.  Elaine's  residence. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  in  readiness  at  his  house  to  give  his  associate  on  the 
ticket  a  hearty  welcome.  General  Logan  comes  here  at  his  suggestion, 
so  that  they  may  confer  together  on  the  work  of  the  campaign,  and 
principally  on  the  letter  of  acceptance,  before  the  committee,  which  is 
to  convey  the  official  information  of  their  nomination,  reaches  here. 
This  committee  is  expected  here  next  Friday.  Mr.  Elaine's  letter  is  all 
written,  but  may  be  slightly  changed  in  its  phraseology  in  one  or  turo 
place.s  before  it  is  given  out.  It  is  understood  that  it  will  be  of  con 
siderable  length.  General  Logan's  letter,  it  is  thought,  will  be  brief. 

At  eight  o'clock  this  evening  a  procession  was  formed,  in  which 
there  were  over  one  hundred  veteran  soldiers,  and  marched  to  Mr. 
Elaine's  residence.  The  streets  were  thronged  with  people.  General 
Connor,  in  a  few  eloquent  remarks,  introduced  General  Logan.  The 
latter  stepping  forward  to  the  porch  of  Mr.  Elaine's  mansion,  spoke  as 
follows : 

"LADIES,  GENTLEMEN,  AND  COMRADES:  I  most  fully  appreciate  this 
kind  compliment  to-night.  I  am  truly  glad  to  meet  so  many  citizens  of 


330 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Augusta.  I  must  confess  that  I  feel  embarrassed  in  attempting  to  say 
anything,  after  listening  to  what  has  been  said  by  General  Connor.  It 
is  true  that  the  soldiers  of  Maine,  in  the  same  great  contest,  stood  side 
by  side  with  those  from  all  other  parts  of  the  country,  and  did  their  duty 
for  the  preservation  of  this  great  Nation.  It  was  preserved  by  their 
energy,  their  patriotism,  and  prowess.  Behind  them  stood  loyal  citizens 
of  this  grand  Republic  giving  them  their  support  and  prayers,  with  their 
hearts  full  of  hope  for  their  success,  and  as  liberty  first  found  birth  on 
the  Atlantic  slope,  well  may  it  there  have  found  true  hearts  for  its  pres 
ervation  not  only  for  this  country,  but  of  that  liberty  which  God  in 
tended  for  all  men. 

"  Let  that  which  followed  as  a  result  of  the  preservation  not  now  be 
lost.  This  can  only  be  done  by  keeping  control  of  the  institutions  of 
this  country  in  the  hands  of  those  who  sought  to  maintain  them.  This 
people  believes  in  the  fundamental  principles  of  republican  government. 
The  same  rule  also  applies  in  their  selection  of  agents  for  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  Government.  The  voice  of  a  great  majority  of  the  Re 
publicans  of  this  mighty  Nation  has  chosen  as  the  standard-bearer  of 
that  great  party  in  the  coming  contest  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  your  fellow-citizen  James  G.  Elaine  [applause],  and  you  need 
have  no  fear  as  to  the  result  of  this  contest.  It  will  be  a  glorious  vic 
tory,  full  and  complete.  Illinois,  in  1860,  gave  to  this  country  its  first 
Republican  President.  Maine  was  then  associated  with  Illinois.  In 
1884,  Maine  will  give  as  gallant  a  President  to  this  Republic  as  has  been 
elected  by  this  people. 

"  Citizens  of  Maine,  I  feel  honored  and  complimented  by  being  as 
sociated  on  the  ticket  with  a  man  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the  people, 
and  in  every  way  capable  of  filling  the  high  office  of  President  with 
honor  to  himself  and  to  the  country."  [Tremendous  applause,  and 
cheers  for  Logan.] 

Senator  Hale  was  called  for,  and  responded  briefly.  At  the  close  of 
his  remarks  loud  calls  were  made  for  Mr.  Elaine,  who  appeared  at  the 
door  and  gave  a  cordial  invitation  to  all  present,  or  as  many  as  could  do 
so,  to  enter  his  house,  and  take  Mr.  Logan  by  the  hand.  The  reception 
lasted  until  a  late  hour. 

To-morrow  being  memorial  day  at  the  Soldiers'  Horn;:  at  Togus, 
General  Stephenson  will  extend  an  invitation  to  General  Logan  to  be 
present,  and  he  will  probably  deliver  a  short  address  to  the  soldiers 
there.  General  Logan  will  remain  here  several  days. 

BANGOR,  ME.,  June  i8th. — Messrs.  Elaine  and  Logan,  with  Senator 
Hale,  arrived  here  to-night  on  their  return  from  Ellsworth.  They  were 
met  by  an  immense  crowd  and  escorted  to  Stetson  Square,  where  a  plat- 


LOGAN  ON    THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          ^i 

form  had  been  erected.  Mayor  Humphrey  called  the  assemblage  to 
order,  and  introduced  Chief-Justice  Appleton,  who  welcomed  the  dis 
tinguished  guests.  He  was  followed  by  the  Hon.  S.  S.  Blake. 

Mr.  Elaine  made  a  few  remarks,  and  General  Logan  spoke  at  length. 
Both  speakers  were  frequently  interrupted  by  cheers  and  applause. 

ELAINE'S  SPEECH  AT  BANGOR  WHEN  PRESENTING  GENERAL  LOGAN 
TO  ITS  CITIZENS — LOGAN*S  HANDSOME  TRIBUTE  TO  JAMES  G, 

ELAINE. 

Mr.  Elaine's  speech  on  the  night  of  June  i8th,  in  present 
ing  General  Logan  to  the  immense  crowd  of  citizens  of  Ban- 
gor  assembled  to  welcome  the  two  great  leaders  of  the  Re 
publican  Party,  was  as  follows  : 

I  have  so  often  in  the  past  had  the  honor  of  a  Bangor  welcome  that 
I  know  its  depth  and  sincerity,  and  I  am  sure  it  was  never  extended  to 
me  on  any  occasion  before,  when  it  was  so  grateful  as  it  is  to-day.  I 
expected  to  encounter  no  such  large  assemblage  as  this.  General  Lo 
gan  came  to  Maine  on  no  public  errand,  but  on  a  personal  visit  to  my 
self  and  to  our  distinguished  fellow-citizen,  Senator  Hale  ;  but  the  ardor 
of  the  Republicans  of  Maine  would  not  permit  him  to  go  beyond  our 
borders  without  making  manifest  to  him  the  cordiality  with  which  he  is 
welcomed  to  our  homes  and  firesides.  I  am  travelling  only  as  his  attend 
ant,  and  to  represent  you  as  the  Maine  host  in  giving  him  a  welcome 
within  our  borders. 

Mr.  Blaine  here  remarked  facetiously  that  no  man  can  play  the  hero 
among  his  own  familiar  friends,  and  that  that  must  be  reserved  to  him 
if  he  went  to  other  States.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

We  are  friends  and  neighbors,  and  I  wish  you  to  join  me,  as  I  am 
sure  you  will,  in  doing  honor  to  that  illustrious  citizen  of  Illinois,  at 
one  time  one  of  the  great  Democratic  leaders  of  that  State,  who,  when 
his  country  was  in  peril,  forgot  all  political  devotion  and  division,  and 
drew  his  sword  in  defence  of  the  Union.  [Great  applause.]  I  there 
fore  have  the  honor,  as  it  is  also  a  pleasure,  to  present  to  you  the  great 
and  brave  soldier  and  eloquent  and  eminent  Senator,  John  A.  Logan 
of  Illinois.  [Long  and  continued  applause.] 

General  Logan,  as  soon  as  quiet  had  been  restored,  said : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  My  heart  is  filled  with  gratitude  at  the 
greeting  I  have  received  in  the  State  of  Maine  while  travelling  through 


332 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


it.  Certainly,  as  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned,  I  most  fully  appre 
ciate  the  compliment  that  is  paid  by  the  citizens  of  this  very  beautiful 
town  in  its  greeting  to-day  to  your  honored  candidate  and  to  myself  as 
associated  with  him.  It  happens  that  the  people  of  this  country,  from 
time  to  time,  in  accordance  with  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  Nation, 
are  called  upon  to  express  their  views  upon  the  great  questions  that  are 
agitating  the  public  mind,  and  to  select  from  their  number  persons  to 
act  as  their  agents  and  representatives  in  the  management  of  the  affairs 
of  this  great  Republic  of  ours.  A  Convention  recently  met  in  the  State 
where  I  live  (Illinois),  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  representing  all  the  States 
and  all  the  Congressional  Districts  therein,  for  the  purpose  of  selecting 
a  standard-bearer  for  the  Republican  Party  for  the  coming  election. 
When  the  delegates — being  fairly  chosen  and  representing  the  people 
of  all  sections  of  the  country — were  assembled  together  they  asked 
themselves,  "  What  is  best  for  the  interests  of  this  great  country  ? "  The 
voice  of  a  great  majority  of  that  Convention  was  that  the  time  had  come 
when  broad  statesmanship  was  required  to  place  our  country  and  its 
people  in  proper  attitude  before  the  world.  The  mind  of  that  great 
Convention  settled  upon  several  propositions.  They  determined  that 
the  people  wanted  a  man  of  broad  statesmanship  for  its  Presidential 
candidate,  that  they  wanted  a  man  of  understanding  and  experience  in 
public  affairs.  They  wanted  a  man  who  sympathized  fully  with  all  the 
great  interests  of  the  country.  They  wanted  a  man  who  had  manifested 
by  his  conduct  in  public  life  that  he  possesses  an  appreciation  of  the 
sentiment  that  pervades  all  classes  of  the  people  for  the  welfare  and 
future  progress  of  our  common  country.  They  felt  that  it  would  be 
prudent  to  take  for  a  candidate  a  man  who  understands,  and  appreci 
ates  our  foreign  relations,  as  well  as  our  diversified  internal  interests  ; 
a  man  who  has  the  ability  to  see  that  every  right  and  interest  should 
be  cared  for  and  protected  ;  a  man  who  would  seek  to  preserve  to  us 
the  advantages  of  our  trade  and  commerce,  and  to  keep  open  the 
avenues  by  which  we  may  dispose  of  our  manufactures  and  surplus 
productions,  in  order  that  our  financial  and  material  prosperity  may  be 
ever  increasing.  When  these  considerations  weighed  upon  the  minds 
of  that  Convention,  although  there  were  many  other  good  and  honor 
able  names  mentioned  that  were  strongly  supported  as  well  fitted  for 
the  position,  the  great  majority  of  the  delegates  turned  their  eyes  to 
your  proud  State,  and  said,  "  The  man  who  comes  nearer  to  filling  the 
bill  than  any  other  names  spoken  of  is  the  statesman  James  G.  Elaine, 
of  the  Pine  Tree  State  of  Maine."  [Tremendous  and  long  continued 
applause.] 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          333 

Further  telegrams  of  General  Logan's  movements  in 
Maine  were  as  follows  : 

AUGUSTA,  ME.,  June  i8th. — Mr.  Elaine  and  party  arrived  here  at 
10.45  P-M-  by  a  Pullman  train.  All  were  driven  to  Mr.  Elaine's  resi 
dence,  where  they  will  remain  to-night.  General  Logan  and  Senator 
and  Mrs.  Hale  leave  for  Washington  to-morrow. 

AUGUSTA,  ME.,  June  ipth. — Upon  invitation  of  Colonel  Smith,  Gen 
eral  Logan  and  Senator  Hale  visited  the  Soldiers'  Home  at  Togus  to 
day,  arriving  there  at  twelve  o'clock.  As  the  party  made  their  appear 
ance,  General  Stephenson,  the  Governor  of  the  Home,  had  the  soldiers, 
to  the  number  of  nine  hundred,  drawn  up  in  line,  and  a  salute  of  seven 
teen  guns  was  fired. 

General  Logan  was  presented  to  the  men  by  General  Stephenson, 
and  made  a  speech.  As  he  finished  he  was  given  three  rousing  cheers. 
Senator  Hale  also  spoke,  and,  after  taking  lunch,  the  party  returned 
to  Augusta,  and  will  leave  for  Washington  at  3.50  o'clock  this  after 
noon. 

RESOLUTIONS    OF    THE    STATE    REPUBLICAN  ASSOCIATIONS  AT  THE 
NATIONAL    CAPITAL LOGAN'S    STRENGTH    IN    INDIANA,  ETC. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  various  State  Republican  Associa- 
ciations,  at  Washington,  were  holding  meetings  and  adopt 
ing  resolutions  strongly  indorsing  both  Elaine  and  Logan. 
The  Maryland  State  Republican  Association,  besides  in 
dorsing  the  administration  of  President  Arthur,  adopted  this 
resolution : 

Resolved,  That  however  the  members  of  this  Association,  in  common 
with  other  Republicans,  may  have  differed  in  opinion  respecting  the 
Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential  candidates  to  whom  should  be  com 
mitted  with  greatest  assurance  of  success  in  the  pending  contest  th'e 
standard  of  the  Republican  Party,  they  heartily  ratify  the  action  of 
the  Chicago  Convention  of  1884  in  presenting  for  the  suffrages  of  the 
American  people  in  November  next  those  eminently  representative 
Americans,  the  brilliant  civic  leader  James  G.  Elaine,  and  the  not 
less  brilliant  soldier  John  A.  Logan,  a  second  conjunction  of  Maine 
and  Illinois,  full  of  the  presage  of  a  Republican  victory  as  decisive 
as  that  of  1860. 

On  June  i6th  the  Ohio  Republican  Association  adopted 
resolutions,  the  first  of  which  was  a  splendid  indorsement  of 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

and  tribute  to  the  head  of  the  ticket,  while  the  second  read 
thus  : 

Resolved,  That  we  cordially  indorse  and  ratify  the  nomination  of  that 
hero  of  two  wars,  the  fearless  and  able  soldier  statesman,  John  A.  Logan, 
as  a  candidate  for  the  high  office  of  Vice-Presidentof  the  United  States. 
In  him  we  recognize  a  soldier  whose  courage  and  fidelity  have  never 
been  doubted,  a  military  chieftain  great  among  the  greatest  in  the 
world's  history,  a  statesman  whose  ability,  logic,  and  eloquence  place 
him  in  the  front  rank  of  the  great  statesmen  of  the  age,  and  whose  voice 
and  whose  votes  in  both  branches  of  Congress  have  supported  the  great 
measures  of  public  policy  which  have  blessed  the  age  in  which  we  live. 

These  are  simply  given  as  samples  of  the  resolutions 
passed  by  the  various  State  Associations. 

From  an  interview  with  a  defeated  candidate,  as  given  by 
the  Washington  Post  the  day  after  the  Republican  nomina 
tions  had  been  made  at  Chicago,  it  appears  that— 

In  regard  to  the  nomination  of  General  Logan  for  the  Vice-Presi 
dency,  Senator  Edmunds  said,  "  It  is  the  best  thing  that  could  possibly 
be  done.  The  soldier  element  will  be  most  fittingly  recognized  in  the 
selection." 

In  the  same  paper,  Senator  Cameron,  of  Wisconsin,  was 
reported  as  saying  : 

Mr.  Elaine  is  without  doubt  the  preference  of  a  majority  of  the 
Republicans.  I  am  a  strong  personal  admirer  of  General  Logan  and 
should  have  been  glad  to  see  him  nominated,  but  I  am  heartily  pleased 
with  the  result  as  it  is,  and  have  not  a  doubt  of  the  success  of  the 
ticket. 

The  Washington  Republican  of  June  I7th,  said  : 

Congressman  Calkins  of  Indiana  has  a  firm  belief  in  the  ability  of 
the  Republicans  to  carry  his  State  this  year.  Senator  Logan's  nomina 
tion  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  he  says,  will  make  the  National  ticket 
peculiarly  strong  there. 


On  June  iQth,  the  Republican  State  Convention  of  Indiana 
met,  and  Mr.  Calkins  was  nominated  for  Governor  on  the 
first  ballot.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the  Conven- 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 


335 


tion  ratified  and  approved  the  nomination  of  Elaine  and  Lo 
gan,  and  pledged  to  them  "  the  united  and  earnest  support 
of  the  Republican  Party  of  Indiana." 

GREAT    RATIFICATION    MEETING    AT    WASHINGTON AN     IMMENSE 

GATHERING,      ADDRESSED      BY      LEADING      REPUBLICANS TWO 

OVERFLOW    MEETINGS GOOD     THINGS    SAID    OF    BOTH    ELAINE 

AND    LOGAN. 

On  the  evening  of  June  2Oth,  a  Elaine  and  Logan  ratifica 
tion  meeting  was  held  at  Washington.  The  National  Repub 
lican  said  of  it  that  it  was  "  the  most  imposing  political  demon 
stration  ever  witnessed  in  this  city.  The  crowd  far  exceeded 
the  limits  of  a  mass  meeting,  and  it  was  possible  for  only 
small  sections  of  the  great  assembly  to  come  within  range  of 
the  speakers'  voices,  although  there  were  three  stands  from 
which  some  of  the  best  orators  in  the  land  declaimed.  This 
is  going  to  be  the  people's  campaign,  and  the  outpouring  of 
the  people  last  night  is  a  promise  of  what  is  going  to  happen 
wherever  free  discussion  is  possible.  There  have  been  no 
names  before  the  people  these  many  years  that  evoke  such 
enthusiasm  as  Elaine  and  Logan.  They  were  nominated  in 
obedience  to  the  popular  voice,  and  the  same  power  will  elect 
them." 

From  the  lengthy  account,  in  the  same  paper,  of  this  re 
markable  demonstration,  under  the  heading  "  Victory  in  the 
Air,"  the  following  description  of  the  scene  is  taken  : 

The  nomination  of  Elaine  and  Logan  was  ratified  last  night  in  front 
of  the  City  Hall  in  "  thunder  tones."  The  vast  concourse  present  repre 
sented  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  Union,  and  the  great  enthusiasm 
of  the  multitude,  coupled  with  a  brilliant  display  of  pyrotechnics,  elec 
tric  lights,  and  decorations,  formed  a  thrilling  and  picturesque  scene. 
The  sea  of  heads  in  front  of  the  court-house  building  was  brought  into 
bold  relief  by  an  almost  daylight  of  electricity  from  four  large  illumi 
nators,  representing  16,000  candle  power.  The  high  statue  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  the  centre  of  the  crowd  stood  like  a  grim  and  motionless 
sentinel,  reflecting  its  whiteness  in  the  glare  of  showers  of  bursting 


**6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

*?  tj 

rockets,  Roman  candles,  and  mines.  Added  to  the  brilliant  spectacle, 
Greek  fires  crimsoned  the  scene  at  intervals,  while  the  reflective  light 
of  several  strong  electric  blazes  on  the  capitol  dome  glanced  over  the 
house-tops  and  produced  a  weird  moonlight  effect  among  the  elaborate 
decorations  on  the  top  and  along  the  high  pillars  of  the  City  Hall 
building.  Cresting  and  entirely  concealing  the  key-stone  arch  on  the 
peak  of  the  main  building  was  a  large  golden  sunburst  that  twinkled 
prettily  in  the  blaze  of  light.  Below  were  large  colored  paintings  on 
canvas  of  James  G.  Elaine  and  John  A.  Logan.  Over  the  portraits  in 
semicircle  the  legend  appeared  in  prominent  letters  :  "  The  People's 
Choice,  1885."  Descending  from  the  peak  to  the  speakers'  stand  in 
front  were  long  lines  of  flaunting  flags,  streamers,  and  banners.  The 
emblems  of  every  nation  were  among  the  number,  and  the  stand  was 
literally  concealed  beneath  masses  of  fluttering  bunting  and  silk  of 
all  the  bright  colors.  In  the  rear  of  the  speakers'  stand,  thousands 
of  chairs  had  been  provided  for  invited  guests  and  their  lady  friends. 
Every  chair  was  occupied.  Just  before  dark,  and  while  crowds  were 
pouring  in  from  the  side  streets,  a  brisk  southwest  wind  sprang  up,  and 
it  looked  for  a  time  as  though  rain  would  fall.  Old  Boreas,  however, 
appeared  to  be  in  full  sympathy  with  the  meeting,  and  his  breath  swept 
away  the  masses  of  darkening  clouds  that  had  been  hovering  threaten 
ingly  overhead  and  left  a  dark-blue  background  of  sky.  The  showers 
of  fiery  balls  that  were  shot  upward  seemed  to  disappear  in  this  blue 
field  of  atmosphere,  while  the  rockets  wriggled  upward  like  snakes  and 
left  trails  like  those  of  meteors. 

The  full  Marine  Band,  led  by  Professor  Sousa,  started  the  enthu 
siasm,  which  continued  throughout  the  night.  The  band  opened  the 
proceedings  by  playing,  "We  will  follow  where  the  white  plume  waves." 
Fully  eight  thousand  voices  cheered  the  tune,  and  waved  their  hats 
and  handkerchiefs  in  the  air.  A  great  many  ladies  were  present.  The 
throng  became  so  great  before  nine  o'clock  that  it  was  necessary  to  open 
"  overflow  meetings  "  on  the  east  and  west  porticoes. 

The  resolutions,  unanimously  adopted  at  this  grand  rati 
fication  meeting,  were  very  strong,  and  after  giving  weighty 
reasons  for  the  election  of  Mr.  Blaine,  and  indorsing  him  in 
the  highest  possible  terms,  included  also  the  following: 

And  do  resolve,  That  we  cordially  and  heartily  indorse  and  ratify  the 
nomination  of  that  hero  of  two  wars,  the  fearless  and  able  soldier- 
statesman,  John  A.  Logan,  as  our  candidate  for  the  high  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  In  him  we  recognize  a  soldier  whose 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 


337 


courage  and  fidelity  have  never  been  doubted,  a  military  chieftain  great 
among  the  greatest  in  the  world's  history,  and  a  statesman  whose  ability, 
logic,  and  eloquence  place  him  in  the  front  rank  of  the  great  statesmen 
of  the  age,  and  whose  voice  and  whose  votes  in  both  branches  of  Con 
gress  have  supported  the  great  measures  of  public  policy  which  have 
blessed  the  age  in  which  we  live. 

In  opening  the  meeting,  Judge  Shellabarger,  of  Ohio, 
who  was  introduced,  as  chairman  of  the  meeting,  by  Senator 
Hawley  of  Connecticut,  said  some  handsome  things  of  Mr. 
Elaine,  and  then,  says  the  report,  "  he  eulogized  Logan  for 
his  patriotism  and  bravery,  and  denounced  the  slanderous 
things  said  of  both."  Among  letters  from  prominent  persons 
read  by  the  chairman,  one  from  Senator  Hale  of  Maine,  after 
referring  in  befitting  terms  .  to  the  nomination  of  the  great 
leader  heading  the  Presidential  ticket,  continued  : 

The  Convention  joined  with  him,  as  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  civilians  and  soldiers  of  the  Republic,  of 
whom  Colonel  Theodore  Lyman  of  Massachusetts,  although  opposing 
the  nominations,  says,  "  General  Logan  is  a  brave,  frank,  and  honest 
man." 

SPEECHES  OF  SHERMAN,  FRYE,  HARRISON,  HAWLEY,  DOUGLASS, 
RAUM,  REED,  PHELPS,  HARRIS,  PERKINS,  PETTIBONE,  DING- 
LEY,  HORR,  SMALLS,  GOFF,  MILLER,  BAYNE,  MILLIKEN,  SIMMS, 
AND  OTHERS. 

In  his  ringing  speech  on  this  occasion,  Senator  Sherman, 
of  Ohio  said: 

That  Elaine  and  Logan  have  been  fairly  nominated  by  the  free 
choice  of  our  eight  hundred  delegates,  representing  the  Republicans 
of  every  State,  county,  and  district  in  the  broad  extent  of  our'  great 
country,  is  admitted  by  every  man  whose  voice  has  been  heard. 

They  are  not  "dark  horses."  Their  names  are  known  to  fame  ;  the 
evil  and  good  that  men  could  say  of  them  had  been  said  with  a  license 
that  is  a  shame  to  free  discussion.  Travelling  in  peace  and  in  war 
through  the  memorable  events  of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  they  have 
kept  their  place  in  the  busy  jostling  of  political  life  well  in  the  fore 
ground. 

22 


338  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

And  now  they  have  been  selected  from  among  millions  of  their 
countrymen  to  represent — not  themselves,  but  the  Republican  Party  of 
the  United  States.  [Cheers.] 

They  represent  the  American  Union,  one  and  indivisible,  snatched 
by  war  from  the  perils  of  secession  and  disunion.  They  represent  a 
strong  national  government,  able,  I  trust  in  time,  not  only  to  protect 
our  citizens  from  foreign  tyranny,  but  from  local  cruelty,  intolerance, 
and  oppression. 

They  represent  that  party  in  the  country  which  would  scorn  to  ob 
tain  or  hold  power  by  depriving  by  crime  and  fraud  more  than  a  mill 
ion  of  men  of  their  equal  rights  as  citizens.  They  represent  a  party  thnt 
would  give  to  the  laboring  men  of  our  country  the  protection  of  our 
revenue  laws  against  undue  competition  with  foreign  labor. 

They  represent  the  power,  the  achievements,  and  the  aspirations  of 
the  Republican  Party,  that  now,  for  twenty-four  years,  has  been  greatly 
trusted  by  the  people,  and  in  return  has  greatly  advanced  your  country 
in  strength  and  wealth,  intelligence,  courage,  and  hope,  and  in  the  re 
spect  and  wonder  of  mankind. 

What  we  want  now  is  an  American  policy  broad  enough  to  embrace 
the  continent,  conservative  enough  to  protect  the  rights  of  every  man, 
poor  as  well  as  rich,  and  brave  enough  to  do  what  is  right,  whatever 
stands  in  the  way.  We  want  protection  to  American  citizens  and  pro 
tection  to  American  laborers,  a  free  vote  and  a  fair  count,  an  assertion 
of  all  the  powers  of  the  Government  in  doing  what  is  right.  It  is  be 
cause  I  believe  that  the  administration  of  Elaine  and  Logan  will  give  us 
such  a  policy,  and  that  I  know  the  Democratic  Party  is  not  capable  of 
it,  that  I  invoke  your  aid  and  promise  you  mine  to  secure  the  election 
of  the  Republican  ticket. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Senator  Sherman's  stirring  speech, 
there  was  great  applause  and  cheering ;  and  then  a  glee  club, 
accompanied  by  the  famous  Marine  Band,  rendered  the  new 
campaign  song,  "  We'll  Follow  Where  the  White  Plume 
Waves"-— the  first  two  verses  of  which  run  thus: 

"Stand  firm  from  mountains  unto  seas, 

And  arm  ye  for  the  fight  ; 
See  waving  on  the  loyal  breeze 
Our  chieftain's  plume  of  white  ! 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          339 

Elaine's  snow  white  crest  has  never  bowed 

On  legislative  floor, 
And  Logan's  voice  rang  clear  and  loud 

Amid  the  battle's  roar  ;" 

— the  refrain  of  which  was  soon  caught  by  the  assembled 
multitude,  and  rang  out  from  ten  thousand  throats,  ending 
with  cheer  upon  cheer  until  it  was  repeated. 

Senator  Hawley,  of  Connecticut,  began  his  telling  speech, 
says  the  report,  "  by  calling  for  three  cheers  for  James  Gil- 
lespie  Elaine,  which  was  heartily  responded  to,  then  for  three 
more  for  John  Alexander  Logan  [a  like  response]."  The  re 
port  of  this  speech  concludes  by  saying,  "  Loud  cheering  fol 
lowed  Senator  Hawley's  speech,  and  when  the  band  struck 
up  '  Marching  Through  Georgia/  both  he  and  Senator  Sher 
man  started  the  air,  which  was  taken  up  by  the  crowd.  Mean 
while  both  Senators  swung  their  hats  and  encouraged  the 
crowd  to  sing." 

In  reporting  the  "Eastern  overflow"  of  this  immense 
gathering,  the  same  paper  says  : 

The  meeting  on  the  east  portico  was  conducted  by  General  Green 
B.  Raum.  The  first  speaker,  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine,  was  re 
ceived  with  an  outburst  of  applause.  He  prophesied  Blaine  and  Logan's 
election  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  .  .  .  Hon.  Thomas  Bayne 
of  Pennsylvania  followed.  .  .  .  Hon.  William  Walter  Phelps  of  New 
Jersey  followed  in  a  flashing  speech.  He  said  Blaine  and  Logan  were 
nominated  by  the  people.  The  people  were  all  there.  The  East  and  the 
West  boastful  of  past  achievements,  the  South  hopeful  of  future  achieve 
ments,  the  wealth  of  New  York,  the  culture  of  Boston,  the  farmer  and 
the  mechanic,  the  native  and  the  naturalized  citizen,  the  boss,  the  office 
holder,  the  colored  voter — all  the  interests  of  the  mighty  Republican 
Party  there  found  representation  and  a  free  and  equal  share  in  its  delib 
erations  and  conclusions. 

Judge  Harris,  ex-member  of  Congress  from  Mississippi,  was  next  in 
troduced.  He  predicted  a  great  victory  for  the  nominees,  and  gains  in 
the  South. 

Hon.  M.  Perkins  of  Kansas  succeeded  Judge  Harris.  He  said  the 
West  would  fall  in  solidly  for  Blaine  and  Logan.  The  ticket  is  strong 
and  will  win. 


340  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

Hon.  T.  Pettibone  of  Tennessee  followed.  He  said  the  ticket  was 
"  brains  and  pluck  at  one  end,  and  pluck  and  brains  at  the  other.  The 
records  of  Congress  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  bear  witness  to  their 
patriotism  and  to  their  manly  eloquence.  The  Republican  platform  is 
no  straddling  compromise.  It  says  what  it  means  when  it  declares 
against  the  importation  of  pauper  labor,  either  European  or  Chinese. 
The  plain  people  are  going  to  elect  the  ticket  in  November,  and  don't 
you  forget  it.  North,  South,  East,  and  West  join  in  this  grand  acclaim, 
because 

Don't  you  hear  the  slogan? 

'Tis  James  G.  Elaine  and  John  A.   Logan." 

Mr.  Cunningham,  a  young  man  from  Nebraska,  came  forward  and 
gave  a  statistical  statement  of  the  States,  Elaine  and  Logan  would  carry. 
He  was  loudly  applauded. 

Governor  Dingley  of  Maine  was  the  last  speaker  from  the  east 
portico.  He  said  the  enthusiasm  of  the  grand  scene  before  him  pres 
aged  victory  in  November.  The  nomination  of  James  G.  Elaine  and 
John  A.  Logan  had  been  made  in  response  to  the  wishes  of  the  Repub 
lican  voters  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  election-day  would  show  it  to 
have  been  the  wisest,  strongest,  and  best  nomination  that  could  have 
been  made. 

Touching  the  "Western  overflow"  of  this  great  mass- 
meeting,  the  same  report  said  : 

The  meeting  on  the  west  portico  was  conducted  by  Hon.  Fred. 
Douglass.  He  made  the  opening  speech,  and  introduced  Congressman 
Belford  of  Colorado.  The  latter  complimented  the  colored  race  on  the 
progress  they  had  made,  and  on  their  loyalty  to  the  Republican  Party. 
"We  have  nominated  a  strong  ticket,"  he  said,  "and  will  have  a  walk 
over." 

Hon.  Mr.  Milliken  of  Maine  followed.  He  expressed  gratification 
at  the  nomination  of  Elaine  and  Logan,  and  said  success  was  already 
assured. 

Hon.  Mr.  Miller  of  Pennsylvania  said,  "  Elaine  and  Logan  are  a 
strong  team,  and  will  pull  through  with  great  ease." 

Mr.  Simms  of  Danville,  Va.,  a  Readjuster,  delegate  to  the  Conven 
tion,  said  the  result  of  the  Convention  was  that  the  people  had  over 
come  the  politicians.  He  asked  in  a  loud  voice,  "What  is  a  Democrat, 
my  fellow-citizens  ?  " 

A  voice  in  the  crowd  replied,  "A  white  man."  Elevating  his  voice 
again,  the  speaker  said,  "  What  is  the  party  proficient  in  ? "  A  voice 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 

from  behind  replied,  "  In  bulldozing."  Both  remarks  caused  great 
laughter. 

Hon.  Mr.  Smalls  of  South  Carolina  was  next  introduced.  He  said, 
"  We  have  a  Republican  majority  of  35,000  in  my  State,  but  we  are 
counted  out." 

Hon.  Mr.  Horr  of  Michigan  was  greeted  with  cheers  upon  his 
appearance,  and  a  laugh  when  he  said  he  was  among  those  who  went 
to  Chicago  and  secured  his  first  choice.  "  We  looked  over  the  list  of 
distinguished  men,"  he  said,  "and  picked  out  the  best  two.  The  Dem 
ocrats  will  go  there  and  pick  out  two  men  of  whom  they  know  little. 
We  selected  two  men  who  had  almost  been  the  Republican  Party  fur 
twenty  years  [cheers],  and  the  Democrats  will  first  pick  out  their  man, 
then  find  out  if  he  has  said  or  done  anything,  and  if  he  has  he  won't 
do.  I  like  to  belong  to  a  party  that  is  proud  of  what  it  has  done. 
We  are  not  ashamed  of  our  record.  The  Democrats  are.  They 
think  of  the  present,  and  try  to  forget,  and  cry  out  in  their  misery  'for 
God's  sake  save  us  from  ourselves.'  Mike  to  think  of  what  the  party 
has  done  when  I  go  to  bed  at  night,  whereas  if  I  was  a  Democrat  I 
would  be  afraid  to  turn  out  the  gas  after  dark."  [Laughter.] 

General  Goff,  a  young,  boyish-looking  man  with  a  clear  voice,  was 
introduced,  and  pronounced  "  the  nominations  a  fitting  tribute  to  our 
sublime  country.  They  are  the  grandest  men  on  the  continent,  and 
with  such  candidates  and  such  a  platform  to  stand  upon  we  shall  know 
no  such  word  as  fail." 

Congressman  O'Hara  of  North  Carolina,  when  introduced,  said 
that  in  the  Southern  States,  Democracy  was  shaking.  "  North  Caro 
lina,  with  her  men  in  the  mountains,  is  beginning  to  wake  up,  and 
is  making  the  welkin  ring  with  cries  for  Elaine  and  Logan.  He 
predicted  victory  in  North  Carolina. 

Senator  Frye  of  Maine  was  the  next  speaker.  He  had  been  told 
that  the  Republican  Party  would  have  to  fight  a  defensive  battle. 
Defensive  of  what,  and  defensive  of  whom  ?  In  1876  the  Democrats 
had  an  overwhelming  majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
Presidential  election  was  coming  on  then,  as  it  is  coming  on  now ;  and 
the  Democrats  determined  to  bring  infamy  on  the  Republican  Party, 
and  put  it  on  the  defensive,  and  they  resolved  themselves  into  a  great 
investigating  committee.  They  went  to  work,  but  the  moment  the 
investigating  auger  penetrated  a  single  inch,  it  struck  every  time  a 
writhing  and  a  howling  Democrat.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  In  less 
than  two  months  the  whole  Democratic  Party  was  whistling  off  the 
Democratic  dogs.  They  deliberately  determined  to  tear  the  laurels 
off  the  brow  of  the  great  Republican  leader,  and  to  make  him  bend 


342  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

low  before  the  American  people.  They  penetrated  the  holiest  of 
the  penetralia.  They  went  into  the  innermost  temple.  Nothing  was 
sacred  to  them  ;  nothing  private.  One  day  Elaine  went  into  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  said  he  proposed  to  take  into  his  confidence 
fifty  millions  of  his  American  fellow-citizens.  And  then  he  went  on, 
without  oratory,  without  ornamentation,  and  told  his  story.  And 
when  he  completed  the  tale  he  charged  upon  the  Democrats  of  the 
House  and  routed  them,  horse,  foot,  and  dragoons.  Soon  afterward 
the  Republican  Convention  was  held  at  Cincinnati,  and,  although 
news  came  there,  right  on  the  eve  of  the  nomination,  that  Elaine  was 
dead  or  dying,  or  that  (if  he  survived)  his  grand  intellect  was  dead 
forever,  he  came  within  a  score  of  votes  of  clearing  out  the  whole 
field  and  coming  off  a  conqueror. 

The  Senator  then  delivered  a  eulogy  upon  Logan,  who,  he  said,  had 
as  little  need  for  defence  as  Elaine. 

Senator  Harrison  of  Indiana  was  introduced,  and  said  that  wherever 
a  thriving  population  was  to  be  found  throughout  the  land,  there  Elaine 
was  strongest.  He  was  strongest  among  the  people  who  did  not  seek 
office,  but  helped  the  cause  with  their  votes. 

This  was  not  going  to  be  a  defensive  campaign.  Elaine  had  never 
lived  behind  battlements,  had  never  heard  the  challenge  of  mortal  foe 
without  meeting  him  in  the  open  plain.  So  it  was  with  Logan.  He 
did  not  usually  wait  until  others  sounded  the  call  of  battle. 

GRAND  SERENADE  BY  THE  EX-SOLDIERS  AND  SAILORS — GENERAL 
LOGAN'S  THOUGHTFUL,  MANLY,  AND   ELOQUENT  RESPONSE — 

OTHER   SPEECHES THE   TICKET    "  BRAINS    AND    PLUCK,  OR 

PL^CK  AND  BRAINS." 

On  June  2ist  the  ex-soldiers  and  sailors,  resident  in 
Washington  gave  a  grand  serenade  to  General  Logan.  The 
account  of  it  given  by  the  Washington  Post  (Democratic)  of 
the  next  morning  ran  thus : 

Twelfth  Street,  between  H  and  I  Streets,  was  packed  with  a  dense 
mass  of  humanity  last  night,  the  occasion  being  a  serenade  to  General 
John  A.  Logan,  Republican  candidate  for  Vice-President,  by  the  ex- 
soldiers  and  sailors  residing  in  Washington.  The  procession,  headed 
by  the  Marine  Band,  which  moved  from  the  City  Hall  to  Pennsylvania 
Avenue,  to  Fifteenth,  to  New  York  Avenue,  and  thence  to  the  residence 
of  General  Logan,  812  Twelfth  Street,  was  several  hundred  strong,  and 
as  it  moved  along  was  augmented  by  recruits  until  it  numbered  several 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET 


543 


thousand.  For  the  sake  of  convenience  the  speaking  took  place  from 
the  porch  of  810  Twelfth  Street,  one  door  south  of  General  Logan's 
residence,  where  a  stand  had  been  erected.  Both  houses  were  thronged 
with  visitors,  many  of  them  being  ladies.  Mrs.  Logan,  who  had  been 
quite  indisposed  for  several  days  past,  was  able  to  view  the  demonstra 
tion  from  the  parlor  window  on  the  second  floor.  Suspended  en  the 
walls  of  the  General's  residence  was  a  satin  banner  of  four  colors — red, 
white,  blue,  and  yellow — the  colors  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  In 
the  centre  was  a  representation  of  a  cartridge  box,  the  symbol  of  Gen 
eral  Logan's  old  army  corps — the  Fifteenth.  Long  before  die  proces 
sion  arrived,  fully  three  thousand  people  had  gathered  :n  the  street  and 
begun  the  pyrotechnical  display  by  letting  off  rockets  and  Roman  can 
dles.  A  "  chaser  "  occasionally  caused  a  commotion  in  the  crowd,  to 
the  great  delight  of  the  urchins  who  sent  them  on  their  mischievous 
errands.  It  was  nearly  nine  o'clock  when  the  head  of  the  procession 
made  its  appearance  amid  the  strains  of  brass  musiCj  cheers,  and  the 
flight  of  hundreds  of  fiery  aerial  messengers,  which  brilliantly  lighted 
up  the  square.  An  electric  light,  at  the  corner  of  Twelfth  and  H 
Streets,  also  shot  its  rays  upon  the  scene. 

While  the  band  was  playing  a  medley,  which  ended  with  the  air  of 
"We'll  Follow  Where  the  White  Plume  Leads,"  General  Logan  ap 
peared  on  the  porch,  dressed  in  black  and  wearing  a  slouch  hat,  and 
was  vociferously  cheered.  General  Green  B.  Raum  introduced  him  in 
a  highly  eulogistic  address,  in  which  he  said  that  General  Logan,  had 
never  yet  been  driven  to  the  wall,  and  never  would  be.  General  Logan 
then  stepped  forward,  and,  wearing  glasses,  read  his  address  from  man 
uscript  as  follows  : 

"  COMRADES  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  The  warm  expressions  of  confi 
dence  and  congratulation  which  you  offer  me  through  your  chairman 
impress  me  with  a  deep  sense  of  gratitude,  and  I  beg  to  tender  my  sin- 
cerest  thanks  to  one  and  all  of  my  participating  friends  for  this  demon 
stration  of  kindness  and  esteem.  Your  visit  at  this  time,  gentlemen,  is 
interesting  to  me  in  a  double  aspect.  As  citizens  of  our  common  coun 
try,  tendering  a  tribute  to  me  as  a  public  man,  I  meet  you  with  genuine 
pleasure  and  grateful  acknowledgment.  Coming,  however,  as  you  do, 
in  the  character  of  representatives  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  our 
country,  your  visit  possesses  a  feature  insensibly  leading  to  a  train  of 
most  interesting  reflections.  Your  assemblage  is  composed  of  men  who 
gave  up  the  pursuits  of  peace,  relinquished  the  comforts  of  home,  sev 
ered  the  ties  of  friendship,  and  yielded  the  gentle  and  loving  society 
of  father,  mother,  sister,  brother,  and  in  many  instances  wife  and  little 
ones,  to  brave  the  dangers  of  the  tented  field  or  the  crested  wave,  to 


44  LOG  AS. 

run  the  gauntlet  of  sickness  in  climates  different  from  your  own,  and 
possibly,  or  even  probably,  to  yield  up  life  itself  in  the  service  of  your 
country. 

''Twenty-three  years  ago,  gentlemen,  when  dread  war  raised  his 
wrinkled  front  throughout  the  land,  many  of  you  were  standing  with 
one  foot  upon  the  portal  of  manhood,  eager  for  the  conflict  with  the 
world,  which  promised  to  bring  you  honor,  riches,  and  friends,  and  a 
life  of  peace  and  ease  in  the  society  of  your  own  family.  But  few  of 
you  had  passed  the  period  of  young  manhood,  or  advanced  to  the  open 
ing  scene  of  middle  life.  At  the  call,  however,  of  your  endangered  coun 
try,  you  did  not  hesitate  to  leave  everything  for  which  we  strive  in  this 
world,  to  become  defenders  of  the  Union,  without  the  incentive  which 
has  inspired  men  of  other  nations  to  adopt  a  military  career  as  a  per 
manent  occupation  and  as  an  outlet  to  ambition  and  an  ascent  to  power. 
The  safety  of  our  country  having  been  assured,  and  its  territorial  in 
tegrity  preserved,  you  sheathed  the  sword,  unfixed  the  bayonet,  laid 
away  the  musket,  housed  the  cannon,  doffed  your  uniforms,  donned 
the  garments  of  civil  life,  buried  hatred  toward  our  brothers  of  the 
South  and  shook  hands  in  testimony  of  a  mutual  resolve  to  rehabilitate 
the  waste  places  and  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace  until  our  reunited  coun 
try  should  be  greater,  prouder,  and  grander  than  ever  before.  Those 
years  have  glided  into  the  retreating  perspective  of  the  past*  since  you 
responded  to  your  country's  call,  and  mighty  changes  in  the  eventful 
march  of  nations  have  taken  place. 

"This  passing  time  has  laid  its  gentle  lines  upon  the  heads  of  many 
of  you  who  shouldered  your  muskets  before  the  first  beard  was  grown. 
But  however  lightly  or  however  heavily  it  has  dealt  with  you,  your 
soldiers'  and  sailors'  organizations  that  have  been  kept  up,  prove  that 
the  heart  has  been  untouched,  and  that  your  love  of  country  has 
but  been  intensified,  with  the  advancing  years.  Your  arms  have  been 
as  strong  and  }our  voices  as  clear  in  the  promotion  of  peace,  as 
when  lent  to  the  science  of  war  ;  and  the  interest  which  you  take  in 
National  affairs  proves  that  you  are  patriotically  determined  to  main 
tain  what  you  fought  for,' and  that  which  our  lost  comrades  gave  up 
their  lives  to  secure  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  survived  them.  Dur 
ing  the  last  twenty  years  in  which  we  have  been  blessed  with  peace,  the 
Republican  Party  has  been  continued  in  the  administration  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  When  the  great  question  of  preserving,  or  giving  up,  the 
union  of  the  States,  was  presented  to  us,  it  was  the  Republican  Party 
which  affirmed  its  perpetuation.  I  open  no  wounds,  nor  do  I  resurrect 
any  bad  memories,  in  stating  this  as  an  undeniable  fact. 

"  When  you  and  I,  my  friends,  and  that  vast  body  of  men  who,  hav- 


LOGAN   ON   THE   PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.  -545 

ing  declared  in  favor  of  preserving  the  Union,  were  compelled  to  resort 
to  the  last  dread  measure, — the  arbitrament  of  war, — we  did  so  under 
the  call  of  the  Republican  Party.  Many  of  us  had  been  educated  by 
our  fathers  in  the  Democratic  school  of  politics,  and  many  of  us  were 
acting  with  that  party  at  the  time  the  issue  of  war  was  presented  to 
us.  For  years  the  Democratic  Party  had  wielded  the  destinies  of  our 
Government  and  had  served  its  purpose  under  the  narrow  views  of  an 
idea!  Republic,  which  then  existed.  But  the  matrix  of  time  has  de 
veloped  a  new  child  of  progress,  which  saw  the  glory  of  day  under  the 
name  of  the  Republican  Party.  Its  birth  announced  the  conception  of 
a  higher,  broader  principle  of  human  government  than  had  been  enter 
tained  by  our  forefathers.  But  few  of  us,  perhaps  none,  took  in  the  full 
dimensions  of  the  coming  fact,  at  that  early  day.  It  broke  upon  us  all 
gradually,  like  the  light  of  the  morning  sun,  as  he  rises  in  the  misty 
dawn  above  the  sleepy  mountain's  top.  At  length  it  came  in  full  blaze, 
and  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  Republic  we  began  to  give 
genuine  vitality  to  the  declaration  of  1776,  that  'all  men  are  created 
equal,'  and  entitled  to  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness. 

"The  Republican  Party  was  the  unquestionable  agency  which  bore 
these  gifts  to  a  waiting  age,  and  it  was  the  Democratic  idea  which  dis 
puted  their  value,  first,  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  subsequently,  and 
up  to  this  moment,  at  the  polling-places  of  the  country.  The  Repub 
lican  party,  then,  represents  the  latest  fruition  of  governmental  pro 
gress,  and  is  destined  to  survive,  upon  the  theory  that  the  strong 
outlives  the  weak,  until  the  development  of  principles  still  more  ad 
vanced  shall  compel  it  to  measure  its  step  with  the  march  of  the  age,  or 
go  to  the  wall  as  an  instrument  which  has  fulfilled  its  destiny.  So  long 
as  the  Democratic  Party  shall  cling,  either  in  an  open  or  covert  manner, 
to  the  traditions  and  policy  belonging  to  an  expired  era  of  our  develop 
ment,  just  so  long  will  the  Republican  .Party  be  charged  with  the 
administration  of  our  Government. 

"In  making  this  arraignment  of  the  Democracy,  my  friends,  I  ap 
peal  to  no  passions,  nor  reopen  settled  questions.  I  but  utter  the  calm, 
sober  words  of  truth.  I  say  that  until  every  State  in  this  broad  and 
beneficent  Union  shall  give  free  recognition  to  the  civil  and  political 
rights  of  the  humblest  of  its  citizens,  whatever  his  color  ;  until  protec 
tion  to  American  citizens  follows  the  flag  at  home  and  abroad  ;  until  the 
admirable  monetary  system  established  by  the  Republican  Party  shall 
be  placed  beyond  danger  of  subversion  ;  until  American  labor  and  in 
dustry  shall  be  protected  by  wise  and  equitable  laws,  so  as  to  give  full 
scope  to  our  immense  resources  and  place  every  man  upon  the  plane  to 


346  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

which  he  is  entitled  by  reason  of  his  capacity  and  worth  ;  until  educa 
tion  shall  be  as  general  as  our  civilization  ;  until  we  shall  have  estab 
lished  a  wise  American  policy  that  will  not  only  preserve  peace  with 
other  nations,  but  will  cause  every  American  citizen  to  honor  his  Gov 
ernment  at  home,  and  every  civilized  nation  to  respect  our  flag  ;  until 
the  American  people  shall  permanently  establish  a  thoroughly  economic 
system  upon  the  American  idea,  which  will  preserve  and  foster  their 
own  interests,  uninfluenced  by  English  theories  or  "  Cobden  clubs  ;"  and 
until  it  is  conceded  beyond  subsequent  revocation  that  this  Government 
exists  upon  the  basis  of  a  self-sustaining,  self-preserving  Nation  ;  and 
the  fatal  doctrine  of  '  independent  State  sovereignty,'  upon  which  the 
civil  war  was  founded,  shall  be  stamped  as  a  political  heresy,  out  of 
which  continued  revolution  is  born,  and  as  wholly  incompatible  with 
that  idea  of  a  Republic, — the  Republican  Party  will  have  much  work  to 
do,  and  an  unfulfilled  mission  to  perform. 

"  The  standard-bearer  of  the  party  in  the  ensuing  campaign  is  the 
lion.  James  G.  Blaine,  known  throughout  the  land  as  one  of  its  truest 
and  ablest  representatives.  He  has  been  called  to  this  position  by  the 
voice  of  the  people,  in  recognition  of  his  especial  fitness  for  the  trust, 
and  in  admiration  of  the  surprising  combination  of  brilliancy,  courage, 
faithfulness,  persistency,  and  research  that  has  made  him  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  figures  which  have  appeared  upon  the  forum  of  states 
manship  in  any  period  of  this  country.  That  such  a  man  should  have 
enemies  and  detractors  is  as  natural  as  that  our  best  fruits  should  be  in 
fested  with  parasites,  or  that  there  should  exist  small  and  envious  minds, 
which  seek  to  belittle  that  which  they  can  never  hope  to  imitate  or 
equal  ;  and  that  he  shall  triumph  over  these,  and  lead  the  Republican 
Party  to  another  victory  in  November,  is  as  certain  as  the  succession  of 
the  seasons  or  the  rolling  of  the  spheres  in  their  courses.  Gentlemen, 
again  I  thank  you  for  this  visit  of  congratulation,  and  extend  to  you, 
one  and  all,  my  grateful  acknowledgments.  " 

General  Logan  read  his  address  in  a  loud  and  distinct  voice,  and  at 
times  was  vociferously  applauded.  Enthusiastic  campaign  speeches 
were  then  made  by  Senator  Plumb,  of  Kansas;  General  Cutcheon,  of 
Michigan;  General  Pettibone,  of  Tennessee;  General  Goff,  of  West 
Virginia  ;  Representative  Hauback,  of  Kansas  ;  Representative  George, 
of  Oregon  ;  Hon.  Alphonso  Hart,  of  Ohio  ;  and  Colonel  D.  B.  Hender 
son,  of  Iowa.  General  Pettibone,  in  his  speech,  said  they  called  Logan 
"  Black  Jack  "  in  an  endearing  sense,  the  same  as  they  called  Sherman 
in  the  army  "  Billy,"  and  Thomas  "Old  Pap  ;"  but  he  would  "  put  a 
head  "  on  anybody  who  called  General  Logan  "  Black  Jack  "  in  a  deri 
sive  way.  The  Republican  ticket  was  a  double-ender — it  was  brains  at 


LOGAN   ON    THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 


347 


one  end,  and  pluck  at  the  other,  or  pluck  at  one  end,  and  brains  at  the 
other, — whichever  way  they  chose  to  take  it.     He  ended  by  shouting  : 

Don't  you  hear  the  slogan  ! 
Don't  you  hear  the  slogan  ! 
It's  James  G.  Elaine  and  John  A.  Logan. 

.  .  .  With  three  cheers  for  Elaine  and  Logan,  the  meeting  dis 
persed. 

THE     NATIONAL     CONVENTION     COMMITTEE     OFFICIALLY     NOTIFY 

GENERAL     LOGAN     OF     HIS     NOMINATION GENERAL    HENDER- 

SON'S    ADDRESS — GENERAL    LOGAN'S     RESPONSE. 

The  Committee  chosen  at  the  Chicago  Convention,  com 
prising  one  delegate  from  each  State  and  Territory  of  the 
Union, — -having  already,  on  June  2Oth,  formally  notified  Mr. 
Blaine,  at  Augusta,  Me.,  of  his  nomination  for  President- 
cm  the  24th,  having  reached  Washington,  proceeded  to  the 
residence  of  General  Logan,  and  were  ushered  into  his  large 
parlor.  The  General,  said  the  published  accounts,  stood  in 
the  middle  of  the  room,  with  Mrs.  Logan  at  his  right  hand, 
and  the  members  of  the  Committee  were  introduced  to  them 
by  the  Chairman,  General  Henderson  of  Missouri.  When 
this  ceremony  had  been  performed,  the  company  arranged 
themselves  in  a  circle  around  the  room  to  hear  the  address. 
The  Chairman  then  read  the  formal  notification  of  the  nomina 
tion  of  Senator  Logan  as  Vice-President,  as  follows  : 

Senator  Logan  :  The  gentlemen  present  constitute  a  committee  of  the 
Republican  Convention,  recently  assembled  at  Chicago,  charged  with 
the  duty  of  communicating  to  you  the  formal  notice  of  your  nomination 
by  that  Convention  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States.  You  are  not  unaware  of  the  fact  that  your  name  was  presented 
to  the  Convention  and  urged  by  a  large  number  of  the  delegates  as  a 
candidate  for  President.  So  soon,  however,  as  it  became  apparent  that 
Mr.  Blaine,  your  colleague  on  the  ticket,  was  the  choice  of  the  party  for 
that  high  office,  your  friends,  with  those  of  other  competitors,  promptly 
yielded  their  individual  preferences  to  the  manifest  wish  of  the  majority. 
In  tendering  you  this  nomination  we  are  able  to  assure  you  it  was  made 
without  opposition,  and  with  an  enthusiasm  seldom  witnessed  in  the  his 
tory  of  nominating  conventions. 


348  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

We  are  gratified  to  know  that,  in  a  career  of  great  usefulness  and 
distinction,  you  have  most  efficiently  aided  in  the  enactment  of  those 
measures  of  legislation  and  of  constitutional  reform  in  which  the  Con 
vention  found  special  cause  for  party  congratulation.  The  principles 
enunciated  in  the  platform  adopted  will  be  recognized  by  you  as  the 
same  which  have  so  long  governed  and  controlled  your  political  conduct. 
The  pledges  made  by  the  party  find  guarantee  of  performance  in  the 
fidelity  with  which  you  have  heretofore  discharged  every  trust  confided 
to  your  keeping. 

In  your  election,  the  people  of  this  country  will  furnish  new  proof  of 
the  excellency  of  our  institutions.  Without  wealth,  without  help  from 
others,  without  any  resources  except  those  of  heart,  conscience,  intel 
lect,  energy,  and  courage,  you  have  won  a  high  place  in  the  world's  hisr 
tory,  and  secured  the  confidence  and  affections  of  your  countrymen. 
Being  one  of  the  people,  your  sympathies  are  with  the  people.  In  civil 
life,  your  chief  care  has  been  to  better  their  condition,  to  secure  their 
rights,  and  to  perpetuate  our  liberties.  When  the  Government  was 
threatened  with  armed  treason,  you  entered  its  service  as  a  private,  be 
came  a  commander  of  armies,  and  are  now  the  idol  of  the  citizen  sol 
diers  of  the  Republic.  Such,  in  the  judgment  of  your  party,  is  the  can 
didate  it  has  selected,  and,  in  behalf  of  that  party,  we  ask  you  to  accept 
this  nomination. 

To  this  admirable  address,  which  was  delivered  both  with 
dignity  and  feeling,  and  was  applauded  by  the  clapping  of 
hands  of  the  onlookers,  General  Logan  (who  had  been  stand 
ing  by  a  table  upon  which  he  rested  his  hand)  replied  as  fol 
lows  : 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  :  I  receive  your 
visit  with  pleasure  and  accept  with  gratitude  the  sentiments  you  have  so 
generously  expressed  in  the  discharge  of  the  duty  with  which  you  have 
been  intrusted  by  the  National  Convention.  Intending  to  address  you 
a  formal  communication  shortly,  in  accordance  with  the  recognized 
usage,  it  would  be  out  of  place  to  detain  you  at  this  time  with  remarks 
which  properly  belong  to  the  official  utterances  of  my  letter  of  accept 
ance.  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  however,  that,  though  I  did  not  seek  the 
nomination  for  Vice-President,  I  accept  it  as  a  trust  reposed  in  me  by 
the  Republican  Party,  to  the  advancement  of  whose  broad  policy  on  all 
questions  connected  with  the  progress  of  our  government  and  our  peo 
ple  I  have  dedicated  my  best  energies,  and  with  this  acceptance  I  may 
properly  signify  my  approval  of  the  platform  and  principles  adopted  by 


LOGAN   ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 


349 


the  Convention.  I  am  deeply  sensible  of  the  honor  conferred  on  me  by 
my  friends  in  so  unanimous  a  manner  tendering  me  this  nomination, 
and  I  sincerely  thank  them  for  this  tribute.  I  am  not  unmindful  of  the 
great  responsibility  attaching  to  the  office,  and  if  elected  I  shall  enter 
upon  the  performance  of  its  duties  with  a  firm  conviction  that  he  who 
has  such  unanimous  support  of  his  party  friends,  as  the  circumstances 
connected  with  the  nomination  and  your  own  words,  Mr.  Chairman, 
indicate,  and  consequently  with  such  a  wealth  of  counsel  to  draw  upun, 
cannot  fail  in  the  proper  way  to  discharge  the  duties  devolving  upon 
him.  I  tender  you  my  thanks  for  the  kind  expressions  you  have  made, 
and  I  offer  you  and  your  fellow-committee-men  my  most  hearty  thanks. 

The  published  narrations  of  this  interesting  ceremony  state 
that  "  when  General  Logan  had  concluded  his  remarks,  which 
were  received  with  applause,  the  members  of  the  Commit 
tee  stepped  forward  and  shook  him  by  the  hand,  and  mut 
ual  congratulations  were  exchanged.  Mrs.  Logan  warmly 
thanked  the  Committee  for  the  sentiments  conveyed  in  their 
address.  The  members  of  the  Committee  then  took  their 
leave,  with  the  exception  of  a  few,  who  engaged  in  conversa 
tion  with  General  Logan  and  his  wife,  and  subsequently 
withdrew." 

THE      LETTER     OF    ACCEPTANCE PROTECTION OUR      FINANCIAL 

SYSTEM INTER-STATE      AND      FOREIGN      COMMERCE FOREIGN 

RELATIONS EQUAL     RIGHTS IMMIGRATION CIVIL     SERVICE, 

ETC. 

General  Logan's  formal  letter  of  acceptance  was  received 
everywhere  by  the  press,  as  a  clear,  forcible,  manly  presenta 
tion  of  the  issues  before  the  people.  The  New  York  Tribune 
devoted  to  it  its  leading  article,  in  the  course  of  which  it 
said : 

Senator  Logan's  letter  of  acceptance,  like  that  of  Mr.  Elaine,  dis 
cusses  the  vital  issues  of  the  campaign  so  fully  and  frankly  that  his 
position  cannot  well  be  misunderstood.  It  will  be  of  great  service  also, 
as  a  proof  of  the  hearty  accord  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  Repub 
lican  Party  in  the  declaration  of  principles  and  purposes,  made  by  the 
National  Convention.  Like  Mr.  Elaine's  letter,  it  will  be  of  great  ser- 


550 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


vice  as  a  campaign  document.  Though  it  discusses  questions  from 
quite  different  points  of  view,  it  presents  considerations  which  add 
strength  to  the  Republican  position  as  stated  by  Mr.  Blaine,  and  by 
some  classes  of  voters  will  be  received  with  especial  satisfaction.  Its 
dignified  and  dispassionate  tone  only  gives  greater  weight  to  the  argu 
ments  which  General  Logan  presents. 

The  letter  of  acceptance  was  in  these  words  : 

WASHINGTON,  July  19,  1884. 

DEAR  SIR  :  Having  received  from  you  on  the  24th  of  June  the  official 
notification  of  my  nomination  by  the  National  Republican  Convention 
as  the  Republican  candidate  for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and 
considering  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  man  devoting  himself  to  the 
public  service  to  assume  any  position  to  which  he  may  be  called  by  the 
voice  of  his  countrymen,  I  accept  the  nomination  with  a  grateful  heart 
and  deep  sense  of  its  responsibilities,  and  if  elected  shall  endeavor  to 
discharge  the  duties  of  the  office  to  the  best  of  my  ability. 

This  honor,  as  is  well  understood,  was  wholly  unsought  by  me. 
That  it  was  tendered  by  the  representatives  of  a  party,  in  a  manner  so 
flattering,  will  serve  to  lighten  whatever  labors  I  may  be  called  upon  to 
perform. 

Although  the  variety  of  subjects  covered  in  the  very  excellent  and 
vigorous  declaration  of  principles  adopted  by  the  late  Convention  pro 
hibits,  upon  an  occasion  calling  for  brevity  of  expression,  that  full 
elaboration  of  which  they  are  susceptible,  I  avail  myself  of  party  usage 
to  signify  my  approval  of  the  various  resolutions  of  that  platform,  and 
to  discuss  them  briefly. 

PROTECTION    TO    AMERICAN    LABOR. 

The  resolution  of  the  platform  declaring  for  a  levy  of  such  duties 
"as  to  afford  security  to  our  diversified  industries  and  protection  to  the 
rights  and  wages  of  the  laborer,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent 
labor,  as  well  as  capital,  may  have  its  just  reward,  and  the  laboring  man 
his  full  share  in  the  National  prosperity,"  meets  my  hearty  approval. 

If  there  be  a  Nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth  which  might,  if  it  were 
a  desirable  thing,  build  up  a  wall  upon  its  every  boundary  line,  deny 
communion  to  all  the  world,  and  proceed  to  live  upon  its  own  re 
sources  and  productions,  that  Nation  is  the  United  States.  There  is 
hardly  a  legitimate  necessity  of  civilized  communities  which  cannot  be 
produced  from  the  extraordinary  resources  of  our  several  States  and 
Territories,  with  their  manufactories,  mines,  farms,  timber  lands  and 
water-ways.  This  circumstance,  taken  in  connection  with  the  fact  that 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.  351 

our  form  of  government  is  entirely  unique  among  the  Nations  of  the 
world,  makes  it  utterly  absurd  to  institute  comparisons  between  our 
own  economic  systems  and  those  of  other  governments,  and  especially 
to  attempt  to  borrow  systems  from  them.  We  stand  alone  in  our  cir 
cumstances,  our  forces,  our  possibilities,  and  our  aspirations.  In  all 
successful  government  it  is  a  prime  requisite  that  capital  and  labor 
should  be  upon  the  best  terms,  and  that  both  should  enjoy  the  highest 
attainable  prosperity.  If  there  be  a  disturbance  'of  that  just  balance 
between  them,  one  or  the  other  suffers,  and  dissatisfaction  follows  which 
is  harmful  to  both. 

The  lessons  furnished  by  the  comparatively  short  history  of  our 
National  life  have  been  too  much  overlooked  by  our  people.  The 
fundamental  article  in  the  Democratic  creed  proclaimed  almost  absolute 
free  trade,  and  this,  too,  no  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago.  The 
low  condition  of  our  National  credit,  the  financial  and  business  uncer 
tainties  and  general  lack  of  prosperity  under  that  system,  can  be  remem 
bered  by  every  man  now  in  middle  life. 

Although,  in  the  great  number  of  reforms  instituted  by  the  Repub 
lican  Party,  sufficient  credit  has  not  been  publicly  awarded  to  that  of 
tariff  reform,  its  benefits  have,  nevertheless,  been  felt  throughout  the 
land.  The  principle  underlying  this  measure  has  been  in  process  of 
gradual  development  by  the  Republican  Party  during  the  compara 
tively  brief  period  of  its  power,  and  to-day  a  portion  of  its  antiquated 
Democratic  opponents  make  unwilling  concession  to  the  correctness  of 
the  doctrine  of  an  equitably  adjusted  protective-tariff,  by  following 
slowly  in  its  footsteps,  though  a  very  long  way  in  the  rear.  The  prin 
ciple  involved  is  one  of  no  great  obscurity,  and  can  be  readily  compre 
hended  by  any  intelligent  person  calmly  reflecting  upon  it.  The  po 
litical  and  social  systems  of  some  of  our  trade-competing  nations  have 
created  working-classes  miserable  in  the  extreme.  They  receive  the 
merest  stipend  for  their  daily  toil,  and,  in  the  great  expense  of  the 
necessities  of  life,  are  deprived  of  those  comforts  of  clothing,  housing, 
and  health-producing  food,  with  which  wholesome  mental  and  social 
recreation  can  alone  make  existence  happy  and  desirable.  Now,  if  the 
products  of  those  countries  are  to  be  placed  in  our  markets,  alongside 
of  American  products,  either  the  American  capitalist  must  suffer  in  his 
legitimate  profits,  or  he  must  make  the  American  laborer  suffer  in  the 
attempt  to  compete  with  the  species  of  labor  above  referred  to.  In  the 
case  of  a  substantial  reduction  of  pay,  there  can  be  no  compensating 
advantages  for  the  American  laborer,  because  the  articles  of  daily  con 
sumption  which  he  uses — with  the  exception  of  articles  not  produced  in 
the  United  States  and  easy  of  being  specially  provided  for,  as  coffee  and 


352  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

tea — are  grown  in  our  own  country,  and  would  not  be  affected  in  price 
by  a  lowering  of  duties.  Therefore,  while  he  would  receive  less  for  his 
labor,  his  cost  of  living  would  not  be  decreased.  Being  practically 
placed  upon  the  pay  of  the  European  laborer,  our  own  would  be  de 
prived  of  facilities  for  educating  and  sustaining  his  family  respectably ; 
he  would  be  shorn  of  the  proper  opportunities  of  self-improvement,  and 
his  value  as  a  citizen,  charged  with  a  portion  of  the  obligations  of  gov 
ernment,  would  be  lessened,  the  moral  tone  of  the  laboring  class  would 
suffer,  and  in  them  the  interests  of  capital,  and  the  well-being  of  orderly 
citizens  in  general,  would  be  menaced,  while  one  evil  would  react  upon 
another  until  there  would  be  a  general  disturbance  of  the  whole  com 
munity.  The  true  problem  of  a  good  and  stable  government  is,  how  to 
infuse  prosperity  among  all  classes  of  people — the  manufacturer,  the 
farmer,  the  mechanic,  and  the  laborer  alike.  Such  prosperity  is  a  pre 
ventive  of  crime,  a  security  for  capital,  and  the  very  best  guarantee  of 
general  peace  and  happiness. 

The  obvious  policy  of  our  Government  is  to  protect  both  capital 
and  labor  by  a  proper  imposition  of  duties.  This  protection  should 
extend  to  every  article  of  American  production  which  goes  to  build  up 
the  general  prosperity  of  our  people. 

The  National  Convention,  in  view  of  the  special  dangers  menacing 
the  wool  interest  of  the  United  States,  deemed  it  wise  to  adopt  a  sepa 
rate  resolution  on  the  subject  of  its  proper  protection.  This  industry 
is  a  very  large  and  important  one.  The  necessary  legislation  to  sustain 
this  industry  upon  a  prosperous  basis  should  be  extended. 

None  realizes  more  fully  than  myself  the  great  delicacy  and  diffi 
culty  of  adjusting  a  tariff  so  nicely  and  equitably  as  to  protect  every 
industry,  sustain  every  class  of  American  labor,  promote  to  the 
highest  position  great  agricultural  interests,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
give  to  one  and  all  the  advantages  pertaining  to  foreign  productions 
not  in  competition  with  our  own,  thus  not  only  building  up  foreign 
commerce,  but  taking  measures  to  carry  it  in  our  own  bottoms. 

Difficult  as  this  work  appears,  and  really  is,  it  is  susceptible  of 
accomplishment  by  patient  and  intelligent  labor,  and  to  no  hands  can 
it  be  committed  with  as  great  assurance  of  success  as  to  those  of  the 
Republican  Party. 

AN    UNEQUALLED    MONETARY    SYSTEM. 

The  Republican  Party  is  the  indisputable  author  of  a  financial  and 
monetary  system  which,  it  is  safe  to  say,  has  never  before  been  equalled 
by  that  of  any  other  nation. 

Under  the   operation  of    our  system   of    finance,    the   country  was 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.  353 

safely  carried  through  an  extended  and  expensive  war,  with  a  National 
credit  which  has  risen  higher  and  higher  with  each  succeeding  year, 
until  now  the  credit  of  the  United  States  is  surpassed  by  that  of  no 
other  nation,  while  its  securities,  at  a  constantly  increasing  premium, 
are  eagerly  sought  after  by  investors  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

Our  system  of  currency  is  most  admirable  in  construction.  While 
all  the  conveniences  of  a  bill-circulation  attach  to  it,  every  dollar  of 
paper  represents  a  dollar  of  the  world's  money-standards,  and,  as  long 
as  the  just  and  wise  policy  of  the  Republican  Party  is  continued,  there 
can  be  no  impairment  of  the  National  credit.  Therefore,  under  present 
laws  relating  thereto,  it  will  be  impossible  for  any  man  to  lose  a  penny 
in  the  bonds  or  bills  of  the  United  States,  or  in  the  bills  of  the  National 
banks. 

The  advantage  of  having  a  bank-note,  in  the  house,  which  will  be  as 
good  in  the  morning  as  it  was  the  night  before,  should  be  appreciated 
by  all.  The  convertibility  of  the  currency  should  be  maintained  intact, 
and  the  establishment  of  an  international  standard  among  all  commer 
cial  nations,  fixing  the  relative  values  of  gold  and  silver  coinage,  would 
be  a  measure  of  peculiar  advantage. 

INTER-STATE,    FOREIGN    COMMERCE,    AND    FOREIGN    RELATIONS. 

The  subjects  embraced  in  the  resolutions  respectively  looking  to 
the  promotion  of  our  inter-State  and  foreign  commerce  and  the  matter 
of  our  foreign  relations,  are  fraught  with  the  greatest  importance  to 
our  people. 

In  respect  to  inter-State  commerce  there  is  much  to  be  desired  in  the 
way  of  equitable  rates  and  facilities  of  transportation,  that  commerce 
may  flow  freely  between  the  States  themselves,  diversity  of  industries 
and  employment  be  promoted  in  all  sections  of  our  country,  and  that 
the  great  granaries  and  manufacturing  establishments  of  the  interior 
may  be  enabled  to  send  their  products  to  the  seaboard  for  shipment  to 
foreign  countries,  relieved  of  vexatious  restrictions  and  discriminations 
in  matters  of  which  it  may  emphatically  be  said  "time  is  money,"  and 
also  of  unjust  charges  upon  articles  destined  to  meet  close  competition 
from  the  products  of  other  parts  of  the  world. 

As  to  our  foreign  commerce,  the  enormous  growth  of  our  indus 
tries,  and  our  surprising  production  of  cereals  and  other  necessities  of 
life,  imperatively  require  that  immediate  and  effective  means  be  taken, 
through  peaceful,  orderly,  and  conservative  methods,  to  open  markets 
which  have  been  and  are  now  monopolized  largely  by  other  nations. 
This  more  particularly  relates  to  our  sister  republics  of  Spanish  America, 
as  also  to  our  friends  the  people  of  the  Braziliai}  Empire.  The 
23 


354  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

republics  of  Spanish  America  are  allied  to  us  by  the  very  closest  and 
warmest  feelings,  based  upon  similarity  of  institutions  and  govern 
ment,  common  aspirations,  and  mutual  hopes.  The  "  Great  Republic" 
as  they  proudly  term  the  United  States,  is  looked  upon  by  their  people 
with  affection  and  admiration,  and  as  the  model  for  them  to  build  upon, 
and  we  should  cultivate  between  them  and  ourselves  closer  commercial 
relations,  which  will  bind  all  together  by  the  ties  of  friendly  intercourse 
and  mutual  advantage.  Further  than  this,  being  small  commonwealths, 
in  the  military  and  naval  sense  of  the  European  powers,  they  look  to 
us  as,  at  least,  a  moral  defender  against  a  system  of  territorial  and  other 
encroachments  which,  aggressive  in  the  past,  has  not  been  abandoned 
at  this  day.  Diplomacy  and  intrigue  have  done  much  more  to  wrest 
the  commerce  of  Spanish  America  from  the  United  States  than  has 
legitimate  commercial  competition. 

Politically  we  should  be  bound  to  the  republics  of  our  continent  by 
the  closest  ties,  and  communication  by  ships  and  railroads  should  be 
encouraged  to  the  fullest  possible  extent  consistent  with  a  wise  and 
conservative  public  policy.  Above  all,  we  should  be  upon  such  terms 
of  friendship  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  national  misunderstand 
ings  between  ourselves  and  any  of  the  members  of  the  American 
republican  family.  The  best  method  to  promote  uninterrupted  peace, 
between  one  and  all,  would  lie  in  the  meeting  of  a  general  conference 
or  congress,  whereby  an  agreement  to  submit  all  international  differ 
ences  to  the  peaceful  decisions  of  friendly  arbitration  might  be  reached. 
An  agreement  of  this  kind  would  give  to  our  sister  republics  confi 
dence  in  each  other  and  in  us,  closer  communication  would  at  once 
ensue,  and  reciprocally  advantageous  commercial  treaties  might  be 
made,  whereby  much  of  the  commerce  which  now  flows  across  the 
Atlantic  would  seek  its  legitimate  channels,  and  inure  to  the  greater 
prosperity  of  all  the  Arnerican  commonwealths.  The  full  advantages  of 
a  policy  of  this  nature  could  not  be  stated  in  a  brief  discussion  like 
the  present. 

FOREIGN    POLITICAL    RELATIONS. 

The  United  States  has  grown  to  be  a  Government  representing 
more  than  50,000,000  people,  and  in  every  sense,  excepting  that  of 
mere  naval  power,  is  one  of  the  first  nations  of  the  world.  As  such, 
its  citizenship  should  be  valuable,  entitling  its  possessor  to  protection 
in  every  quarter  of  the  globe.  I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  that 
our  Government  should  construct  enormous  fleets  of  approved  iron 
clads,  and  maintain  a  commensurate  body  of  seamen,  in  order  to  place 
ourselves  on  a  war-footing  with  the  military  and  naval  powers  of 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET. 

Europe.  Such  a  course  would  not  be  compatible  with  the  peaceful 
policy  of  our  country,  though  it  seems  absurd  that  we  have  not  the 
effective  means  to  repel  a  wanton  invasion  of  our  coast,  and  give  pro 
tection  to  our  coast  towns  and  cities  against  any  power.  The  great 
moral  force  of  our  country  is  so  universally  recognized  as  to  render 
an  appeal  to  arms  by  us,  either  in  protection  of  our  citizens  abroad  or 
in  recognition  of  any  just  international  right,  quite  improbable.  What 
we  most  need,  in  this  direction,  is  a  firm  and  vigorous  assertion  of  every 
right  and  privilege  belonging  to  our  Government  or  its  citizens,  as  well 
as  an  equally  firm  assertion  of  the  rights  and  privileges  belonging  to 
the  general  family  of  American  republics  situated  upon  this  continent, 
when  opposed,  if  they  ever  should  be,  by  the  different  system  of  gov 
ernments  upon  another  continent. 

An  appeal  to  the  right,  by  such  a  Government  as  ours,  could  not  be 
disregarded  by  any  civilized  nation. 

In  the  Treaty  of  Washington  we  led  the  world  to  the  means  of 
escape  from,  the  horrors  of  war,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  era  when 
all  international  differences  shall  be  decided  by  peaceful  arbitration  is 
not  far  off. 

EQUAL    RIGHTS    OF    CITIZENSHIP. 

The  central  idea  of  a  republican  form  of  government,  is  the  rule  of 
the  whole  people,  as  opposed  to  the  other  forms  which  rest  upon  a 
privileged  class. 

Our  forefathers,  in  the  attempt  to  erect  a  new  government  which 
might  represent  the  advanced  thought  of  the  world,  at  that  period,  upon 
the  subject  of  governmental  reform, "adopted  the  idea  of  the  people's 
sovereignty,  and  thus  laid  the  basis  of  our  present  Republic.  While 
technically  a  government  of  the  people,  it  was  in  strictness  only  a 
government  of  a  portion  of  the  people,  excluding  from  all  participation 
a  certain  other  portion  held  in  a  condition  of  absolutely  despotic  and 
hopeless  servitude,  the  parallel  to  which  fortunately  does  not  now  exist 
in  any  modern  Christian  nation. 

With  the  culmination,  however,  of  another  cycle  of  advanced  thought, 
the  American  Republic  suddenly  assumed  the  full  character  of  a  govern 
ment  of  the  whole  people,  and  four  million  human  creatures  emerged 
from  the  condition  of  bondsmen  to  the  full  status  of  freemen,  theoreti 
cally  invested  with  the  same  social  and  political  rights  possessed  by 
their  former  masters.  The  subsequent  legislation  which  guaranteed  by 
every  legal  title  the  citizenship,  and  full  equality  before  the  law  in  all 
respects,  of  this  previously  disfranchised  people,  amply  covers  the  re 
quirements,  and  secures  to  them,  so  far  as  legislation  can,  the  privileges 


356  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

of  American  citizenship.  But  the  disagreeable  fact  of  the  case  is,  that 
while,  theoretically,  we  are  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  government  of  the 
whole  people,  practically  we  are  almost  as  far  from  it  as  we  were  in  the 
antebellum  days  of  the  Republic.  There  are  but  a  few  leading  and  in 
disputable  facts  which  cover  the  whole  statement  of  the  case.  In  many 
of  the  Southern  States  the  colored  population  is  in  large  excess  of  the 
white.  The  colored  people  are  Republicans,  as  is  also  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  white  people.  The  remaining  portion  of  the  latter  are 
Democrats.  In  face  of  this  incontestable  truth,  these  States  invariably 
return  Democratic  majorities.  In  other  States  of  the  South,  the  colored 
people,  although  not  a  majority,  form  a  very  considerable  body  of  the 
population,  and,  with  the  white  Republicans,  are  numerically  in  excess 
of  the  Democrats,  yet  precisely  the  same  political  result  obtains — the 
Democratic  Party  invariably  carrying  the  elections.  It  is  not  even 
thought  advisable  to  allow  an  occasional  or  unimportant  election  to  be 
carried  by  the  Republicans  as  a  "blind,"  or  as  a  stroke  of  finesse. 

Careful  and  impartial  investigation  has  shown  these  results  to  follow 
the  systematic  exercise  of  physical  intimidation  and  violence,  conjoined 
with  the  most  shameful  devices  ever  practised  in  the  name  of  free  elec 
tions.  So  confirmed  has  this  result  become,  that  we  are  brought  face 
to  face  with  the  extraordinary  political  fact,  that  the  Democratic  Party 
of  the  South  relies  almost  entirely  upon  the  methods  stated  for  its  suc 
cess  in  National  elections. 

This  unlawful  perversion  of  the  popular  franchise,  which  I  desire  to 
state  dispassionately  and  in  a  manner  comporting  with  the  proper  dig 
nity  of  the  occasion,  is  one  of  deep  gravity  to  the  American  people  in  a 
double  sense. 

First.  It  is  a  violation,  open,  direct,  and  flagrant,  of  the  primary 
principle  upon  which  our  Government  is  supposed  to  rest,  viz.,  that  the 
control  of  the  Government  is  participated  in  by  all  legally  qualified 
citizens,  in  accordance  with  the  plan  of  popular  government  that  majori 
ties  must  rule  in  the  decision  of  all  questions. 

Second.  It  is  in  violation  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  States 
wherein  are  particularly  centred  the  great  wealth  and  industries  of  the 
Nation,  and  which  pay  an  overwhelming  portion  of  the  National  taxes. 
The  immense  aggregation  of  interests  embraced  within,  and  the  enor 
mously  greater  population  of,  these  other  States  of  the  Union,  are  sub 
jected  every  four  years  to  the  dangers  of  a  wholly  fraudulent  show  of 
numerical  strength.  Under  this  system,  minorities  actually  attempt  to 
direct  the  course  of  National  affairs,  and  though,  up  to  this  time,  suc 
cess  has  not  attended  their  efforts  to  elect  a  President,  yet  success  has 
been  so  perilously  imminent  as  to  encourage  a  repetition  of  the  effort 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.  35; 

at  each  quadrennial  election,  and  to  subject  the  interests  of  an  over 
whelming  majority  of  our  people,  North  and  South,  to  the  hazards  of 
illegal  subversion. 

The  stereotyped  argument  in  refutation  of  these  plain  truths  is,  that 
if  the  Republican  element  was  really  in  majority,  they  could  not  be  de 
prived  of  their  rights  and  privileges  by  a  minority  ;  but  neither  statistics 
of  population  nor  the  unavoidable  logic  of  the  situation  can  be  overrid 
den  or  overcapped.  The  colored  people  have  recently  emerged  from 
the  bondage  of  their  present  political  oppressors  ;  they  had  had  but  few 
of  the  advantages  of  education  which  might  enable  them  to  compete 
with  the  whites. 

As  I  have  heretofore  mentioned,  .in  order  to  achieve  the  ideal  of  per 
fection  of  a  popular  government,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  the 
masses  should  be  educated.  This  proposition  applies  itself  with  full 
force  to  the  colored  people  of  the  South.  They  must  have  better  edu 
cational  advantages,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  become  the  intellectual  peers 
of  their  white  brethren,  as  many  of  them  undoubtedly  already  are.  A 
liberal  school  system  should  be  provided  for  the  rising  generation  of  the 
South,  and  the  colored  people  be  made  as  capable  of  exercising  the  du 
ties  of  electors  as  the  white  people.  In  the  meantime  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  National  Government  to  go  beyond  resolutions  and  declarations 
on  the  subject,  and  to  take  such  action  as  may  lie  in  its  power  to  secure 
the  absolute  freedom  of  National  elections  everywhere,  to  the  end  that 
our  Congress  may  cease  to  contain  members  representing  fictitious 
majorities  of  their  people, — thus  misdirecting  the  popular  will  concern 
ing  National  legislation, — and  especially  to  the  end  that,  in  Presidential 
contests,  the  great  business  and  other  interests  of  the  country  may  not 
be  placed  in  fear  and  trembling  lest  an  unscrupulous  minority  should 
succeed  in  stifling  the  wishes  of  the  majority. 

In  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  last  resolution  of  the  Chicago 
platform,  measures  should  be  taken  at  once  to  remedy  this  great  evil. 

FOREIGN    IMMIGRATION. 

Under  our  liberal  institutions  the  subjects  and  citizens  of  every  na 
tion  have  been  welcomed  to  a  home  in  our  midst,  and,  on  compliance 
with  our  laws,  to  a  co-operation  in  our  Government.  While  it  is  the 
policy  of  the  Republican  Party  to  encourage  the  oppressed  of  other 
nations,  and  offer  them  facilities  for  becoming  useful  and  intelligent 
citizens  in  the  legal  definition  of  the  term,  the  party  has  never  contem 
plated  the  admission  of  a  class  of  servile  people  who  are  not  only  unable 
to  comprehend  our  institutions,  but  indisposed  to  become  a  part  of  our 
National  family  or  to  embrace  any  higher  civilization  than  their  own. 


358  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

To  admit  such  immigrants,  would  be  only  to  throw  a  retarding  element 
into  the  very  path  of  our  progress.  Our  legislation  should  be  amply 
protective  against  this  danger,  and  if  not  sufficiently  so  now,  should  be 
made  so  to  the  full  extent  allowed  by  our  treaties  with  friendly  powers. 

THE    CIVIL    SERVICE. 

The  subject  of  civil-service  administration,  is  a  problem  that  has  oc 
cupied  the  earnest  thought  of  statesmen  for  a  number  of  years  past,  and 
the  record  will  show  that,  toward  its  solution,  many  results  of  a  valua 
ble  and  comprehensive  character  have  been  attained  by  the  Republican 
Party  since  its  accession  to  power.  In  the  partisan  warfare  made  upon 
the  latter,  with  the  view  of  weakening  it  in  the  public  confidence,  a 
great  deal  has  been  alleged  in  connection  with  the  abuse  of  the  civil 
service,  the  party  making  the  indiscriminate  charges  seeming  to  have 
entirely  forgotten  that  it  was  under  the  full  sway  of  the  Democratic  or 
ganization  that  the  motto  "  to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils"  became  a 
cardinal  article  in  the  Democratic  creed. 

With  the  determination  to  elevate  our  Governmental  Administration 
to  a  standard  of  justice,  excellence,  and  public  morality,  the  Republican 
Party  has  sedulously  endeavored  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  system  which 
shall  reach  the  highest  perfection  under  the  plastic  hand  of  time  and 
accumulating  experience.  The  problem  is  one  of  far  greater  intricacy 
than  appears  upon  its  superficial  consideration,  and  embraces  the  sub- 
questions  of  how  to  avoid  the  abuses  possible  to  the  lodgment  of  an 
immense  number  of  appointments  in  the  hands  of  the  Executive  ;  of 
how  to  give  encouragement  to  and  provoke  emulation  in  the  various 
Government  employees,  in  order  that  they  may  strive  for  proficiency 
and  rest  their  hopes  of  advancement  upon  the  attributes  of  official  merit, 
good  conduct,  and  exemplary  honesty  ;  and  how  best  to  avoid  the  evils 
of  creating  a  privileged  class  in  the  Government  service,  who,  in  imita 
tion  of  European  prototypes,  may  gradually  lose  all  proficiency  and 
value  in  the  belief  that  they  possess  a  life-calling,  only  to  be  taken  away 
in  case  of  some  flagrant  abuse. 

The  thinking,  earnest  men  of  the  Republican  Party  have  made  no 
mere  wordy  demonstration  upon  this  subject,  but  they  have  endeavored 
to  quietly  perform  that  which  their  opponents  are  constantly  promising 
without  performing.  Under  Republican  rule,  the  result  has  been  that, 
without  engrafting  any  of  the  objectionable  features  of  the  European 
systems  upon  our  own,  there  has  been  a  steady  and  even  rapid  eleva 
tion  of  the  civil  service  in  all  of  its  departments,  until  it  can  now  be 
stated,  without  fear  of  successful  contradiction,  that  the  service  is  more 
just,  more  efficient,  and  purer  in  all  of  its  features  than  ever  before  since 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.          359 

the  establishment  of  our  Government ;  and,  if  defects  still  exist  in  our 
system,  the  country  can  safely  rely  upon  the  Republican  Party  as  the 
most  efficient  instrument  for  their  removal. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  highest  standard  of  excellence  in  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  civil  service,  and  will  lend  my  best  efforts  to  the  accom 
plishment  of  the  greatest  attainable  perfection  of  this  branch  of  our 
service. 

THE    REMAINING    TWIN    RELIC    OF  BARBARISM. 

The  Republican  Party  came  into  existence  in  a  crusade  against  the 
Dem'ocratic  institutions  of  slavery  and  polygamy.  The  first  of  these  has 
been  buried  beneath  the  embers  of  civil  war.  The  party  should  con 
tinue  its  efforts  until  the  remaining  iniquity  shall  disappear  from  our 
civilization,  under  the  force  of  faithfully  executed  laws. 

There  are  other  subjects  of  importance  which  I  would  gladly  touch 
upon  did  space  permit.  I  limit  myself  to  saying,  that  while  there  should  be 
the  most  rigid  economy  of  Governmental  Administration,  there  should 
be  no  self-defeating  parsimony  either  in  our  domestic  or  foreign  service. 
Official  dishonesty  should  be  promptly  and  relentlessly  punished.  Our 
obligations  to  the  defenders  of  our  country  should  never  be  forgotten, 
and  the  liberal  system  of  pensions  provided  by  the  Republican  Party 
should  not  be  imperilled  by  adverse  legislation.  The  law  establishing  a 
Labor  Bureau,  through  which  the  interests  of  labor  can  be  placed  in  an 
organized  condition,  I  regard  as  a  salutary  measure.  The  eight-hour 
law  should  be  enforced  as  rigidly  as  any  other.  We  should  increase  our 
navy  to  a  degree  enabling  us  to  amply  protect  our  coast-lines,  our  com 
merce,  and  to  give  us  a  force  in  foreign  waters  which  shall  be  a  respect 
able  and  proper  representative  of  a  country  like  our  own.  The  public 
lands  belong  to  the  people,  and  should  not  be  alienated  from  them,  but 
reserved  for  free  homes  for  all  desiring  to  possess  them  ;  and,  finally, 
our  present  Indian  policy  should  be  continued  and  improved  upon  as 
our  experience  in  its  administration  may  from  time  to  time  suggest.  I 
have  the  honor  to  subscribe  myself,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 
To  the  Hon.  John  B.  Henderson,  Chairman  of  the  Committee. 

GENERAL  LOGAN'S  JOURNEY  TO  MINNEAPOLIS AN  ENTHUSIAS 
TIC  OVATION  ALL  THE  WAY  FROM  PITTSBURG — GRAND  RE 
CEPTION  AT  MINNEAPOLIS THE  MEETING  OF  THE  GRAND 

ARMY THE  GREATEST  DEMONSTRATION    OF    THE   NORTHWEST. 

On   Saturday  night,  July   19,    1884,   General   Logan   left 
Washington  to  attend  the  Reunion  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 


360  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Republic,  at  Minneapolis,  Minn.  The  story  of  his  journey 
from  Pittsburg  onward  is  thus  briefly  told  in  the  special  de 
spatches  of  the  New  York  Tribune: 

CRESTLINE,  O.,  July  2ist. — The  journey  of  General  Logan  through 
Ohio  to-dav  has  been  a  continuous  ovation  with  a  delegation  of  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.  He  left  Washington  at  10  P.M.  on  Satur 
day  in  a  car  attached  to  the  regular  train,  arriving  in  Pittsburg  on 
Sunday  forenoon.  There,  a  large  crowd  greeted  him,  anxious  to  shake 
him  by  the  hand  and  clamoring  for  autographs,  which  the  General 
cheerfully  gave.  On  leaving  Pittsburg  the  crowds  grew  larger  and 
the  enthusiasm  increased.  In  the  larger  towns,  like  Alliance,  Cantonr 
Massillon,  Wooster,  men,  women,  and  children  clambered  into  the  train 
to  shake  the  General's  hand,  and  lined  the  tops  of  freight-cars,  cheer 
ing,  and  waving  handkerchiefs.  The  people  everywhere  were  eager  for 
a  speech,  but,  as  it  was  Sunday,  the  General  declined.  At  Mansfield, 
the  home  of  Senator  Sherman,  a  big  crowd  awaited  the  arrival  of  the 
train.  Though  the  hour  was  late,  a  cordial  greeting  was  extended  to 
the  General,  and  assurances  of  a  big  majority  for  the  ticket  were  given. 
Singing,  by  campaign  glee-clubs,  forms  part  of  the  demonstration  in 
every  city.  The  numbers  of  the  crowds  and  the  enthusiasm  manifested, 
considering  the  day,  are  as  surprising  as  they  are  gratifying.  The  train 
will  arrive  in  Chicago  at  7.50  A.M.  to-morrow. 

MINNEAPOLIS,  MINN.,  July  22d. — All  the  incoming  trains  are  running 
in  sections,  being  loaded  down  with  Grand  Army  delegations.  Gen 
eral  Logan  reached  here  at  noon  to-day,  on  a  special  train  over  the 
Milwaukee  road,  and  was  given  a  grand  reception  all  along  the  line  of 
march  from  the  depot  to  the  residence  of  General  Washburne,  whose 
guest  he  is.  General  Sherman  has  arrived  in  the  city.  He  was  received 
with  great  enthusiasm.  The  Flambeau  Club,  of  Topeka,  Kan.,  which 
arrived  to-day,  attracts  much  attention.  This  afternoon,  at  Camp 
Beath,  a  formal  welcome  was  extended  to  all  visitors.  Speeches  were 
made  by  Major  Pillsbury,  Governor  Hubbard,  and  Commander  Beath. 

All  the  private  residences  in  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  have  been 
thrown  open,  yet  the  crowd  of  visitors  can  hardly  be  accommodated. 
It  is  estimated  that  40,000  veterans  are  in  the  city.  They  will  all  take 
part  in  the  grand  parade  to-morrow.  To-morrow  afternoon  and  evening 
there  will  be  numerous  banquets  and  receptions. 

MINNEAPOLIS,  July  23d. — The  parade  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Re 
public  was  delayed  in  forming.  It  was  received  with  tremendous  cheers 
by  60,000  people,  who  thronged  every  street  on  the  line  of  march.  The 
weather  was  fair,  but  sultry.  The  whole  of  the  Grand  Army  was  in  line, 


LOGAN  ON   THE  PRESIDENTIAL    TICKET.  361 

and  it  was  the  largest  demonstration  since  the  war.  ...  At  noon 
the  parade  passed  the  City  Hall,  where  children,  on  canopied  platforms, 
waved  banners  and  sang  an  old  war-song,  which  the  veterans  took  up 
as  they  passed  on  with  uncovered  heads.  The  tattered  battle-flags  were 
recognized  by  the  veterans  with  shouts.  The  enthusiasm  was  never 
equalled  here,  and  it  is  the  greatest  of  all  demonstrations  ever  witnessed 
in  the  Northwest. 

There  is  no  truth  in  the  rumor  that  an  accident  occurred  by  which 
General  Logan  was  hurt. 

LOGAN'S  RECEPTION  ELSEWHERE — HIS  MORE  THAN  ROYAL  PROG 
RESS  THROUGH  THE  STATES HIS  EXHAUSTING  CAMPAIGN- 
LABORS RESULTS  OF  THE  ELECTION HOW  GRACEFULLY  LO 
GAN  ACCEPTED  IT. 

As  it  had  been  in  Maine,  in  Ohio,  and  in  Minnesota,  so 
was  it  afterward  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia, 
and  all  the  many  Western  States  through  which  Logan 
travelled  and  spoke  to  countless  masses  of  men  and  women 
drawn  to  meet  him  by  the  magic  of  his  name  and  the  lustre 
of  his  imperishable  deeds  on  fields  of  battle  and  in  the  council- 
chambers  of  the  Nation.  His  movements  evoked  the  un 
precedented  interest  of  the  people,  and  fired  all  the  enthusi 
asm  of  their  natures.  Defying  alike  the  heats  of  summer  and 
the  rains  and  chills  of  autumn,  through  all  the  long  months 
until  early  November,  Logan,  the  hero  of  the  people  and 
idol  of  the  old  soldiery,  swept  on,  from  State  to  State, — in 
an  almost  royal  progress,  reminding  one  of  the  triumphs 
awarded,  in  the  elder  world,  by  Rome,  to  her  conquering 
heroes, — his  pathway  strewn  with  flowers  and  spanned  by 
triumphant  arches,  escorted  by  plumed  knights  and  marching 
cohorts  with  waving  banners,  while  the  air  trembled  with  the 
sweet  sound  of  jubilant  music,  and  the  hoarse  thunders  of 
artillery  salutes,  and  the  loud  acclaim  of  exulting  multitudes. 
The  thousands  of  miles  of  railroad-journeying  ;  the  draughts 
upon  his  strength  in  meeting  and  addressing  so  many  enormous 
audiences ;  the  incessant  demands  upon  his  time  and  vitality 


362  -LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

made  by  innumerable  visitors  and  hand-shakings  wherever 
he  temporarily  stayed  ;  these,  in  addition  to  the  conduct  of  an 
immense  correspondence,  and  all  the  other  perplexities,  an 
noyances,  anxieties,  and  industries  of  that  ever-memorable 
campaign,  must  inevitably  have  broken  down  any  constitution 
less  powerful  than  that  of  Logan.  But  his  energy  was  as 
boundless  as  his  vitality  seemed  inexhaustible  ;  and  not  until 
the  very  day  of  election  did  he  permit  himself  to  rest  from 
his  herculean  labors.  Then,  reaching  Chicago,  he  voted, 
and  at  his  residence  there,  calmly  awaited  the  result.  What 
that  result  was  ;  how,  through  no  fault  of  Logan,  the  pivotal 
State  of  New  York — and  with  it  the  election — was  lost  to  the 
Republican  column  by  a  mere  handful  of  votes ;  and  how 
gracefully  and  good-humoredly  Logan  accepted  it ; — is  known 
of  all  men. 


PART  V. 


LOGAN    SINCE    1884. 

LOGAN'S  MEMORABLY  GALLANT  FIGHT  FOR  THE  ILLINOIS  SENA- 

TORSHIP — HOPELESS  ODDS  AGAINST  HIM HE  WINS  HIS  THIRD 

SENATORIAL  TERM HE  ADDRESSES  THE  LEGISLATURE. 

General  Logan  was  so  absorbed  in  the  great  Presidential 
contest  of  1884,  that  he  gave  little  or  no  attention  to  the  fight 
for  the  control  of  the  Legislature  of  Illinois.  In  fact,  so  en 
tirely  was  his  time  taken  up  with  the  larger,  National,  field  of 
action,  that  he  had  to  leave  to  others  the  local  legislative 
field.  As  a  consequence,  the  Legislature  was  politically  tied 
between  the  two  great  parties,  and,  but  for  the  subsequent 
activity  of  the  General  and  his  friends  in  exposing  the  fla 
grant  frauds,  perpetrated  by  the  Democratic  managers  in  one 
of  the  election  precincts  of  Chicago,  and  bringing  the  perpe 
trators  to  justice,  the  Illinois  Legislature  would  have  been 
Democratic  by  a  majority  of  one  on  a  joint  ballot,  and  hence 
a  Democrat  would  inevitably  have  been  elected  to  succeed 
the  General,  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  March  4,  1885.  As 
it  was,  the  outcome  of  the  United  States  Senatorial  contest 
in  the  Illinois  Legislature — commencing  January  4,  1885,  and 
continuing  for  three  and  one-half  months, — was  in  grave 
doubt.  Logan  was  the  caucus  nominee  of  the  Republicans  ; 
and  Morrison  of  the  Democrats  until  near  the  end  of  the 
struggle,  when  Lambert  Tree  became  their  candidate.  The 
stubbornness  of  the  fight — intensified  by  the  circumstance 
that  these  contestants  respectively  represented  the  opposing 
doctrines  of  Protective  Tariff,  and  Free  Trade  in  a  peculiar 


364  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

degree, — attracted  to  it  the  attention  of  the  entire  country. 
This  general  public  interest  was  further  intensified,  as  the 
balloting  continued,  by  the  patent  fact  that  there  were  several 
Republicans  and  Democrats  by  no  means  strong  enough  in 
their  allegiance  to  their  respective  parties  to  be  absolutely 
depended  upon  ;  and  who  occasionally  voted  against  their 
party  candidates  with  an  evident  purpose  of  preventing  an 
election.  It  was  notoriously  believed  that  money-influences 
as  well  as  other  leverages  were  at  work  against  the  General. 
The  influence  and  power  of  the  Democratic  National  Admin 
istration  was  used  against  him  also,  and  toward  the  end  Presi 
dent  Cleveland  himself  was  said  to  have  sent  an  intimation 
that  "  anybody  but  Logan  "  should  be  chosen.  Furthermore 
the  situation,  during  the  long  fight,  was  additionally  compli 
cated  by  the  death  of  three  members  of  the  Legislature- 
two  Democrats  and  one  Republican.  One  of  these  deceased 
Democrats  was  succeeded  by  another  Democrat  and  the  Re 
publican  by  another  Republican  ;  and  it  was  supposed  that 
the  other  dead  Democrat,  whose  district  was  Democratic  by 
some  2,000  majority,  would  undoubtedly  be  succeeded,  at  the 
special  election,  by  another  Democrat.  Until  that  election 
took  place,  a  sort  of  truce  prevailed,  Morrison  going  off  to 
Washington  for  more  Administration  aid,  and  Logan  remain 
ing  watchful  and  alert  at  the  Leland  Hotel,  Springfield.  About 
this  time,  Daniel  Shepard,  and  S.  H.  Jones  of  Springfield,  both 
strong  Republicans,  suggested  to  the  General  the  idea  that  the 
vacant  representation  of  the  Thirty-fourth  Senatorial  District, 
although  so  overwhelmingly  Democratic,  might  be  captured 
by  a  "  still  hunt."  Henry  Croske,  of  Rushville,  appears  also 
to  have  written  the  General  on  this  subject,  and  claims  to  have 
suggested  the  plan.  At  all  events  General  Logan  decided 
that  the  Republicans  of  the  district  might  in  a  quiet  manner 
go  to  work  and  elect  one  of  themselves.  Outside  the  district 
itself,  only  four  persons  knew  what  was  being  done — viz. 
General  Logan,  Daniel  Shepard,  S.  H.  Jones,  and  Jacob 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  365 

Wheeler,  and  these  kept  their  own  counsel.  Suffice  it  to 
say,  that,  in  the  face  of  many  great  difficulties,  the  plan  suc 
ceeded  ;  the  Republican  vote  was  polled  in  its  full  strength, 
while  the  usual  Democratic  vote,  through  over-security  and 
consequent  apathy,  was  comparatively  small ;  and  Weaver,  the 
Republican  candidate,  was  elected  in  place  of  the  dead  Demo 
crat,  by  a  majority  of  336  votes  over  his  Democratic  oppo 
nent,  Mr.  Leeper.  "The  convulsion  which  followed  this 
masterly  stroke,"  says  one  of  the  Illinois  journals,  "  the  des 
perate  efforts  of  the  Democrats  first  to  hold  back  the  returns, 
and  second  to  keep  Weaver  out  of  his  seat  until  the  Senator- 
ship  could  be  bought,  their  failure,  and  the  triumphant  elec 
tion  of  General  Logan,  are  still  familiar  to  the  public."  The 
following  newspaper  despatch,  tells  at  sufficient  length  the 
rest  of  this  remarkable  story  : 

CHICAGO,  May  ipth. — General  Logan  has  been  re-elected  United 
States  Senator  after  a  contest  requiring  all  the  staying  powers  which  he 
is  well  known  to  possess.  Even  his  enemies  to-night  confess  that  the 
victory  was  a  splendid  one  and  deserving,  in  view  of  his  organizing  it 
out  of  apparent  defeat  and  in  the  face  of  open  venality  on  the  other 
side.  The  feeling  was  general  that  something  decisive  would  accom 
pany  the  balloting  at  Springfield  to-day,  and  swarms  of  politicians  of 
both  parties  from  all  over  the  State  arrived  there  this  morning.  As  the 
time  for  the  joint  session  approached,  every  inch  of  space  in  the  gal 
leries  was  occupied  by  expectant  men  and  women.  When  the  Demo 
crats  realized  this  morning  that  all  the  Republicans  were  in  town,  they 
displayed  evidence  of  a  panic,  and  did  their  best  to  induce  some  Repub 
licans  not  to  vote.  Ruger  and  Sittig  were  the  uncertain  quantities, 
neither  the  Republicans  nor  the  Democrats  knowing  positively  what 
they  would  do.  Logan,  Tree,  Morrison,  and  "Josh  "  Allen,  were  on  the 
floor  when  the  joint  session  assembled.  Ruger  came  into  the  House  on 
the  Republican  side,  and  was  nestled  with  Senator  White  and  other  Re 
publicans  who  surrounded  him.  Every  Senator  and  Representative 
was  present — 51  Senators,  and  153  Representatives. 

The  call  of  the  roll,  for  United  States  Senator,  began  amid  an  im 
pressive  silence.  The  Republicans  began  to  vote  right  away.  The 
Democrats  did  not  respond  on  the  first  call.  The  final  vote  was  as 
follows  :  John  A.  Logan,  103  ;  L.  Tree,  99  ;  John  C.  Black,  2  ;  J.  Sco- 
field,  2;  William  R.  Morrison,  n  ;  J.  A.  Hoxie,  i. 


366 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Logan  was  declared  Senator  amid  the  wildest  cheering.  A  committee 
was  appointed  to  conduct  him  to  the  House,  and,  upon  being  intro 
duced,  he  made  a  brief  speech,  saying,  among  other  things  : 

"  In  this  contest,  Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen,  which  has  been  an 
unusually  close  and  heated  one,  I  am  proud  to  state  that  nothing  has 
transpired  to  mar  the  friendly  relations  existing  between  myself  and 
my  worthy  opponent.  For  thirty  years  this  gentleman  and  myself  have 
been  friends,  and  I  trust  that  we  will  always  continue  such.  [Loud 
cheers.]  I  believe  there  never  has  been  a  contest  between  two  persons 
waged  more  earnestly  for  their  parties  than  this,  and  yet  the  mutual 
relations  remain  so  pleasant.  I  respect  Mr.  Morrison  politically  and 
socially,  and  I  am  proud  to  say  we  are  friends,  and  sincerely  hope  we 
may  ever  be  friends.  [Cheers.]  As  to  the  other  gentleman  who  was 
my  opponent  for  a  time,  I  can  say  nothing  against  him,  nor  would  I 
want  to.  Mr.  Tree  and  myself  lived  neigiibors  for  many  years  in  Chicago, 
and  I  have  always  had  the  highest  respect  for  him.  He  made  as  good 
a  contest — coming  late  into  the  field,  and  being  a  little  short  of  votes — 
as  he  could  make.  For  him  I  have  nothing  but  respect. 

"  In  conclusion,  gentlemen,  I  desire  to  say  that  no  matter  what  may 
have  occurred  during  the  contest,  it  has  been  carried  on  in  a  spirit  of 
fairness.  No  such  contest  has  ever  been  known  in  this  country  before, 
and  it  has  appeared  strange  to  me  that  there  has  been  so  little  excite 
ment  and  bitterness  exhibited.  It  is  remarkable,  I  say,  in  a  contest 
which  has  lasted  so  long  and  been  so  close,  that  there  is  so  little  bitter 
ness  of  feeling  displayed  ;  and,  I  desire  to  say,  that  in  representing  the 
people  of  this  State  of  Illinois  in  the  United  States  Senate,  I  shall  ever 
try  to  do  that  which  seems  to  me  to  be  my  duty,  representing  my  party 
and  my  constituents  fairly  and  honestly.  [Cheers.]  I  leave  here,  having 
no  bitter  feeling  toward  anyone  who  may  have  opposed  me.  I  respect 
a  man  who  will  stand  by  his  creeds  and  his  friends,  and  I  expect  no 
more  from  others  accorded  to  me.  If  I  go  to  Washington,  I  do  not  go 
there  with  any  fire  burning  in  my  bosom,  or  a  feeling  of  antagonism  to 
any  party,  or  to  the  present  Administration.  I  shall  endeavor  to  repre 
sent  you  fairly  and  honestly,  and  stand  by  you  in  all  that  which  I  be 
lieve  is  right." 

PUBLIC    INTEREST     IN      LOGAN\S    VICTORY— TELEGRAMS     OF    CON 
GRATULATION,  ETC. 

The  day  after  Logan's  great  Senatorial  victory  most  of 
the  newspapers  throughout  the  country  made  the  despatches 
and  their  editorials  referring  to  it,  the  main  feature  of  their 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  367 

issues.  Brief  extracts  only  from  one  or  two  of  them  can  be 
given  —  and  these  only  as  showing"  the  spirit  of  the  victory. 
Said  one  of  these  newspaper  despatches,  dated  Springfield, 
May  i 


There  was  no  curbing  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Republicans  after  the 
joint  convention  adjourned.  A  large  number  marched  to  the  Leland, 
sin'ging  old  army-songs  ;  others  donned  Logan  badges,  and  went  whoop 
ing  and  yelling  around  the  streets  like  mad.  The  Democrats  kept 
aloof  from  the  groups.  They  could  not  stand  the  good-humored  chaff 
directed  against  them,  and  not  a  few  were  ashamed  of  their  efforts  to 
stampede  the  Republicans  in  favor  of  Farwell. 

About  3.30  o'clock,  Representative  Fuller  mounted  a  chair  in  the 
rotunda  of  the  Leland  and  read  several  hundred  telegrams  of  con 
gratulations  which  had  poured  in  upon  General  Logan.  All  the  de 
spatches  pointed  out  the  National  significance  of  the  Republican  vic 
tory,  and  many  breathed  a  spirited  faith  that  Logan  would  be  the 
party's  candidate  in  1888.  Following  are  a  few  of  the  despatches: 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  ipth.  —  Thank  God  you  were  successful. 
Make  my  thanks  to  the  friends,  one  and  all,  who  have  stood  by  you  so 
nobly.  MARY  S.  LOGAN. 

NEW  YORK,  May  19th.-  —  Congratulations  of  the  Irish-American  Inde 
pendents.  E.  A.  FORD,  President. 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA.,  May  ipth.  —  Congratulations  of  the  Clover  Club. 

M.  P.  HANDY. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  i9th.  —  Accept  my  most  cordial  congratula 
tions.  The  contest  is  unprecedented.  Your  victory  is  memorable. 

JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  iQth.  —  You  won  a  National  victory.  Nobody 
rejoices  more  than  W.  W.  DUDLEY. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  iQth.  —  Congratulations.  You  have  won  for 
the  National  Republican  Party  another  Donelson.  You  will  follow  it, 
in  1888,  with  another  Appomattox.  GEORGE  FRANCIS  DAWSON. 

AUGUSTA,  ME.,  May  ipth.  —  The  Republicans  of  Maine  send  hearty 
congratulations.  Your  election  is  a  National  victory,  and  means  the 
future  success  of  the  party.  S.  H.  MANLEY. 


-68  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


CINCINNATI,  O.,  May  iQth.  —  Accept  congratulations  of  all  Ohio 
Republicans  because  of  your  election.  R.  FORAKER. 

Governor  Martin,  Topeka,  wrote  :  "  There  is  life  in  the  old  land 
yet.  I  heartily  congratulate  you  on  your  magnificent  triumph  over  the 
allied  forces  of  Bourbon  loggerheadism,  free  trade,  and  cash."  Sena 
tors  Cullom,  Miller,  and  Platt  telegraphed  :  u  We  congratulate  you  most 
heartily  on  your  election  to  the  Senate.  You  made  a  gallant  fight  and 
deserved  success."  John  C.  New,  Indianapolis,  telegraphed  :  "I  con 
gratulate  you  and  the  country  on  your  re-election.  Logan  and  victory 
are  the  standard  for  1888."  Senator  Harrison,  Indianapolis,  wrote  : 
"  My  most  cordial  congratulations  upon  your  great  victory.  Indiana 
Republicans  are  shouting  over  it."  Walter  Evans,  Louisville,  wrote  : 
*'  Accept  my  most  cordial  congratulations.  A  field  so  fought,  so  fol 
lowed,  and  so  fairly  won,  came  not  till  now  to  dignify  the  times  since 
Caesar's  fortune."  W.  R.  Leeds,  President  of  the  Republican  Club  in 
Philadelphia,  wrote:  "Accept  the  hearty  congratulations  of  the 
Republicans  of  this  Republican  city,  on  the  successful  termination  of 
your  manly  fight  for  right  against  wrong.  The  right  is  ever  trium 
phant."  John  Hay,  New  York,  telegraphed  :  "  I  congratulate  you  on  a 
splendid  fight  and  a  victory  of  the  greatest  National  importance  and 
value."  Nelson  W.  Aldrich,  Providence,  telegraphed  :  "  Accept  my 
earnest  congratulations  on  the  success  you  have  deserved  and  won." 
Others  were  from  Robert  R.  Hall,  Anson  G.  McCook,  H.  W.  Young, 
Angus  Cameron,  Joseph  O'Neil,  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  Clark  Carr, 
William  Bross,  Frank  Hatton  ;  for  Republican  Clubs,  Clem  and  P.  E. 
Studebaker,  of  South  Bend  ;  F.  W.  Palmer,  of  Chicago  ;  John  B.  Drake, 
Chancey  I.  Filley,  Governor  Rusk,  H.  A.  Tabor,  and  C.  B.  Hayward. 

ENTHUSIASTIC    OVATIONS    FROM    SPRINGFIELD    TO    CHICAGO— 
LOGAN'S   RECEPTION  AT   CHICAGO. 

"  The  circumstances  attending  the  journey  of  General 
Logan  to  Chicago,  on  Saturday  last,"  said  the  Springfield 
Illinois  State  Journal  of  May  25,  1885,  "  and  his  reception 
there,  were,  in  their  way,  as  memorable  as  the  remarkable 
campaign  through  which  he  had  just  passed,  and  the  magnif 
icent  triumph  by  which  it  was  crowned.  Accompanied  by  a 
number  of  members  of  the  Legislature,  and  other  political 
and  personal  friends,  General  Logan  left  this  city  in  a  special 
car,  tendered  by  Manager  McMullin,  by  the  noon  train,  for 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  369 

Chicago.  Large  crowds  had  collected  at  every  important 
station  en  route,  and  the  impromptu  ovations  extended  to  him 
at  Lincoln,  Atlanta,  Bloomington,  Lexington,  Pontiac,  Dwight, 
Wilmington,  Joliet,  and  other  points  were  of  the  most  com 
plimentary  character  and  a  reminder  of  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
last  campaign.  Everywhere  there  was  the  utmost  anxiety  to 
see  the  hero  of  the  memorable  Senatorial  campaign  of  1885, 
and  a  spontaneous  disposition  to  recognize  him  as  the  leader 
of  the  Republican  Party  in  1888."  ^ 

"  On  the  return  of  Senator  John  A.  Logan  to  this  city, 
Saturday  night,"  said  the  Chicago  News  of  May  25th,  "he 
was  given  a  reception  at  the  Grand  Pacific  Hotel,  and  there 
was  a  great  outpouring  in  his  honor.  The  Chicago  Union 
Veteran  Club,  250  strong,  met  the  Senator  and  his  escort 
.  .  .  at  the  depot  at  7.30  o'clock.  A  procession  was 
formed  and  marched  to  the  hotel,  where  the  Senator  was 
received  with  cheers,  a  salute  of  103  guns  also  being  fired 
on  the  lake-front.  The  hotel  was  crowded  to  its  limit,  and 
it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  party  edged  their  way 
through  the  blocked  hallway.  A  reception  committee  was 
awaiting  the  Senator  on  the  parlor  floor,  each  wearing  a 
badge  inscribed  '  One  Hundred  and  Three,  United  Recep 
tion  Committee,  May  23,  General  John  A.  Logan,  Re-elected 
United  States  Senator,  1885.  Our  Leader  for  1888.'  .  .  . 
A  little  after  eight  o'clock  Senator  Logan  and  General  H. 
H.  Thomas  entered  the  main  parlor.  This  was  the  signal 
for  a  grand  rush,  and  policemen  and  reception  committee 
were  powerless  in  trying  to  keep  the  crowd  in  line.  Hand 
shaking  began,  and  nearly  three  thousand  performed  that 
act,  a  majority  accompanying  it  with  a  word  of  congratula 
tion.  ...  A  set  of  resolutions  passed  by  the  Irish- 
American  Central  Club  was  presented.  .  .  .  Senator 
Logan  replied  : 

"  '  I  appreciate  highly  your  kind  and  complimentary  sentiments.    In 
reference  to  this  great  gathering  let  me  ask  you  not  to  take  it  as  a 
24 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

personal  compliment  to  myself,  but  as  an  appreciation  of  the  success 
of  the  people,  now,  and  for  the  future.  This  is  no  triumph  of  my  own, 
but  of  the  Republican  Party  throughout  the  State.  The  contest  just 
closed  has  excited  not  only  the  State,  but  aroused  the  keenest  attention 
all  over  the  country.  Let  me  at  this  moment  not  go  into  details,  about 
the  combination  of  powers  that  has  been  at  work  to  defeat  the  clearly 
expressed  will  and  intentions  of  the  people  of  this  great  common 
wealth,  but  let  me  congratulate  all  that  the  Republican  Party  of  this 
State  to-day  has  unfurled  its  banner  again,  and  again  presents  a  united 
front  to  the  enemy.'  " 

BANQUET  TO  LOGAN  BY  THE  CHICAGO   UNION    LEAGUE  CLUB 

LOGAN'S  MODEST  SPEECH. 

On  Tuesday  evening,  May  26,  1885,  General  Logan  sat 
down  to  a  banquet  in  Chicago,  given  to  him  by  the  Union 
League  Club  of  that  city,  in  honor  of  the  great  Republican 
victory  he  had  just  gained  in  the  Senatorial  contest.  Many 
distinguished  persons  .were  present.  In  his  speech  at  that 
banquet  he  referred  in  the  following  modest  and  manly  terms 
to  that  remarkable  contest,  and  its  still  more  remarkable  re 
sult: 

.  .  .  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  enter  into  the  history  or  details 
of  our  recent  Senatorial  contest.  Neither  shall  I  speak  of  the  trials 
through  which  we  passed,  or  the  perils  which  were  averted.  Suffice  it 
to  say,  that  the  victory  was  ours.  [Applause.]  To  the  steadfastness  of  our 
people  and  the  integrity  of  the  Republican  Representatives  in  our  Leg 
islature  is  due  the  credit  for  our  success.  [Applause.]  I  wish  to  dis 
claim  the  idea  that  the  gatherings  of  the  people  at  the  various  towns 
and  villages  along  the  road  from  Springfield tto  Chicago,  and  the  grand 
reception  tendered  by  the  people  the  night  of  my  arrival  here,  or  this 
banquet  itself,  are  considered  by  me  as  intended  to  be  personally  com 
plimentary  to  myself.  They  are  recognitions  of  the  principles,  under 
lying  the  Republican  Party,  for  which  this  contest  was  made.  [Ap 
plause.]  A  contest  for  a  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  has  seldom 
caused  much  popular  solicitude  ;  but  the  protracted  controversy,  the 
fact  that  the  parties  were  equally  divided,  and  the  loss  of  members  of 
the  Legislature  by  death — all  conspired  to  bring  the  contest  promi 
nently  to  the  notice  of  the  people  throughout  the  United  States.  That 
the  opponents  of  the  Republican  Party  had  become,  at  this  early  day, 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  371 

tired  of  the  management  of  National  affairs  in  the  hands  of  their  own 
friends,  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  actually  stayed  away  from  the 
polls  in  the  Thirty-fourth  Senatorial  District  [Laughter  and  applause], 
thus  giving  us  a  majority,  so  that  a  Republican  might  again  be  chosen 
to  represent  the  State  of  Illinois  in  the  United  States  Senate.  [Ap 
plause.]  This  has  caused  the  Republicans  throughout  the  country  to 
discover  the  turn  of  the  tide  in  favor  of  Republican  principles,  and  the 
hearts  of  all  true  patriots  to  leap  with  joy.  [Applause.]  To  the  en- 
ergv  and  fidelity  of  the  Republicans  of  that  district  are  we  indebted  for 
this  result.  [Applause.] 

And  then,  after  describing  in  glowing  terms  the  wonder 
ful  resources  of  Illinois,  in  population,  agriculture,  mineral, 
manufacturing,  and  other  wealth — as  well  as  the  beauty,  and 
marvellous  growth,  energy,  and  prosperity  of  her  chief  city 
— he  added : 

Why  should  a  man  not  feel  a  pardonable  pride  in  having  been  se 
lected  as  a  representative  of  such  a  State,  against  combinations  of  pat 
ronage  and  money,  without  the  influence  or  use  by  himself  of  either? 
The  people  of  this,  my  native  State,  have  been  more  than  kind  to  me  in' 
the  past.  Whether  I  shall  be  able  to  fill  the  full  measure  of  my  public 
duty,  my  future  must  disclose.  I  can  only  promise  that  I  shall  in  all 
things  try  to  be  faithful  to  their  great  interest,  and  do  no  act  that  shall 
cause  them  to  regret  the  choice  they  have  just  made.  [Applause,] 

LOGAN'S  PRESIDENTIAL  ''BOOM"  FOR  1888,  STARTING  STRONGLY. 

While  General  Logan  was  taking  a  brief  rest  at  Chicago, 
after  his  exhausting  contest,  the  newspapers  throughout  the 
land  were  also  felicitating  him  upon  his  wonderful  victory. 
Many,  like  the  Lincoln  (Neb.)  Journal,  said  "  Had  Logan 
been  at  the  head  of  the  ticket  last  year,  there  would  have  been 
a  Republican  President  now," — or  words  to  a  like  effect.  Hun 
dreds  of  them  proclaimed  him  as  the  next  Republican  candi 
date  for  the  Presidential  office ;  and  many  placed  the  name 
of  John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois  at  the  head  of  their  columns  as 
their  choice  for  nomination  to  that  exalted  office,  in  1888. 
Cannon-salutes  and  other  rejoicings  were  had  in  many  parts 
of  the  country  including  staid  New  England,  and  the  Middle 


3J2  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

States,  as  well  as  those  of  the  West.  The  Staunton  Valley 
Virginian  well  said :  "  The  result  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  to  Re 
publicans  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land. 
It  was  announced  by  the  boom  of  cannon,  the  display  of  fire 
works  and  bunting,  and  a  wild  rejoicing  that  demonstrated 
how  strong  a  hold  the  brave  true  man  has  upon  his  party 
friends.  And  this,  not  because  of  the  great  personal  triumph, 
but  for  the  reason  that  the  cause  he  represents  will  have  still 
the  services  of  one  of  its  ablest  and  most  intrepid  advocates 
and  defenders  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  for  six  years  longer, 
iinless  he  should  be  called  to  higher  honors."  And  the  com 
pliments  were  not  uttered  by  Republican  papers  only,  but  by 
independent  and  Democratic  journals  also,  as,  for  instance, 
by  the  New  York  Sun,  which  after  tendering  its  "  compli 
ments  "  to  the  General,  added  :  "  It  has  been  a  hard  fight 
and  Logan  has  won  it  by  superior  generalship  "  ;  and  the 
New  York  Post,  which  declared  that:  "  If  General  Logan's 
popularity  was  on  the  wane,  as  his  enemies  affirm,  before  the 
Presidential  election,  these  events  were  amply  sufficient  to 
revive  and  widen  it,  even  among  his  party  antagonists"  ;  and 
"Brick  Pomeroy's "  Democrat,  which  said:  "The  most 
memorable  political  event  of  the  season  is  the  election  of 
General  John  A.  Logan  to  the  United  States  Senate  as  his  own 
successor.  The  coming  of  a  cyclone  through  from  the  West 
to  the  Potomac  would  not  have  made  more  of  a  stir."  No 
wonder  the  Cincinnati  Commercial-  Gazette  admitted — as  so 
many  other  journals,  in  substance,  also  declared, — that 
Logan's  unprecedented  victory  "  brings  forward  the  gallant 
old  General  himself  as  a  possible  Presidential  figure  in  1888." 

HIS  RETURN  TO  WASHINGTON — SALUTE  OF  ONE  HUNDRED  GUNS 
IN  HONOR  OF  LOGAN'S  RE-ELECTION. 

When  the  news  reached  Washington  that  Logan  had 
been  re-elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  a  midnight  can 
non-salute  of  thirty-eight  guns  was  fired  at  the  White  House 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  373 

lot  by  some  of  his  jubilant  friends,  which  awoke  the  Demo 
cratic  President — and  all  the  city  for  that  matter — and  doubt 
less  set  him  thinking  about  what  might  happen  in  1888. 
Subsequently  a  salute  of  one  hundred  guns  was  also  fired  in 
honor  of  Logan  from  the  Virginia  shore  opposite  the  city  of 
Washington — where  the  General,  upon  his  arrival,  was 
warmly  received  by  the  Invincible  Club  of  East  Washington, 
and  other  Republicans  of  the  city. 

LOGAN     VISITS     GRANT'S     SICK-CHAMBER OLD     WAR-MEMORIES 

REVIVED. 

It  was  in  the  middle  of  June,  1885,  only  two  days  prior 
to  the  suffering  chieftain's  removal  to  Mount  McGregor,  that 
Logan  made  a  special  visit  to  General  Grant  at  the  latter's 
residence  in  New  York  City.  Grant  was  greatly  pleased  that 
Logan  had  come,  and  although  the  former  was  restricted,  by 
the  nature  of  the  cruel  disease  that  was  eating  out  his  life, 
from  doing  much  talking,  yet  they  managed  to  spend  several 
hours  together  recalling  old  memories  of  the  war — General 
Logan  taking  luncheon  with  the  family  down-stairs  and  after 
ward  coming  up  again.  It  was  the  last  extended  interview 
Grant  had  with  any  of  his  old  friends,  and  was  throughout 
of  a  very  pleasant  character,  as  Logan  afterward  told  the 
writer.  Grant  was  still  able  to  talk,  at  this  time,  though  with 
difficulty.  During  this  protracted  and  interesting  visit  Gen 
eral  Grant  showed  to  General  Logan  certain  passages  of  the 
"  Personal  Memoirs  "  he  was  then  engaged  in  writing,  where 
in  he  had  referred,  at  greater  or  less  length,  to  the  services 
which  Logan  himself  had  rendered  during  the  war — some  in 
proof-sheets  and  others  in  manuscript.  When  Logan's  visit 
ended,  with  a  kindly  adieu  and  warm  pressure  of  the  hand, 
he  then  for  the  last  time  on  earth  saw  the  friendly  eyes  and 
heard  the  loved  voice  of  his  old  commander,  who  so  soon 
afterward,  like  the  great  Hebrew  leader,  went  up  to  the 
mountain-top  to  die. 


374 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


LOGAN  S  ENTHUSIASTIC  RECEPTION  AT  THE  G.  A.  R.  ENCAMPMENT, 
PORTLAND,    ME. HIS    TELLING    SPEECHES    THERE. 

Toward  the  end  of  June,  1885,  the  city  of  Portland,  Me., 
was  treated  to  the  sight  of  an  encampment  upon  its  borders 
—of  more  than  two  thousand  tents,  fairly  crowded  with  some 
twenty-five  thousand  veterans  of  the  G.  A.  R. — and  to  all 
the  excitement  and  bustle  and  beauty  of  military  pageantry 
which  the  G.  A.  R.  reunions  always  bring  in  their  train. 
Logan  of  course  was  there,  and  watched  the  martial  array 
as  for  three  long  hours  it  marched,  in  solid  ranks,  past  the 
reviewing-stand.  A  newspaper  report  of  the  Tuesday's  glori 
ous  pageant  said : 

The  enthusiasm  for  Logan  was  simply  boundless.  Sometimes  there 
would  be  a  little  hiatus  where  the  Down  East  men  were  not  familiar 
with  the  face  of  the  great  volunteer  chieftain.  Then  would  come 
marching  along  some  man  who  had  served  under  "  Black  Jack,"  and 
he  would  start  a  cheer  that  would  roll  along  for  minutes.  E  very  bod  v 
wanted  to  see  Logan,  and  after  the  Posts  were  dismissed  the  comrades 
came  streaming  back,  and  crowded  around  the  reviewing-stand  by 
thousands  to  study  the  hero  of  the  citizen-soldiery  of  the  Great  Repub- 
.lie.  They  thronged  the  space  to  such  an  extent  that  Dahlgren  Post  had 
to  be  called  back  to  open  up  a  line  of  march,  which  it  did  with  tact  and 
skill. 

On  the  same  evening,  at  the  City  Hall,  during  the  recep 
tion  to  the  commander-in-chief,  Logan,  as  usual,  had  to 
speak,  and  the  journals  of  the  day  mentioned  that  he  "came 
forward  amidst  the  most  tremendous  applause,"  and  that 
"the  house  fairly  rang  with  enthusiastic  cheers,  which  were 
repeated  again  and  again."  When,  at  last,  the  audience 
quieted  down,  the  General  said  : 

MR.  COMMANDER,  COMRADES,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  While  we  are 
assembled  here  to-night  in  this  beautiful  city,  surrounded  as  we  are  by 
friends  who  meet  us  cheerily  and  greet  us  kindly,  we  can  but  allow 
our  minds  to  wander  away  from  here,  momentarily  at  least,  to  where  the 
old  commander,  grander  than  all,  suffers  with  a  disease  that  has  brought 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  375 

him  to  the  very  verge  of  the  grave.  In  my  judgment  time  has  not  given 
to  any  people  a  grander  commander  of  men,  a  greater  director  of  forces, 
or  a  more  magnificent  campaigner  [applause]  ;  a  man  with  more  ability 
to  execute  than  U.'S.  Grant.  [Applause.]  For  this  country  he  has  done 
as  much  as  any  man  that  ever  lived  has  done  for  any  other  country. 
[Great  applause.]  No  matter  what  may  have  been  said,  no  matter  how 
much  aspersed  by  those  who  despised,  he  has  passed  up  and  beyond 
all  the  clouds  that  have  surrounded  him,  and  his  character  shines  out 
to-day  before  the  civilized  world  as  bright  as  the  brightest  star  that 
decks  the  heavens.  [Applause.] 

I  believe  there  is  not  a  citizen  in  the  United  States  of  America  who 
does  not  sympathize  with  his  misfortune  and  suffering  now,  and  it  is  the 
prayer  of  the  G.  A.  R.,  I  am  sure,  that  God,  who  disposes  all  things,  may 
permit  this  grand  old  man  to  live  on  as  one  of  the  citizens  of  this  Re 
public.  For  him  I  can  say  no  more  than  that  when  he  passes  away,  this 
country  and  civilization  will  lose  one  of  the  greatest  supporters  of  lib 
erty  that  ever  lived,  and  one  of  the  grandest  citizens  that  ever  died. 

Comrades,  we  have  met  again  according  to  the  forms  of  our  organi 
zation,  an  association  based  upon  Fraternity,  Charity,  and  Loyalty ; 
fraternity  that  lives  and  is  worth  recognition,  which  has  been  blistered 
in  the  fire  of  battle.  It  is  that  character  of  fraternity  which  shines  out 
like  the  brightest  gem  from  the  mines  of  Golconda. 

It  is  a  fraternity  not  to  be  broken.  It  is  as  fixed  as  the  stars.  It  is 
as  strong  as  if  held  together  by  hooks  of  steel.  It  is  that  character  of 
fraternity  not  in  name,  but  which  lives  and  wells  up  in  the  heart,  and 
which  would  to-night  go  far,  travel  long,  in  darkness  and  in  light,  in 
sunshine  and  in  storm,  to  stand  by  the  side  of,  and  aid  and  assist  in 
all  proper  ways,  that  comrade  who  touched  elbows  in  the  time  when 
shot  and  shell  rained  like  hail  from  the  clouds  above.  [Applause.] 
The  charity  that  belongs  to  our  organization  is  that  heaven-descended 
charity,  whose  heights  have  not  been  taken,  and  whose  depths  cannot' be 
fathomed.  It  is  the  charity  with  no  bounds  to  its  land  and  no  surveys 
to  its  seas.  It  is  the  charity  that  stands  re'ady  at  all  times  to  snatch 
the  body  of  the  poor  from  the  potter's-field  and  inter  it  where  at  the 
head  shall  be  marked,  "  He  fell  fighting  for  his  country." 

It  is  that  charity  which  hears  the  wail  of  the  widow  of  a  comrade.  It 
is  that  charity  which  hears  the  cry  of  the  orphan  ;  that  aids  and  assists 
the  sufferer.  It  is  that  charity  which  pledges  one  comrade  to  another 
that  the  poor-house  shall  not  be  the  dwelling-place  of  a  comrade  ;  that 
he  shall  stand  before  the  world  a  proud  American  citizen  ;  having  fought 
and  preserved  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  beneath  its  folds  he  shall  not  be 
disgraced.  [Tremendous  applause.]  It  is  that  charity  which  collects 


376 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


not  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  can  protect  themselves,  but  for  those 
who  need  help  ;  and  which  pledges  itself  that  when  a  grand,  great 
Government  like  this  allows  a  poor  man  who  suffered  for  its  existence 
to  creep  along  and  beg  for  food,  comrades  will  step  in  and  supply  that 
want. 

The  loyalty  upon  which  this  great  organization  is  based  is  not  loy 
alty  that  shrinks  before  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

It  is  not  the  loyalty  that  begs  pardon  and  makes  excuses  for  having 
at  least  tried  to  save  this  Union.  [Applause.]  It  is  not  the  loyalty 
wherever  found  on  land  or  sea  that  fails  to  recognize  its  flag  ;  that  fails 
to  recognize  the  laws  ;  that  fails  to  recognize  the  duty  of  a  citizen,  or 
that  will  deny  being  a  citizen  of  this  grand  Republic  and  not  glorify  in 
having  participated  in  its  preservation.  [Applause.]  It  is  the  loyalty 
that  lives  in  the  heart  and  swears  by  the  God  that  rules  this  world  that 
at  all  times  they  are  ready  again  to  take  hold  of  the  banner  whenever 
our  country  may  be  in  danger,  if  that  time  should  ever  come.  God  for 
bid  that  it  shall.  [Applause.]  It  is  the  loyalty  that  believes  in  patriot 
ism,  that  this  Government  is  a  nation,  and  that  those  who  saved  it  at 
least  are  as  good  as  those  who  tried  to  destroy  it.  It  is  the  loyalty 
which  is  taught  to  the  child  on  its  mother's  lap  and  makes  it  hang  out 
the  banner  and  say  "  My  father  was  a  Union  soldier."  [Long-con 
tinued  applause.]  It  is  the  loyalty  which  will  live  in  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people  and  will  make  future  generations  so  strong,  so  proud, 
and  so  determined,  that  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  combined  and  with 
the  best  commander  living  and  with  all  the  earth's  treasury  could  not 
penetrate  even  the  border  of  this  great  Republic.  My  comrades,  I  be 
lieve  in  this  organization.  I  say  here  and  now  that  every  soldier  within 
the  confines  of  this  Republic  ought  to  belong  to  it.  [Applause.]  He 
ought  to  be  within  it,  and  proud  of  his  comradeship.  It  cannot  do  any 
man  harm  ;  it  will  do  every  man  good.  Let  each  and  every  one  enjoy 
these  benefits  which  are  to  be  enjoyed  within  this  organization. 

Let  each  and  every  one  participate  in  all  its  benefits.  Let  him,  if 
poor  and  needy  claim  its  charity  ;  let  his  family,  if  he  has  one,  have  the 
same  right  to  its  charity  that  others  have.  It  is  for  such  purposes,  and 
means  what  it  says — Fraternity,  Charity,  and  Loyalty. 

On  the  following  day,  when  General  Logan  attended 
the  business  meeting  of  the  G.  A.  R.,  the  "  boys  in  blue  " 
insisted  upon  having  another  speech  from  him — and  al 
though,  despite  the  "  tremendous  outburst  of  cheers  and  ap 
plause,"  he  protested  against  speech-making  at  a  business  ses- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  377 

sion,  he  at  last  yielded  to  their  enthusiastic  persistence  and 
made  another  brief  speech.  In  it  was  the  following  pathetic 
passage,  which,  now  that  the  illustrious  speaker  himself  has 
gone  from  our  midst,  will  be  read  and  reread  with  both  in 
terest  and  profit  by  the  old  soldiers  who  have  survived  him. 
It  ran  thus.  Said  he  : 

There  is  only  one  thing  that  I  desire  to  say.  It  is  this,  and  always 
when  I  think  of  it,  it  brings  to  my  memory  sad  reflections.  You  and  I, 
-all  of  us,  are  moving  along  with  time  on  the  downward  road  to  eternity. 
We  are  growing  old  instead  of  young,  and  we  often  see  the  silvered  hair 
that  we  used  to  see  only  occasionally  in  the  line.  The  heads  of  nearly 
all  are  becoming  whitened.  A  few  more  years  and  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic  will  only  be  known  as  one  of  the  things  that  are  past.  So, 
while  we  live,  let  us  live  so  that  when  we  die  future  generations  shall 
remember  that  we  lived  a  life  of  honor  and  patriotism,  and  defended  the 
best  Republic  that  God  ever  created.  [Applause.] 

Again,  at  the  Woman's  Relief  Corps  Reception,  at  the 
City  Hall,  that  evening,  the  enthusiastic  audience  forced  him 
to  speak  once  more  ;  and  he  eloquently  said  : 

When  it  is  expected  that  men  can  accomplish  much  without  the  as 
sistance  of  the  women  a  great  mistake  is  made  ;  and  especially  in  what 
ever  tends  to  civilize  and  Christianize  mankind  is  always  seen  the 
hands  of  the  women  of  the  land.  [Applause.]  That  which  they  have 
•done  for  the  Grand  Army  sufferers  is  much,  and  we  are  sincerely,  in 
tensely  grateful  to  them  for  their  services.  Not  a  soldier  who  is  within 
the  sound  of  my  voice  fails  to  remember,  if  ever  he  was  a  sufferer  with 
a  burning  fever,  if  ever  he  was  prostrated  by  an  enemy's  shot,  if  ever  he 
was  on  the  couch  of  a  hospital,  that  when  the  soft  hand  of  a  woman  was 
placed  on  his  parched  brow,  it  felt  as  if  an  angel  of  God  had  been  sent 
to  his  couch  as  a  ministering  angel.  [Applause.]  I  heard  the  name  of 
old  Mother  Bickerdyke.  I  know  her  well.  I  have  seen  her  with  my 
own  eyes  helping  wounded  soldiers  from  the  field  when  shot  and  shell 
were  raining  around  her.  And  when  I  speak  of  her,  I  speak  of  her  as 
typifying  the  woman  who  helped  the  soldier  in  the  war.  Tall  and  mus 
cular,  she  would  take  a  wounded  boy  in  her  arms  and  carry  him  to  the 
hospital.  Why,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  can  speak  from  experience.  I 
was  once  a  sufferer  on  a  battle-field,  and  long  afterward,  and  every 
morn  I  felt  as  if  a  silver  cord  were  twined  around  a  capstan  in  the  re 
gions  of  glory  and  reached  to  my  heart,  where  it  was  anchored  by  the 


378  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

hand  of  woman.  [Cheers.]  Why,  gentlemen,  their  hands  are  so  con 
nected  witli  the  hand  of  divinity  that  man  without  them  would  be  a  bar 
barian.  And  to  the  Grand  Army  let  me  say,  let  the  time  never  come 
when  you  will  contemplate  the  separation  of  the  Relief  Corps  from  the 
Grand  Army.  Man  is  cruel,  or  if  not  cruel  he  is  rough,  but  woman  is 
gentle  ;  and  as  the  poor  old  soldier  goes  tottering  down  the  road  of  Irfe 
to  meet  death,  nothing  can  cheer  him  on  as  can  the  ministrations  of 
woman  in  charity.  So  does  the  widow  of  the  soldier  who  has  gone  be 
fore,  need  the  consoling  influence  that  woman  alone  can  give.  And  I 
thank  God,  as  a  member  of  the  Grand  Army,  that  He  has  brought  to 
the  front  this  auxiliary.  I  thank  God  there  was  mind  enough,  charity 
enough,  generosity  enough  to  bring  into  existence  the  Woman's  Relief 
Corps.  For  myself  I  feel  so  strongly  the  intelligent  work  you  have 
done  that  I  cannot  thank  you  strongly  enough,  and  I  am  grateful  for 
the  opportunity  of  saying  these  words  to  express  my  gratitude.  [Ap 
plause.] 

THE  LOGAN  BANQUET  IN  BOSTON A  CHARACTERISTIC  INCIDENT 

—LOGAN'S  VIGOROUS  SPEECH  ON  "CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM" 


On  the  evening  of  June  29,  1885,  General  Logan,  having 
arrived  in  Boston  from  Portland,  Me.,  that  afternoon,  was 
banqueted  at  the  Parker  House  by  the  Norfolk  Club.  A 
Boston  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  said : 
"  The  railway  station  was  crowded  with  admirers  of  the  Illi 
nois  Senator,  who  cheered  him  lustily  when  he  stepped 
from  the  car,  where  he  was  met  by  a  committee  of  the  club- 
and  taken  to  the  Parker  House.  As  the  carriage  was  leav 
ing  the  station  a  poorly  dressed  man  standing  on  the  side 
walk  opposite  caught  General  Logan's  eye  and  instantly 
raised  his  hat.  General  Logan,  with  characteristic  courtesy,, 
recognized  the  greeting  by  completely  uncovering  his  head 
and  bowing,  as  if  to  a  distinguished  assemblage,  instead  of  to- 
one  humble  person.  This  little  act  was  the  signal  for  three 
more  cheers,  which  echoed  in  the  ears  of  the  visitor,  as  he 
was  driven  away  in  the  direction  of  the  Parker  House.  From 
5  to  6  P.M.  General  Logan  received  visitors  in  the  parlors  of 
the  Parker  House,  where  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  promi- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  379 

nent  men  were  presented  to  him  and  his  wife,  whose  presence 
was  requested  in  the  reception-room.  ,  .  .  .  Soon  after 
seven  o'clock  the  company  entered  the  dining-room.  The 
president  of  the  club,  Asa  French,  one  of  the  Commissioners 
of-  Alabama  Claims,  presided,  with  General  Logan  on  his 
right  and  Governor  Robinson  on  his  left.  After  excellent 
speeches  by  the  presiding  officer  and  Governor  Robinson, 
Senator  Logan  was  introduced. 

General  Logan,  on  rising  to  respond  to  the  flattering  in 
troduction  of  the  chairman,  was  received  with  cheer  after 
cheer,  and  two  or  there  minutes  elapsed  before  he  could  be 
heard.  He  began  by  making  some  complimentary  allusions 
to  Massachusetts ;  he  referred  to  some  of  the  eminent  men 
of  the  Old  Bay  State,  spoke  of  the  remarkable  change  in 
public  sentiment  on  some  important  questions  in  the  last 
thirty  years,  and  then  passed  on  to  a  consideration  of  some 
phases  of  the  present  political  situation.  He  said  : 

First,  let  me  say  of  Civil  Service  Reform,  that  it  is  the  child  of 
the  Republican  Party,  but  unfortunately  has  been  put  out  to  nurse 
with  a  stranger,  and,  if  not  dead  now,  looks  "sick  unto  death." 
When  the  law  was  passed,  the  intention  was  to  put  into  the  positions  to 
which  the  law  applied,  such  persons  as  were  found  to  be  best  quali 
fied  to  perform  the  duties  required,  and  also  to  retain  in  position  such 
persons  as  were  qualified  and  found  to  have  faithfully  performed  their 
duties.  The  law  is  now  construed,  however,  to  the  effect  that  a  person 
who  voted  the  Republican  ticket  at  the  last  election  committed  a  crime 
against  "  the  peace  and  dignity  "  of  the  Democratic  Party,  a  new  offence, 
heretofore  unknown  to  law,  or  politics,  to  wit:  "offensive  partisan 
ship."  A  man  may  have  rebelled,  or,  being  in  the  North,  may  have 
sympathized  with  rebellion  against  the  Government.  He  may  have 
sought  to  negotiate  with  foreign  powers  for  its  overthrow.  He  may 
have  striven  to  hamstring  it  at  the  most  critical  moment  of  its  desperate 
struggle  for  existence.  He  may  have  attempted  to  destroy  its  benef 
icent  influence.  He  may  have  tried  to  make  our  institutions  a  by 
word  and  a  mockery  among  the  nations.  He  may  have  terrorized 
voters.  He  may  have  suppressed  or  destroyed  the  ballot,  or  fraudu 
lently  perverted  its  true  intent  and  meaning.  He  may  have  assisted 
in  enacting  laws  under  whose  free  operation  freedom  became  a  delu- 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

sion  and  personal  liberty  a  snare.  But  these  do  not  seem  to  prove 
him  to  be  an  "offensive  partisan";  provided  always  that  he  voted 
the  Democratic  ticket.  Shall  a  man  who  has  been  true,  even  at  the 
risk  of  life,  limb,  health,  and  fortune,  to  the  Union,  to  freedom,  to  the 
sanctity  of  the  ballot,  and  to  that  spirit  of  progress  which  is  acceptable 
in  the  sight  of  God,  be  amenable  to  the  charge  of  "  offensive  partisan 
ship  "  for  exercising  his  right  as  an  American  citizen  ?  Is  this  the 
character  of  the  man  who  is  offensive  to  the  Democratic  Party  ?  Do 
we  not  see  the  Civil  Service  principles  twisted,  warped,  and  most  wretch 
edly  deformed,  in  place  of  the  service  being,  as  was  promised,  re 
formed  ?  I  object,  for  one,  to  the  prostitution  of  the  public  service  in 
the  name  of  reform.  I  insist  that  there  should  be  candor  and  fair  deal 
ing  in  the  matter  of  making  removals  from  office.  If  our  political  op 
ponents  propose  to  make  removals  from  all  the  offices,  I  say,  instead  of 
trumping  up  frivolous  and  unjust  charges  against  Republican  incum 
bents  as  a  justification  for  their  removal,  that  they  shall  announce  that 
they  are  to  be  turned  out  because  they  are  Republicans,  and  their  suc 
cessors  are  to  be  appointed  because  they  are  Democrats.  Sir,  tear  away 
the  mask  of  reform  and  let  the  face  of  Democracy  come  forth. 

During  the  canvass  of  last  year  our  opponents  demanded  that  the  ras 
cals  should  be  turned  out  ;  and  insisted  on  examining  the  books  and 
counting  the  money.  They  have  counted  the  money  which  was  col 
lected  and  cared  for  by  the  Republican  Party,  and  have  found  it  all 
there  except  two  obstinate  pennies  that  seemed  bent  upon  proving  our 
rascality  until  they  themselves  were  found  out.  The  Republican  Party 
has  had  undisputed  leadership  for  the  last  twenty-four  years.  The 
wisdom  of  its  laws  and  the  fidelity  of  its  administration  are  attested  by 
the  splendid  material  and  social  development  of  the  people,  by  our  un 
exampled  progress  as  a  nation,  and  by  the  advanced  position  of  in 
fluence  our  Government  has  taken  with  the  nations  of  the  world.  The 
principles  and  policies  announced  and  maintained  in  its  record  of 
splendid  achievement  have  challenged  the  admiration  of  the  foremost 
men  of  the  entire  world.  Such  a  party  must  lead  ;  it  cannot  follow. 
Such  a  party  deserves  and  must  again  achieve  success.  I  have  no  fears 
for  the  future  of  the  Republican  Party.  Its  principles,  knocking  at  the 
door  of  the  conscience  of  the  people,  will  regain  admission.  The  spirit 
<jf  fair  play  which  fills  the  heart  of  the  great  body  of  the  American  people 
will  demand  in  such  tones  as  cannot  be  refused  that  every  citizen  under 
the  flag  shall  be  protected  in  the  right  of  free  speech  and  a  free  ballot. 

Mr.  Chairman  :  The  Republican  Party  is  not  dead ;  it  lives  the  life  of 
the  vigorous  and  strong.  It  will  be  returned  to  power  by  the  people. 
It  is  the  party  of  the  people.  Protection  to  our  home  free  labor  de- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  381 

mands  it ;  the  restoration  of  true  Civil  Service  Reform  demands  it ;  ad 
equate  appropriations  to  aid  the  system  of  free  schools  wherever  needed 
demand  it  ;  the  promoting  of  our  home  industrial  interests  in  all  proper 
ways  demands  it.  The  necessity  for  the  enforcement  of  the  right  of 
every  voter  within  our  National  boundaries  to  cast  his  ballot  and  have 
the  same  fairly  counted  at  the  National  elections,  and  to  give  to  each 
man  that  equal  and  adequate  protection  before  the  law  to  which  he  is 
entitled,  requires  the  return  of  the  Republicans  to  power,  both  in  Con 
gress  and  in  the  Executive  branch  of  the  Government,  in  order  that 
the  financial  system  established  by  the  Republican  Party  may  be  pre 
served,  that  the  revenues  of  the  country  may  be  protected  against  un 
warranted  claims  upon  the  Treasury. 

Alluding  to  this  memorable  banquet,  the  Boston  corre 
spondent  of  the  New  York  Herald  (Ind.)  telegraphed: 
"  The  visit  of  General  Logan  has  been  the  chief  social  and 
political  event  of  the  week.  The  dinner  on  Monday  night 
was  a  very  elaborate  affair,  and  the  faithful  came  from  all 
quarters  of  the  State  to  partake  of  it  and  listen  to  the 
speeches.  Many  had  never  seen  General  Logan.  His 
speech  drew  forth  plenty  of  applause,  and  although  he  is  by 
no  means  the  finished  orator  that  Governor  Robinson  or 
Congressman  Long  is,  he  made  an  excellent  impression." 
And  the  Washington  Evening  Star  (Ind.)  of  July  6th,  allud 
ing  to  it,  and  to  Logan  as  one  of  the  two  leading  Presi 
dential  candidates,  said:  "We  have  seen  Massachusetts, 
which  hitherto  has  not  been  demonstrative  over  *  Black 
Jack/  exceed  herself  in  warmth  of  welcome  for  him." 

LOGAN'S   FOURTH    OF    JULY   ORATION   AT   WOODSTOCK,    CONN., 

1885. 

On  the  Fourth  of  July,  1885,  in  Roseland  Park,  near  Wood 
stock,  Conn.,  by  the  shore  of  Lake  Wabbaquasset,  beneath  a 
canvas  awning  which  covered  the  speaking-stand,  around 
which  many  thousands  of  Grangers  and  others  had  assembled, 
"  under  the  shadow  of  a  hillock  on  which  John  Elliott  is  said 
to  have  preached  to  the  Indians,"  General  Logan,  amid  the 


382  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

cheers  of  those  assembled,  stepped  to  the  front  and  his  voice 
rang  out,  bugle-like,  in  these  eloquent  and  patriotic  words  : 

As  I  look  at  the  features  of  the  natural  panorama  spread  out  before 
me,  I  feel  that  no  words  can  equal  with  their  eloquence  the  beauty  of 
the  scene  before  me.  Like  that  of  a  midnight  dream,  the  silver  ripples 
of  the  lake,  the  shade  of  historic  elms,  the  slopes  formed  by  nature's 
touch  and  beautified  by  man's  skill  are  more  than  mortal  words  can 
express.  In  this  garden  of  patriotic  devotion  it  is  most  fitting  that  we 
should  meet  to  learn  the  most  appropriate  mode  of  celebrating  the 
nation's  natal  day,  how  the  jewel  of  Liberty  must  be  kept  in  the  family 
of  freedom,  how  to  rear  the  monument  of  devotion  to  our  country. 
Centuries  ago,  runs  a  legend,  in  the  older  world  of  Asia,  there  lived 
an  Indian  prince  in  oriental  splendor  and  magnificence.  He  loved  a 
maiden,  beautiful  and  pure,  and  brought  her  to  his  palace  as  his  royal 
bride.  As  time  passed  by,  his  love  for  her  only  grew  the  stronger,  and 
for  her  gratification  he  builded  palaces  and  founded  cities.  That  her 
brightest  hopes  and  fondest  anticipations  might  be  fully  realized  he 
builded  at  last  a  palace  grander  than  all,  of  the  finest  material,  orna 
mented  with  the  brightest  and  purest  gems,  where  he  could  worship 
at  the  shrine  of  her  he  so  loved.  Its  delicately  beautiful  architecture 
was  the  marvel  of  all  men.  Just  as  the  vision  of  its  splendor  burst 
upon  her,  the  forbidding  shadow  of  Azrael  swept  across  her  path,  and 
the  potentate,  bowed  down  in  grief  at  the  loss  of  her  whom  he  had 
all  too  fondly  cherished,  dedicated  to  her,  as  her  abode  in  death,  that 
matchlessly  beautiful  palace  in  which  he  had  fondly  hoped  to  see  her 
live. 

Little  over  a  century  has  passed,  since,  in  the  younger  world  of 
America,  a  palace  more  majestic  and  beautiful  even  than  this,  with 
equal  care,  and  with  even  more  lavish  expenditure  of  blood  and  treas 
ure,  was  reared  by  our  sovereigns,  for  the  abode  of  that  which  above 
all  earthly  things  they  loved  the  best,  and  delighted  the  most  to  honor 
— a  palace  in  which  its  builders,  our  forefathers,  fondly  hoped  that 
Liberty  might  dwell  forever.  One  hundred  and  nine  years  ago  this 
very  day  they  commenced  the  work  by  declaring  to  the  world  that  '  all 
men  are  created  equal.'  Upon  this  rock  they  founded  the  palace- 
temple  of  the  new  Republic.  But  in  its  erection  the  builders  of  this 
wondrous  edifice  failed  to  complete  it  in  full  accord  with  their  great 
design,  and  though  the  pillars  rose  in  stately  majesty,  and  architrave 
and  cornice  were  both  massive  and  exquisitely  beautiful,  while  its  pro 
portions  and  their  mutual  adjustment  were  in  all  respects  satisfying, 
and  while  the  interior  was  adorned  most  lavishly  with  all  the  most 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  383 

valued  jewels  of  an  advanced  Christian  civilization  ;  yet  the  great 
jewel  of  the  capstone  has  never  yet  been  firmly  set — that  great  jewel, 
the  grandest  of  them  all — in  looking  through  whose  dazzling  scintilla 
tions  deep  down  in  its  heart  you  shall  see  graven  by  the  indelible 
graver  of  God  himself,  the  words  :  "Liberty  to  man,  and  perfect 
equality  before  the  law." 

The  question  of  firmly  setting  that  great  jewel  permanently  in  its 
place,  and  thus  completing  the  marvellous  structure,  has  been  decided 
by  a  most  sanguinary  conflict, between  those  in  favor  of  it  on  the  one  side 
and  those  opposed  to  it  on  the  other.  The  result  of  that  dread  struggle 
is  known  to  all  the  peoples  of  the  world,  and  the  fiat  has  gone  forth 
that  the  sacred  capstone  jewel  of  this  temple  shall  be  set,  so  that 
Liberty  may  within  it  find  a  safe  abiding-place,  and  not  a  final  resting- 
place  in  death. 

But  while  some  of  us  insist  upon  setting  this  priceless  jewel  per 
manently  at  once,  there  are  others  who  object,  and  who  by  fraud  have 
•substituted  an  imitation  in  place  of  that  which  all  intelligent  and 
thoughtful  people  recognize  as  the  real  gem.  My  countrymen,  shall 
we  have  the  pure  gem,  the  precious  stone  that  your  blood  was  shed  to 
secure,  or  the  imitation  only?  The  pure  gem  can  only  be  secured  by 
•every  man's  rights  being  fully  protected.  The  people  can  do  this— 
your  representatives  cannot,  without  the  force  of  the  people  behind 
them.  So  then  let  the  force  of  the  people  be  felt  in  support  of  what  we 
-mean  when  we  speak  of  the  jewel  of  "  Liberty  and  equality  before  the 
law." 

It  is  true  we  are  now  under  a  Government  and  system  of  political 
institutions  the  theory  of  which  is  better  calculated  to  serve  the  ends 
-of  civil  and  religious  liberty  than  any  of  which  former  history  makes 
mention.  But  we  must  reduce  that  theory  to  practice.  We  are  singu 
larly  fortunate  in  many  respects.  We  are  now  safe  from  the  assaults  of 
any  and  all  outside  foes.  All  the  armies  of  Europe,  led  by  the  best  com 
manders  ever  known,  backed  by  all  the  treasure  on  earth,  could  not 
penetrate  beyond  our  borders  to  our  interior.  Whatever  danger  there 
may  be  for  us  in  the  future  is  within  ourselves.  Should  destruction 
•ever  befall  this  land,  in  our  own  hands  will  the  vials  of  calamity  be 
borne  ;  and  may  I  not  ask  the  question  here  and  now,  Is  there  not 
danger,  and  great  danger  ?  Can  we  not  see  ''whence  it  approaches  ?" 
We  surely  can  see  the  increasing  disregard  for  law  which  now  pervades 
our  country  ;  the  growing  disposition  to  substitute  the  personal  will  for 
law  ;  the  individual  judgment  for  the  judgment  of  the  courts  ;  one's  own 
wishes  for  the  solemnly  expressed  will  of  the  people.  To  deny  this  is  to 
•deny  truth  and  insult  popular  intelligence.  To  admit  it  is  to  recognize 


384  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

the  point  from  whence  our  great  danger  may  be  expected,  and  the  ne 
cessity  for  steps  to  avert  it. 

Let  us  then,  each  and  every  one  who  claims  to  be  a  lover  of  Repub 
lican  institutions,  and  especially  of  Republican  liberty,  as  well  as  a 
guardian  and  well-wisher  of  coming  generations,  pledge  ourselves,  by 
the  blood  which  has  flowed  like  water  for  the  preservation  of  this  great 
Republic,  that  within  its  bounds  the  violation  of  its  laws  must  cease ; 
that  we  will  not  only  ourselves  obey  those  laws,  but  will  refuse  to  toler 
ate  disobedience  in  others.  Let  none  forget  that  to  disregard  the  law 
is  to  trample  underfoot  all  the  sacrifices  that  have  been  made  for 
Liberty.  In  the  words  of  one  whose  very  life  was  sacrificed  in  that 
cause  :  "  Let  reverence  of  the  law  be  breathed  by  every  mother  to  the 
lisping  babe  that  prattles  on  her  lap  ;  let  it  be  taught  in  the  schools, 
seminaries,  and  colleges  ;  let  it  be  written  in  primers,  spelling-books, 
and  almanacs;  let  it  be  preached  from  pulpits,  and  proclaimed  in 
legislative  halls,  and  enforced  in  courts  of  justice  ;  in  short,  let  it  be 
come  the  political  religion  of  the  Nation."  Yea,  let  these  words  of 
wisdom,  appealing  to  us  from  the  very  tomb  of  the  sainted  Lincoln, 
"  ring  out  through  all  the  land,  and  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof," 
awakening  in  our  people  a  fixed  determination  that  soon,  very  soon, 
the  time  shall  come  when  "  reverence  of  the  law  "  shall  be  the  creed  of 
all  political  parties.  When  that  time  shall  come — as  come  it  must — 
which  shall  see  faithfully  executed  the  declaration  that  all  citizens  of 
the  United  States  shall  be  regarded  as  equally  entitled  to  the  same 
rights  and  privileges  now  contemplated  by  law  ;  when  men  of  all  shades 
and  colors  who  under  the  law  are  entitled  shall  be  permitted  to  have 
their  voices  heard  and  their  ballots  counted  in  the  selection  of  the 
persons  to  control  the  Government  of  the  Nation  and  the  States  ;  when 
intimidation  shall  cease ;  when  frauds,  coming  from  whence  they  may, 
in  misdirecting  and  miscounting  the  ballots,  and  controlling  elections 
unlawfully,  shall  be  punished  ;  when  ballot-box  stuffers  shall  find 
homes  in  penitentiaries  ;  when  the  black  man  as  well  as  the  white  man 
shall  be  permitted  to  exercise  his  legal  rights  without  fear  or  molesta 
tion  ;  when  he  shall  have  equal  rights  with  the  whites  in  all  the  courts 
of  justice  ;  when  he  shall  have  equal  privileges  afforded  him  in  secur 
ing  an  education  ;  when  he  shall  not  only  be  counted  in  the  apportion 
ment  for  representation  in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  College,  but 
shall  also  be  permitted  to  freely  aid  in  the  selection  of  that  represen 
tation;  in  a  word,  when  all  citizens  are  equal  and  unobstructed  while 
participating  in  the  affairs  and  management  of  this  great  Nation — then 
and  not  till  then  will  the  real  gem  of  "  Liberty  and  equality  before  the 
law"  be  permanently  fixed  as  the  finishing  capstone  and  crown  of  the 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  385 

sacred  temple  reared  by  our  fathers  and  perfected  by  ourselves,  within 
whose  dazzling  portals  Liberty  shall  live  with  us  forever,  and  Heaven 
benignly  smile  upon  "a  Government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and 
for  the  people." 

LOGAN     ON    GRANT ADDRESS    TO    THE    G.    A.     R.     IN    THE    M.    E. 

MEMORIAL  CHURCH,  WASHINGTON ELOQUENT  REVIEW  OF  THE 

SERVICES    OF    THAT    GREAT    CHIEFTAIN. 

On  October  i,  1885,  soon  after  the  death,  at  Mount 
McGregor,  of  his  old  commander,  as  a  part  of  the  memorial 
services  held  in  the  Metropolitan  M.  E.  Church,  Washington, 
by  the  Grand  Army,  General  Logan  delivered  the  following 
address,  critically  reviewing  the  great  services  of  General 
Grant,  and  eloquently  eulogizing  the  extraordinary  military 
genius  and  general  character  of  that  great  and  commanding 
figure  in  American  history : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  Of  General  U.  S.  Grant's  early  history  I 
am  not  prepared  to  speak.  Of  it  I  know  nothing.  Until  June,  1861, 
he  was  a  stranger  to  me  and  I  to  him.  I  then  met  him  in  Springfield, 
the  capital  of  the  State  of  Illinois.  Sumter  had  fallen,  and  the  first 
flush  of  victory  had  inspired  the  rebels  with  audacity  and  daring.  The 
President  of  the  United  States  had  called  upon  the  Governors  of  the 
States  for  volunteers,  with  whom  to  march  against  armed  rebellion,  in 
order  that  the  honor  of  the  Union  might  be  maintained  and  popular 
government  perpetuated  for  the  benefit  of  the  present  and  coming 
generations.  This  appeal  had  met  in  the  North  with  such  an  outpour 
ing  of  loyal  men  in  behalf  of  the  country  that  the  fires  of  patriotism 
were  rekindled,  and  burned  so  brightly  upon  the  mountain-top,  on  the 
prairies,  and  in  the  vales  that,  like  the  rushing  flames  in  fired  stubble, 
they  swept  everything  before  them.  When  I  met  Grant  he  was  assist 
ing  the  Governor  of  my  own  State  in  organizing  her  patriotic  sons,  who 
were  flocking  to  the  Union  standard  that  they  might  be  led  against  the 
enemy.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Twenty-first  Illinois  was  organized 
from  troops  who  had  enlisted  for  three  months,  but  had  not  passed 
beyond  the  borders  of  the  State.  They  were  hesitating  as  to  their  re- 
enlistment.  All  of  them  being  from  the  southern  part  of  the  State, 
where  I  then  resided,  and  with  the  most  of  whom  I  was  acquainted,  I 
was  invited  to  go  to  their  camp  and  address  them,  with  the  view  of  in- 
25 


3 86  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

ducing  them  to  re-enlist.  I  did  go,  and  made  to  them  a  speech  as  best 
I  could,  describing  the  soldiers  who  would  see  service  and 

WEAR    SCARS    OF    BATTLE 

upon  their  persons,  and  those  who  remained  near  their  own  homes, 
where  no  danger  awaited  them.  Other  addresses  were  made.  Grant 
listened,  but  spoke  not.  The  regiment  re-enlisted,  and  he  was  then  and 
there  made  its  colonel.  This  was  the  starting  point  of  his  wonder 
ful  military  career.  From  this  time,  while  Grant  lived,  we  were  close 
friends.  Grant  took  command  of  his  regiment  and  marched,  under  or 
ders,  into  Missouri.  He  was  soon  thereafter  made  brigadier-general, 
ranking  from  the  lyth  day  of  May.  During  this  time  I  was  engaged  in 
raising  a  regiment  which  was  numbered  the  Thirty-first  Illinois  In 
fantry. 

Under  orders,  I  was  sent  to  Cairo,  111.,  where  my  regiment  formed  a 
part  of  a  brigade  that  became  a  portion  of  Grant's  first  important  com 
mand.  Cairo  was  now  his  headquarters,  where  he  employed  all  his  time 
and  energy  in  organizing  and  disciplining  his  troops.  Wooden  steam 
boats  were  converted  into  iron-clads,  for  offensive  and  defensive  purposes. 
The  sound  of  riveting  the  iron  sheets,  and  the  ringing  of  the  hammer  on 
the  anvil,  and  the  light  of  the  forge,  could  be  seen  and  heard  both  by  day 
and  night,  in  grand  preparation  for  "  grim-visaged  war."  On  the  yth 
day  of  November,  1861,  Grant  fought  the  battle  of  Belmont,  where  he 
achieved  a  great  victory  against  fearful  odds.  In  February  following  he 
moved  up  the  Tennessee  River  and,  in  connection  with  the  gun-boats 
under  command  of  Commodore  Foote,  advanced  upon  and  attacked 
Fort  Henry,  which  fell  into  his  hands.  He  at  once  moved  forward 

AGAINST    FORT    DONELSON, 

where  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  enemy's  army  of  15,000  men, 
65  pieces  of  artillery,  17,600  small-arms,  with  enormous  military  sup 
plies,  gave  Grant  a  great  name  as  a  military  genius  throughout  the 
land  and  started  him  on  his  road  to  future  glory.  It  was  the  demand 
made  by  him  on  the  commander  of  that  stronghold  for  an  unconditional 
surrender  that  gained  for  him  the  cognomen  of  "  Unconditional  Sur 
render  Grant,"  by  which  he  was  afterward  usually  designated  and  known 
to  all  officers  and  soldiers,  as  well  as  citizens,  throughout  the  war  of  the 
great  rebellion. 

After  this  great  achievement  and  his  promotion  to  major-general, 
by  the  jealousy  and  littleness  of  his  superior  officer,  who  commanded 
the  department  at  that  time,  General  Halleck,  Grant  was  held  at  Fort 
Henry,  the  next  thing  to  an  absolute  prisoner.  It  was  understood  in 
many  quarters  at  this  time  that  General  Grant  contemplated  sending 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  387 

his  resignation  to  the  President.  The  enemy,  however,  under  Generals 
Albert  Sydney  Johnston,  Beauregard,  and  others,  having  concentrated 
all  the  force  they  could  collect  in  the  West  at  the  strategic  point  of 
Corinth,  Miss.,  in  order  to  meet  the  contemplated  advance  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  now  located  at  three  points,  Pittsburg,  Savannah,  and 
Crump's  Landing,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tennessee  River,  he  was  per 
mitted  again  to  take  command  of  it.  The  forces  of  the  army  at  that 
time  numbered  not  more  than  twenty-three  thousand  men.  On  the  6th 
of  April,  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  his  army  was  assaulted  by  the  rebel 
forces  under  Johnston,  estimated  at  over  fifty  thousand  men.  The  bat 
tle  raged  on  all  parts  of  the  field  from  early  morn  till  darkness  closed  in 
over  the  scene.  When  the  battle  closed  on  that  evening  the  enemy 
were 

IN    POSSESSION    OF    ALL    OUR    CAMPS. 

Both  sides  were,  however,  very  much  demoralized.  During  the  night, 
General  Lew  Wallace,  with  7,000  men,  arrived  on  the  field,  from 
Crump's  Landing  ;  also  the  Army  of  the  Centre,  commanded  by  Buell, 
with  20,000  men,  crossed  the  Tennessee  River,  so  as  to  be  ready  for 
action  the  next  day.  Grant  had  his  line  readjusted  that  night,  and 
everything  in  position  for  an  early  advance,  which  he  had  ordered  for 
the  next  morning.  Johnston,  the  commander  of  the  rebel  army,  had 
fallen  on  the  battle-field,  on  the  6th.  Beauregard  was  now  in  chief  com 
mand.  On  the  morning  of  the  yth,  at  early  dawn,  our  forces  moved  for 
ward  to  the  contest.  The  battle  began,  and  raged  fiercely,  the  advan 
tage  through  the  day  being  somewhat  in  our  favor  until  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  Grant  in  person  led  his  hosts  in  a  gallant 
charge,  recapturing  our  old  camp  and  driving  the  enemy  pell-mell  from 
the  field.  The  enemy  were  in  full  retreat  upon  Corinth.  Our  army 
was  filled  with  joy,  and  with  shouts  of  triumph  and  victory  bore  the  old 
starry  banner  of  the  Republic  once  more  to  the  front. 

General  Halleck  now  came  to  Pittsburg  Landing  and  took  com 
mand  of  the  army,  placing  Grant  in  a  position  unassigned,  where  he  had 
no  command  whatever.  Halleck's  jealousy  of  Grant  was  so  strongly  ex 
hibited  that  it  was  noticeable  by  all. 

Grant  was  not  even  asked  for  suggestions  or  consulted  as  to  any 
movements  to  be  made.  His  soldierly  qualities  under  these  circum 
stances  were  sorely  tried.  In  fact,  he  was  under  a  cloud  ;  no  one  could 
exactly  explain  or  understand  why.  He  again 

CONTEMPLATED    SENDING    HIS    RESIGNATION, 

but  after  coolly  and  quietly  considering  the  matter,  his  better  judgment 
prevailed.  We  now,  under  command  of  General  Halleck,  commonly 


388  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

known  in  the  army  as  "Old  Brains,"  moved  upon  Corinth  by  a  succes 
sion  of  intrenched  and  fortified  approaches,  but  so  quietly  and  slowly 
that  our  forces  continued  to  augment  until  we  had  finally  grown  to  be 
an  army  of  over  one  hundred  thousand  men.  The  enemy  was  estimated 
at  about  the  same  number. 

The  advice  to  our  commander  to  attack  the  enemy  either  on  his  left 
or  right  flank  was  unheeded.  The  information  given  Grant,  and  by  him 
to  the  commanding  officer,  that  the  enemy  were  evacuating  their  posi 
tion,  was  laughed  at  by  Halleck.  I  had  myself  become  so  thoroughly 
satisfied,  from  information  I  could  not  doubt,  that  Beauregard  was  with 
drawing  his  whole  force  and  eluding  Halleck,  that  I  asked  permission  to 
move  forward  with  my  command,  which  at  that  time  was  one  division. 
Finally,  when  Beauregard  withdrew  from  the  front  of  Halleck,  it  was 
done  so  quietly  that  when  Corinth  was  entered  there  was  hardly  a  trace 
of  the  enemy  left.  Halleck  was  soon  thereafter  ordered  to  the  East, 
and  General  Grant  again  placed  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee.  But  his  forces  were  so 

SCATTERED    UP    AND    DOWN    RAILROADS 

and  at  different  points,  by  the  dispositions  made  by  the  commanding 
general  of  the  department  prior  to  his  leaving,  that  his  army  amounted 
to  a  very  small  force  at  any  one  point.  Soon  Buell  and  Bragg  started 
on  a  race  through  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  marching  at  times  on  par 
allel  roads  and  within  hearing  of  each  other.  Grant  was  left  to  guard 
Buell's  communications.  Finally,  when  relieved  from  this  duty,  he  de 
feated  Price,  at  Corinth  and  on  the  Hatchie,  and  advanced  South  through 
La  Grange  and  Oxford,  and  drove  the  enemy  into  the  central  part  of 
the  State  of  Mississippi.  After  this  success  he  was,  under  peremptory 
orders  from  Halleck,  compelled  to  make  a  retrograde  movement.  Prior 
to  receiving  this  order,  he  had  sent  Sherman  upon  an  expedition  against 
Vick,?burg  with  30,000  men,  intending  to  have  moved  on,  himself,  down 
through  the  central  part  of  the  State  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg,  there 
by  co-operating  with  Sherman's  force.  Sherman's  expedition  failed. 
Grant  now  moved  with  all  the  available  force  he  had  to  Milliken's  Bend, 
just  above  Vicksburg.  At  this  time  he  had  within  his  department  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men,  whom  he  organized  into  army 
corps,  numbered  respectively  Thirteenth,  Fifteenth,  Sixteenth,  and  Sev 
enteenth,  which  were  commanded  respectively  by  McClernand,  Sher 
man,  Hurlbut,  and  McPherson. 

Hurlbut's  corps  and  part  of  McClernand's  were  left  at  Memphis,  and 
other  points  on  the  river,  that  his  communications  in  the  rear  by  the  way 
of  the  river  should  be  kept  open.  The  remainder  of  the  Thirteenth  and 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  389 

the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps  were  put  in  camp  at  Lake  Provi 
dence,  Milliken's  Bend,  and  Young's  Point,  just  below  and  opposite 
Yazoo  River. 

For  months  he  was  engaged  in  cutting  canals  at  Lake  Providence 
and  opposite  Vicksburg  and  elsewhere,  at  the  same  time  sending 
out  expeditions  in  various  directions  over  the  country  to  ascertain,  if 
possible,  if  there  was  any  way  to  secure  a  foothold  somewhere  on  the 
Yazoo  River,  above  Haines'  Bluff,  so  that  an  advance  might  be  made  by 
dry  land  on  the  north  against  Vicksburg.  But  in  all  of  these  move 
ments  failure  was  the  result.  About  this  time  many  people  in  the 
country  began  to 

LOSE    CONFIDENCE    IN    GRANT 

and  clamor  for  his  displacement.  The  President  of  the  United  States, 
however,  heeded  not  the  clamor  of  the  multitude.  Having  implicit  con 
fidence  in  Grant,  he  said  to  those  who  came  to  him  that  he  would  trust 
him  "a  little  longer."  About  this  time  Grant  determined  upon  a  plan 
which  was  recognized  by  the  military  authorities  of  the  country  as 
wholly  unmilitary  and  dangerous.  They  believed  that  it  was  military 
suicide  and  against  all  science  of  war.  It  was  a  movement,  however, 
full  of  audacity,  and  in  its  results  showed  the  genius  of  the  man  plan 
ning  it.  He  abandoned  all  his  lines  of  communication,  and  moved 
rapidly  down  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi  River  to  Bruensburg,  a 
point  four  miles  below  Grand  Gulf.  At  the  same  time  he  loaded  seven 
transports  with  supplies,  and  manned  them  with  men  selected  from  my 
command,  then  the  Third  Division  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  and  ran 
them  by  the  batteries  of  a  hundred  guns,  which  vomited  forth  fire 
and  iron  hail  at  them  as  they  passed  by.  All  passed  safely  except  one. 
This  being  accomplished,  he  crossed  the  river,  moving  rapidly  upon 
Port  Gibson,  where  he  met  the  enemy  and  defeated  him.  His  forces 
amounted  to  31,000  men,  less  in  number  than  the  enemy  held  encircling 
Vicksburg  inside  their  works.  In  rapid  succession  came  the  victories 
of  Raymond,  Jackson,  Champion  Hills,  Black  River,  and  the  invest 
ment  of  Vicksburg.  At  Champion  Hills  the  enemy  received  the  severest 
defeat  in  its  results  that  they  had  yet  sustained  up  to  that  time.  Halleck 
had  written  a  letter  to  Grant,  directing  him  to 

LEAVE    VICKSBURG    ALONE 

and  move  down  to  Port  Hudson  and  assist  Banks;  he  (Banks)  being  his 
superior  officer,  would  then  have  been  in  command  of  the  combined 
forces.  After  Port  Hudson  should  fall,  Halleck  suggested  that  he  should 
assail  Vicksburg.  Halleck's  letter,  however,  came  too  late.  Five  bat- 


390  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

ties  had  been  fought,  and  Grant  was  crossing  Black  River  and  moving 
in  the  direction  of  Vicksburg.  While  these  battles  were  being  fought, 
Porter,  with  a  gun-boat  fleet,  passed  up  the  Yazoo  River  and  took  pos 
session  of  Haines'  Bluffs,  which  had  been  evacuated  in  the  meantime  by 
the  enemy.  Thus  it  was  that  safe  communication  was  reopened  with 
Grant's  army,  and  again  he  had  a  base  of  supplies.  Pemberton  was 
driven  within  the  walls  of  Vicksburg  and  locked  up,  as  it  were,  in  that 
stronghold,  with  but  sixty  days'  rations.  Grant  had  then  completely 
turned  the  tables  on  the  enemy,  and  had  Pemberton  and  his  whole  army 
within  his  grasp. 

On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1863,  the  long  and  bloody  siege  came  to  its 
termination.  Pemberton  surrendered  to  Grant.  Grant,  at  the  head  of  a 
victorious  army,  entered  the  city  and  planted  the  old  flag  upon  the 
court-house,  where  it  was  unfurled  to  the  breeze  amid  the  shouts  of  his 
gallant  soldiers.  In  the  capture  of  Vicksburg,  there  were  surrendered 
to  Grant,  33,000  men,  including  17  general  officers,  and  170  cannon, 

THE    LARGEST    CAPTURE    OF    MEN 

and  munitions  of  war  ever  made  in  any  modern  war  up  to  that  time, 
numbering  the  killed,  wounded,  and  captured.  In  the  five  battles,  and 
including  the  siege  of  Vicksburg,  Grant  had  killed,  wounded,  and  capt 
ured  a  larger  number  of  the  enemy  than  his  whole  effective  force  num 
bered  in  the  campaign.  On  the  8th  day  of  July,  upon  the  news  reach 
ing  the  occupants  that  Vicksburg  had  been  captured,  Port  Hudson  was 
surrendered.  Thus  the  backbone  of  the  rebellion  was  broken,  the  so- 
called  Confederacy  was  cut  in  two,  and  thereafter  the  majestic  Mis 
sissippi  rolled  on  "unvexed  to  the  sea."  Grant's  loss  in  the  whole 
campaign  was  8,000,  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  Grant  was  now  ap 
plauded  by  the  loyal  people  everywhere,  and  throughout  the  Nation 
denominated  the  military  genius  of  the  age.  Even  Halleck  joined  in 
the  acclaim  and  telegraphed  to  Grant,  commending  him,  and  compar 
ing  his  operations  with  the  grandest  operations  of  Napoleon  Bona 
parte. 

General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  had  in  the  meantime  concentrated  a 
force  at  Jackson,  Miss.,  and  thereby  was  threatening  the  rear  of  Vicks 
burg.  Grant  at  once  sent  Sherman  with  a  suitable  force  against  John 
ston.  He  moved  immediately  and  did  not  hesitate  to  assail  him.  On 
the  1 6th  day  of  July,  Johnston  retreated  to  Alabama,  by  way  of  Merid 
ian. 

Soon  the  news  came  of  the  battle  of  Chickamauga.  Rosecrans,  hav 
ing  withdrawn  his  army  within  the  lines  of  Chattanooga,  was  cooped 
up,  with  Bragg  in  possession  of  his  communications,  and  including  the 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  391 

Tennessee  River  on  his  north,  had  him  completely  encircled,  seemingly 
in  a  position  where  he  must  sooner  or  later  surrender 

FOR    WANT    OF    SUPPLIES, 

both  for  men  and  animals.  Grant  was  now  ordered  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  take  command  of  that  department.  His  first  act  was 
to  assign  Thomas  to  the  command  of  the  department  and  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland,  in  place  of  Rosecrans.  His  next  was  to  telegraph 
Thomas  to  hold  Chattanooga  at  all  hazards  ;  that  he  would  be  there  as 
soon  as  possible.  To  which  old  General  Thomas  replied  :  "  I  will  hold 
the  town  till  we  starve."  On  the  23d  of  October,  1863,  Grant  reached 
Chattanooga.  Burnside  was  at  Knoxville.  Sherman  was  on  his  way 
from  Vicksburg  with  all  the  available  force  at  his  command,  and  Hooker 
was  moving  from  the  east  with  two  corps.  A  column  of  the  enemy 
moved  against  Knoxville.  By  the  i8th  of  November,  Grant  had  his 
forces  well  in  hand  and  ready  for  an  assault.  Rains  and  storms  pre 
vented  this  for  a  few  days  ;  but  on  the  23d  he  assaulted  Lookout  Moun 
tain,  the  men  climbing  from  crag  to  crag,  and  from  tree  to  tree,  until 
finally  they  were  on  the  crest  of  the  ridge  ;  the  rebels  retreated,  and 
patriots  planted  the  flag  of  the  Republic  thereon.  The  24th  and  25th, 
the  battle  of  Mission  Ridge  was  fought,  and 

THE  ENEMY  COMPLETELY  ROUTED. 

A  portion  of  the  Armies  of  the  East,  and  West,  and  Centre,  combin 
ing,  fought  side  by  side,  bravely  as  men  ever  fought.  Passing  through 
the  dangers  of  that  great  battle,  linked  them  together  in  bonds  of  friend 
ship  which  have  lasted  until  now.  After  he  had  defeated  Bragg,  and 
driven  him  back  from  this  stronghold,  Grant  commenced  maturing  plans 
for  the  great  final  campaigns.  He  began  by  ordering  Sherman  back 
to  Vicksburg  ;  also  a  large  force  to  march  from  Corinth  down  along 
the  railroad  to  Jackson,  destroying  the  road  as  it  went.  Sherman  was 
ordered  with  his  force  from  Vicksburg  in  the  direction  of  Meridian,  in 
order  that  the  railroad  and  lines  of  communication  in  that  part  of  the 
country  might  be  destroyed,  so  that  when  he  commenced  his  contem 
plated  campaign  he  could  withdraw  all  the  troops  from  there  and  con 
centrate  them  into  one  grand  army  to  march  against  the  enemy  in  the 
centre. 

The  troops  under  Thomas  were  assisting  in  guarding  the  railroads 
and  lines  of  communication  north  from  Chattanooga  and  west  to  Deca- 
tur.  Grant  directed  Thomas,  while  the  railroads  were  being  destroyed 
from  Corinth  to  Vicksburg,  south  and  east  from  Vicksburg,  to  keep  up 
a  continuous  demonstration  in  the  enemy's  front,  so  as  to  deceive  him 


392  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

into  the  belief  that  an  advance  was  to  be  made  very  soon.  He  also  di 
rected  me  toco-operate  with  Thomas.  I  then  being  in  command  of  the 
Fifteenth  Corps,  with  my  headquarters  at  Huntsville,  Ala.,  sent  a  force 
by  his  orders  in  the  direction  of  Rome,  Ga.  At  the  same  time  we  were 
notified  to  be  ready,  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  in  the  spring,  for  a 
general  advance.  Grant's  idea  was  then  to  move 

FROM  CHATTANOOGA  TO  ATLANTA, 

and  then  to  Mobile,  unless  something  should  intervene  in  the  meantime 
to  change  the  plan  and  force  him  to  move  in  the  direction  of  Savannah 
from  Atlanta.  He  said,  in  a  letter  during  that  winter,  that  sharp  fight 
ing  would  occur  in  the  spring,  and  if  our  army  was  successful  the  war 
would  be  ended  in  a  year. 

Grant  was  now  made  lieutenant-general,  and  placed  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  in  command  of  the  armies  of  the  Republic. 
But  one  single  person  had  ever  held  the  position  prior  to  Grant ;  that  was 
George  Washington.  Winfield  Scott  merely  had  the  brevet.  On  the  3d 
day  of  March,  1864,  he  was  ordered  to  Washington.  His  intention  at  that 
time  was  to  return  from  Washington  and  lead  the  armies  of  Sherman, 
Thomas,  and  Schofield,  to  Atlanta  in  person.  Unforeseen  events,  how 
ever,  changed  his  intention  of  leading  the  army  himself,  and  forced  him 
to  the  East.  His  campaign,  however,  was  carried  out  almost  to  the  let 
ter,  but  by  other  hands.  Grant  received  his  commission  as  lieutenant- 
general 

FROM    THE    HANDS    OF    PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

in  the  presence  of  the  Cabinet.  On  the  loth  of  March,  he  was  at  the  front 
in  Virginia  ;  on  the  i4th,  he  was  back  at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  giving  instruc 
tions  to  Sherman.  On  the  xyth,  he  assumed  supreme  command  of  all 
the  armies,  and  on  the  23d,  he  was  at  Washington,  and  at  once  proceeded 
to  make  his  headquarters  in  the  field  at  Culpeper,  Va.  Heretofore  the 
campaigns  of  the  different  armies  had  been  conducted  without  any  refer 
ence  to,  or  relation  one  with,  the  other. 

Grant's  intention  now  was,  that  his  campaign  should  proceed  with 
one  common  end  in  view.  His  plan  was  simple.  It  was  to  concentrate 
all  the  available  forces  of  the  West  and  combine  them  into  one  grand 
army  under  Sherman  ;  a  similar  concentration  of  the  armies  of  the 
East  under  Meade  ;  then  a  simultaneous  and  persistent  advance  of 
these  two  grand  armies  toward  a  common  centre — the  objective  point 
of  each  to  be  the  enemy  in  its  front,  and  the  ultimate  point  to  be  reached  : 
—Richmond.  Other  points  that  might  in  the  meantime  become  objec 
tive,  to  be  operated  against  as  the  circumstances  of  the  case  at  the  time 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  393 

should  suggest.  At  the  appointed  time  for  an  advance,  his  intention  was 
that  Sherman  should  move  directly  against  Johnston,  and 

HAMMER,    POUND,    AND     FOLLOW    HIM 

until  his  army  was  destroyed  or  captured.  If  neither  the  destruction 
nor  capture  should  occur  to  drive  him  on  to  Mobile  and  then  crush  him, 
or  on  to  Savannah  and  back  on  to  Richmond,  and  there  crush  both  the 
armies  between  the  two  great  armies  of  the  Union.  At  the  same  time 
Meade  was  to  advance  upon  Lee's  forces  and  strike  him  at  every  point, 
and  fight  him  in  every  place,  wherever  and  whenever  he  should  find 
him,  until  he  should  break  his  army  to  pieces  or  capture  it.  Neither  of 
the  armies  were  to  hesitate  in  carrying  out  this  common  purpose,  so 
that  when  Richmond  should  fall,  the  two  great  armies  of  the  rebellion 
should  fall  with  it.  This  plan  was  carried  out,  and  was  a  success.  It 
caused  us  to  achieve  the  victories  that  saved  the  Republic.  There  was 
but  one  failure  in  carrying  it  out  to  the  letter,  on  both  lines  ;  that  was 
when  Hood  was  permitted  to  escape  from  Sherman's  front,  from  Love- 
joy's  Station,  back  into  our  rear,  marching  against  Nashville.  It  forced 
Thomas'  army  to  return  and  follow  him,  while  the  remainder  of  the 
forces  moved  without  obstruction  to  the  sea.  This  failure  was,  how 
ever,  redeemed  afterward.  In  the  West,  the  grand  army  moved  forward 
fighting  battles  at  Dalton,  Buzzard's  Roost,  Snake  Creek  Gap,  Resaca, 
Lost  Mountain,  Dallas,  Big  and  Little  Kenesaw,  Peach  Tree  Creek,  and 
at  and  around  Atlanta.  Flank  movement  after  flank  movement  was 
executed,  and  battle  after  battle  was  fought  upon  fields  that 

FAIRLY    RAN    WITH    BLOOD, 

until  our  victorious  army  occupied  Atlanta.  The  Army  of  the  Cumber 
land,  under  Thomas,  moved  to  the  northward  in  pursuit  of  Hood,  as 
before  stated,  striking  and  hammering  him  to  pieces  at  Franklin  and 
Nashville. 

The  Army  of  the  Tennessee  and  that  of  Georgia,  under  Sherman, 
marched  through  Georgia  to  Savannah,  and  thence  through  the  Carolinas, 
driving  before  them,  from  Savannah,  the  rebel  forces,  through  State  after 
State,  marching  triumphantly  and  rapidly  in  the  direction  of  Richmond. 
During  this  while,  the  great  Army  of  the  East,  under  Meade,  its  cavalry 
commanded  by  Sheridan,  the  Army  of  the  James  co-operating,  all  under 
the  immediate  command  of  Grant,  was  striking  Lee's  veteran  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia  wherever  found.  The  bloody  battles  of  the  Wilder 
ness,  Spottsylvania  Court  House,  the  siege  of  Petersburg,  the  flanking 
marches  and  movements,  as  well  as  battles  in  the  advance,  from  the  Rap- 
idan  upon  Richmond,  all  evinced  the  valor  of  the  Union  troops,  and 


394 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


the  skill  with  which  they  were  handled,  as  well  as  that  remarkable  te 
nacity  of  purpose,  which,  as  much  as  any  other  one  quality,  enabled 
Grant  to  earn  the  proud  title  of  "savior  of  his  country."  Through  that 
spring,  summer,  and  winter,  the  two  great  armies  advanced  their  lines 
and  fought  their  way  in  the  direction  of  the  ultimate  point  to  be  attained. 
On  the  2d  of  April,  1865,  Petersburg  fell.  Richmond  was  at  once  evacu 
ated  by  Lee,  who  attempted  to  move  down  in  the  direction  of  and  form  a 
junction  with  Johnston's  forces  now  in  the  front  of  Sherman  in  North 
Carolina.  But  the  constant  pounding  that  Grant's  army  was  giving 
Lee,  with  vigorous  pursuit,  resulted,  April  9th, 

IN    LEE'S    SURRENDER. 

Johnston's  surrender  soon  followed,  being  only  a  little  more  than  the 
year  predicted  by  Grant  for  the  destruction  of  the  two  great  armies  of 
the  rebellion.  Thus  the  great  rebellion  collapsed  and  ended.  From  the 
battle  at  Belmontonthe  yth  of  November,  i86i,up  to  the  surrender  of  Lee 
at  Appomattox,  Grant  was  the  great  central  figure,  the  all-controlling 
genius  of  the  great  armies  of  the  Republic. 

His  name  was  on  the  lips  of  all  the  civilized  world,  as  the  great  mili 
tary  commander  of  the  age.  Filled  with  renown,  and  covered  with 
glory  in  the  midst  of  his  own  people,  and  now  receiving  the  new  grade 
of  General  of  the  Army,  never  held  by  any  person  before  him  in  this 
country,  and  which  was  created  by  law  especially  for  him, — having  re 
ceived  these  high  honors,  in  his  heart  he  hoped  that  he  might  be  per 
mitted  to  enjoy  in  the  future  the  comparative  quiet  which  he  had  surely 
earned.  But  it  was  not  to  be.  After  the  perfidy  and  almost  treason  of 
Andrew  Johnson  against  those  who  had  placed  him  in  power,  and 
against  the  best  interests  of  our  country,  the  people  desired  to  secure 
a  more  worthy  successor  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  fell  to  my  lot  to  pre 
sent  Grant's  name  to  the  National  Republican  Convention.  He  was 
proclaimed  the 

UNANIMOUS    CHOICE   OF    THE   PARTY. 

This  honor  he  sought  not.  It  was  thrust  upon  him  by  the  necessities  of 
the  times.  At  the  expiration  of  his  first  term,  he  was  again  called  upon 
to  be  our  civic  chief,  and  but  for  a  tradition  that  exists  among  the  people, 
and  an  unwritten  law  permanently  fixed  in  the  minds  of  our  people,  I  be 
lieve  he  would  have  been  chosen  for  a  third  time.  He  travelled  through 
Europe  and  Asia.  Rich  gifts  were  showered  upon  him  by  foreign  rulers 
and  municipalities.  The  heads  of  rulers  and  great  men  of  the  nations 
of  the  earth  were  bowed  in  his  presence.  So  much  did  he  impress  the 
older  nations  of  Asia  with  his  greatness  and  justness  that  he  was  se- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  395 

lected  to  settle  international  disputes  between  them,  as  a  friendly  arbi 
trator.  His  return  to  his  own  country  was  made  memorable  and  historic 
by  the  ovations  he  received  wherever  his  foot  touched  the  soil. 

From  Belmont  to  the  siege  of  Vicksburg  I  was  near  him  in  nearly 
all  his  marches,  campaigns,  and  battles,  and  was  permitted  by  him  to 
take  possession  of  Vicksburg  with  my  command,  on  account  of  its  hav 
ing  approached  nearer  the  enemy  than  any  other.  During  my  term  as 
commander  of  that  city  I  was  with  him  almost  every  day,  and  from  the 
time  when,  at  the  head  of  that  glorious  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  of 
which 

HE    WAS   THE    FIRST    COMMANDER 

and  I  its  last,  I  marched  by  his  reviewing-stand  at  the  National  Capitol, 
and  down  to  the  last  painful  days  of  his  memorable  life,  I  was  with  him 
very  often.  During  all  this  time  I  was  a  close  observer  of  him.  Grant  was 
usually  known  and  recognized  as  a  quiet  and  silent  man,  but,  when  en 
gaged  in  conversation  on  any  subject  in  which  he  felt  an  interest,  there 
were  few  who  excelled  him  as  a  conversationalist.  He  wrote  tersely 
and  well,  and  at  times  most  eloquently.  The  Nation  was  at  different 
times  thrilled  by  his  terse  epigrammatic  sentences.  When  he  wrote  to 
Buckner,  the  commander  at  Fort  Donelson,  "  No  terms  other  than  an 
unconditional  and  immediate  surrender  can  be  accepted.  I  propose  to 
move  immediately  upon  your  works,"  his  words  burned  with  the  glow 
of  patriotic  fire  in  the  heart  of  every  loyal  freeman. 

When  he  had  fought  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  and  wrote  to  the 
President  :  "  I  propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  sum 
mer,"  he  infused  into  the  people  and  his  troops  a  part  of  his  own  te 
nacity  and  faith  in  final  success. 

In  his  short  speech  to  the  committee  who  waited  upon  him  inform 
ing  him  of  his  first  nomination  by  the  Republicans  as  their  candidate 
for  Chief  Magistrate,  he  used  these  words  in  conclusion  : 

"  LET    US    HAVE    PEACE." 

These  words  fell  upon  the  people  with  an  electrical  effect.  His  cool 
ness,  his  perception,  and  aptness  in  using  the  right  word  in  the  right 
place  and  doing  the  right  thing  at  the  right  time,  were  at  the  bottom  of 
his  success  as  a  civil  magistrate,  just  as  his  great  faculty  for  doing  the 
right  thing  at  the  right  time  and  place,  and  sometimes  in  the  most  un 
expected  manner,  was  at  the  bottom  of  his  military  greatness.  Grant 
was  a  man  of  great  strength  of  intellect,  remarkable  common-sense, 
coolness,  self-possession,  and  tenacity.  He  was  a  true  friend  to  those 
who  were  worthy  of  his  friendship.  All  the  sympathies  of  his  great 
heart  went  out  to  those  whom  he  admired.  He  was  one  of  the  kindest 


396  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

and  best  husbands  that  ever  lived.  He  was  fond  of,  kind  and  generous 
to,  his  children.  He  was  a  man  who,  when  he  had  confidence  in  another, 
trusted  him  with  implicit  faith.  This  honesty  and  fidelity  in  himself, 
with  a  full  belief  in  the  honesty  and  fidelity  of  others,  was  the  source  of 
all  the  trouble  he  had  either  in  civil  or  military  life.  It  has  been  said 
that  Grant  was  not  a  strategist ;  that  his  success  was  achieved  by  his 
courage  and  his  persistent  fighting  against  the  enemy.  I  do  not  agree 
with  this  statement.  In  my  judgment 

HE    WAS    WITHOUT    A    RIVAL 

in  all  that  belongs  to  a  military  man  in  the  practical  science  of  warfare, 
either  as  strategist  or  a  great  commander.  He  was  not  only  the  equal 
of,  but  greater  as  a  military  commander  than,  Washington,  Napoleon, 
Wellington,  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Frederick 
the  Great,  Charlemagne,  Hannibal,  or  Scipio  Africanus  ;  and  in  my  opin 
ion  coming  centuries  will  give  to  Grant  a  place  above  them  all,  and 
rank  him  the  equal,  if  not  the  superior,  of  Julius  Caesar.  And  when  the 
mists  that  were  thrown  around  his  civil  administration  by  persistent  and 
bitter  partisan  enemies  shall  be  dispelled  by  the  sunlight  of  mature  and 
honest  reflection,  it  will  shine  out  with  all  the  brilliancy  and  glory 
that  is  or  has  been  attached  to  any  administration  in  the  past.  That 
he  made  some  minor  mistakes  no  one  will  deny.  Of  each  and  every 
administration  that  has  been  in  the  past  and  that  may  be  in  the  future, 
the  same  may  be  and  will  be  said.  With  Grant,  duty  was  a  living  prin 
ciple.  His  duty  to  his  country  and  Republican  institutions,  was  the 
question  ever  before  him,  and  whenever  he  felt  that  he  was  right,  noth 
ing  could  move  him  from  his  purpose.  When  convinced  that  he  was 
wrong,  he  was  at  all  times  ready  to  concede  it.  He  was  a  conscientious 
man,  a  just  man,  and  a  truthful  man, 

A    MAN    OF    GREAT    COURAGE 

and  great  magnanimity.  He  always  loved  his  friends  and  stood  by 
them,  even  while  forgiving  his  enemies.  As  a  military  man  he  fought 
not  for  glory,  but  to  save  his  country  from  dismemberment  and  servitude. 
He  was  at  times  criticised  and  severely  censured  by  many,  both  in  his 
military  and  civil  career.  The  clouds  of  calumny  lowered  about  him. 
He  stood  in  their  midst,  with  arms  folded,  hearing  their  thunders  and 
witnessing  the  wrath  of  his  enemies.  But  he  spoke  not  in  his  own 
defence.  He  felt  that  to  censure  is  easy  ;  to  adopt  what  measures  the 
case  requires,  is  the  part  of  wisdom. 

Time  finally  dispelled  the  clouds.     He  rose  above  and  beyond  them 
and  bared  his  bosom  to  the  world  that  his  heart  might  be  examined. 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  397 

When  the  light  of  honest  judgment  shone  in  upon  it,  it  was  found  to 
be  as  pure  as  the  dew-drop  that  hangs  upon  the  lips  of  the  velvet 
rose. 

Some  feign  to  believe  that  Grant's  success  was  in  many  respects 
accidental.  This  conies  from  a  desire  that  seems  strangely  to  find  a  place 
in  human  nature,  never  to  give  credit  to  the  one  who  brings  success  or 
performs  a  noble  act.  Great  arguments  and  orations  are  always  pre 
pared  by  some  other  than  those  delivering  them.  Shakespeare's  works 
were  written  by  Bacon,  according  to  some  persons  who  wish  notoriety, 
inasmuch  as  they  cannot  become  famous.  Unmerited  success  leads 
weak  minds  into  folly.  Egotism,  vanity,  and  ostentation  always  follow 
the  success  of  the  weak.  None  of  these  evidences  of  weakness  were 
ever  found  in  him.  To  maintain  prosperity  is  much  harder  than  to 
acquire  it.  In  the  weak  it  creates  a  false  pride,  but  brings  wisdom  and 
unostentation  to  the  strong.  The  latter  was  evidenced  in  Grant's  every 
act. 

HE    ROSE    TO    GREATNESS 

through  no  artifice  or  designing  on  his  part,  but  by  an  honest  perform 
ance  of  his  duty  to  his  country  in  such  an  intelligent  an  unfailing 
manner  as  to  win  the  confidence  and  admiration  of  the  whole  people. 
He  was  honest  in  all  his  views.  He  believed  it  impossible  for  any 
people  to  gain  lasting  power  by  injustice,  falsehood,  and  inhumanity; 
that  such  power  lasts  only  for  a  brief  period  ;  it  may  blossom  fairly  with 
hopes,  but  in  time  must  droop  and  die.  He  believed  in  the  justice  of 
God,  and  that  sooner  or  later  He  would  by  some  means  guide  him,  as 
commander  of  our  armies,  to  the  place  where  justice  would  take  the 
place  of  wrong,  and  "man's  inhumanity  to  man  "  be  properly  rebuked. 
He  believed  that  as  any  structure  should  have  its  base  the  firmest,  so  in 
human  affairs  the  principle  and  foundation  should  be  true  and  just.  This 
not  being  so  with  the  rebellion,  in  his  opinion  nothing  but  destruction 
finally  awaited  it. 

But  his  race  had  been  run.  This  great  and  good  man  went  up  on 
the  mountain's  top  to  die.  The  attention  of  the  whole  civilized  world 
was  directed  to  that  spot.  His  glory  was  not  of  his  own  country  alone, 
but  of  the  civilized  races  of  man.  When  the  news  of  his  death  went 
trembling  over  the  wires  to  the  utmost  parts  of  the  earth,  the  people  of 
every  nation  and  tongue  stood  with  bowed  heads.  Grant,  in  life,  had 
ascended  to  the  topmost  height  of  mortal  fame.  The  greatest  renown 
was  his.  The  glory  of  man's  greatest  achievement  shone  around  and 
about  him.  God  called  him,  and  he  stepped  from  his  high  pedestal  on 
this  earth  into  the  presence  of  the  Great  White  Throne  above,  where 
he  was  crowned  with  immortal  glory  that  shineth  on  forever. 


398  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 


LOGAN  BANQUETED  BY  THE  "  LOGAN  INVINCIBLES  AT  BALTI 
MORE — HIS  "  BLOODY  SADDLE  "  SPEECH — ELKINS  GIVES 
GRANT'S  HIGH  ESTIMATE  OF  LOGAN. 

At  the  Eutaw  House,  Baltimore,  on  the  evening  of  October 
8,  1885,  General  Logan  was  the  guest  of  the  "  Logan  Invin- 
cibles,"  at  a  banquet  given  in  his  honor,  at  which  one  hundred 
and  fifty  persons  were  present.  In  responding  to  the  toast 
"  Our  Distinguished  Guest,"  he  referred  at  some  length  to 
the  political  outrages  perpetrated  against  innocent  citizens  in 
the  South,  and  then  proceeded  to  say  : 

Will  the  present  administration  try  to  remedy  this  evil  by  using  the 
proper  influence  with  the  friends  who  placed  it  in  power  ?  Or  will  these 
people  be  quietly  encouraged,  in  order  to  hold  the  Southern  States  in 
solid  phalanx,  so  that  by  the  carrying  of  one  or  two  Northern  States,  ac 
cidentally  or  otherwise,  they  will  hold  power  and  control,  just  as  seces 
sion  expected  to  succeed  by  a  solid  South,  with  Democratic  allies  from 
the  Northern  States  ?  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  perhaps  I  am  going  too  far 
in  stating  too  many  facts,  as  I  see  that  the  Democracy  all  over  this 
country,  when  wrongs  are  charged  to  their  party  or  themselves,  raise 
the  cry  of  "bloody  shirt,"  as  if  by  that  means  they  would  "  frighten  the 
souls  of  fearful  adversaries."  What  do  they  mean  by  the  cry :  "  Shaking 
the  bloody  shirt  ?"  Who  has  been  shaking  it  at  any  of  these  people  who 
are  so  fearful  of  that  blood-stained  and  historic  garment  ?  Who  is  it 
that  lias  been  making  bloody  shirts  in  many  of  the  States  of  the  Union 
by  shooting  down  and  clubbing  innocent  citizens,  merely  because  they 
desire  to  cast  a  free  ballot  ?  If  facts  that  are  historical  are  mentioned, 
it  is  called  shaking  the  bloody  shirt.  If  you  speak  of  a  man  having  re 
belled  against  the  Government,  you  are  shaking  the  bloody  shirt.  I 
suppose  that  in  the  future  the  only  thing  a  Republican  will  be  permitted 
to  do  before  an  American  audience  will  be  to  rise,  bow  to  those  present, 
thank  God  he  has  been  permitted  to  live,  apologize  to  the  people  for 
having  been  a  Union  man,  and  swear  that  he  was  deceived,  and  will  not 
do  so  any  more.  Is  this  the  road  we  are  travelling  now  ?  Sir,  this  does 
seem  to  be  the  tendency,  and  it  will  be  persisted  in  by  political  enemies 
of  this  Republic  unless  every  man  determines  to  assert  his  individual 
manhood  and  defy  the  scoffers  and  mockers  from  one  end  of  the  land 
to  the  other. 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  399 

Then,  referring  to  the  campaign  proceeding  at  the  time,  in 
Virginia,  he  added  : 

I  understand  from  the  newspapers,  and  it  is  not  contradicted,  that 
there,  the  candidate  for  Governor  on  the  Democratic  ticket  is  travelling 
over  the  old  State,  along  the  highways  where  his  army  once  marched, 
arousing  the  people,  not  by  his  great  eloquence  or  statesmanship,  but 
by  having  his  horse  caparisoned  with  his  uncle's,  Robert  E.  Lee's,  bridle 
and  saddle,  and,  while  sitting  thereon,  he  receives  a  kind  of  inspiration 
from  the  old  saddle,  that  makes  him  feel  as  though  he  were  in  command 
of  some  great  army,  fighting  for  the  destruction  of  his  country.  He  has, 
I  am  told,  a  cavalry  escort,  carrying  a  cavalry  guidon  flitting  to  the  breeze, 
which  was  used  by  some  of  his  own  command  in  the  rebellion.  From 
the  shouts  of  the  people,  along  where  he  passes,  for  the  saddle  and 
bridle,  it  would  seem  that  the  saddle  is  the  candidate  for  Governor  of 
Virginia,  and  not  the  man  who  rides  on  it.  If  he  should  be  elected,  it 
would  doubtless  be  the  influence  of  that  saddle  and  bridle  that  would 
bring  the  necessary  votes  to  make  him  chief  magistrate  of  that  common 
wealth.  Yet  this  is  not  called  shaking  the  bloody  shirt.  It  is  the  sad 
dle  he  shakes,  and  the  rebel  guidon.  In  the  case  of  the  Virginia  cam 
paign,  the  blood-stained  saddle  appears  to  be  the  leading  card.  What 
Republican  is  crying  out,  "Don't  shake  your  bloody  saddle  at  me  !  "  Why, 
Mr.  Chairman,  if  it  makes  the  young  man  feel  happy  to  mount  and  wob 
ble  about  in  his  uncle's  saddle,  let  him  do  it.  It  does  /u'tnso  much  good, 
and  it  cannot  hurt  the  saddle.  Of  course,  these  things  are  all  right  on 
the  Democratic  side,  but  if  anything  of  the  kind  should  ever  be  at 
tempted  on  the  Republican  side,  it  would  be  called  waving  the  bloody 
shirt.  Sir,  I  have  no  malice  in  my  heart  or  vindictive  feeling  against 
those  who  fought  bravely  and  well  against  us,  though  they  were  in  the 
wrong.  But  I  do  claim  that  we  were  right  in  suppressing  the  rebellion, 
and  that  they  were  wrong  ;  that  if  any  man  sees  fit  to  speak  of  the  wrongs 
done  or  attempted  to  be  done  against  this  country  or  its  citizens,  he  has 
a  right  to  do  so  ;  and  that  if  any  man  chooses  to  speak  in  complimentary 
terms  of  those  who  sustained  and  upheld  the  Government  in  its  darkest 
hours,  he  has  a  right,  to  do  so. 

Later  in  the  evening,  the  Hon.  Stephen  B.  Elkins  ad 
dressed  the  assembled  company,  deservedly  eulogizing  the 
honored  guest,  and  then  proceeded  : 

But  it  occurs  to  me  that  I  have  words  about  General  Logan,  from  his 
lips  that  are  silent,  and  sealed  in  death,  which  I  am  sure  will  interest 


400  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

you  ;  words  from  him  whose  death  we  still  mourn,  .is  a  loss  to  humanity 
everywhere  ;  whose  funeral  arrested  the  attention  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  caused  the  sun  of  business,  intrigue,  fashion  and  folly  in  its  steady 
course  to  stand  still  during  the  ceremonies  of  that  sad  day,  the  pomp 
and  splendor  of  which  have  not  been  equalled  in  the  annals  of  civiliza 
tion  ;  words  from  Grant,  some  of  which  I  beg  your  indulgence  to  recall 
from  memory. 

In  the  summer  of  1883,  at  his  house  at  Long  Branch,  in  speaking  to 
a  friend,  of  General  Logan,  General  Grant  said  :  The  country  owes  him 
a  debt  of  gratitude,  probably  greater  than  to  any  other  man  now  living, 
and  which,  I  fear,  is  not  properly  appreciated,  for  the  influence  he  ex 
erted  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  in  favor  of  the  Union,  which  was  not 
only  felt  throughout  the  West,  but  especially  contributed  largely  in  sav 
ing  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  the  southern  half  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
honey-combed  as  it  was  then  with  Southern  sympathizers.  He  said 
he  first  met  General  Logan  at  Springfield,  111.,  at  the  breaking  out  of 
the  war.  That  he  (Grant)  had  been  appointed  a  colonel,  and  assigned 
to  a  regiment,  the  term  of  service  of  which  had  about  expired,  and  the 
question  of  its  re-enlistment  was  being  discussed  ;  that  he  was  naturally 
anxious  the  men  should  re-enlist,  and  was  apprehensive  as  to  the  result, 
fearing  that  they  might  not.  It  was  proposed  that  General  McClernand 
and  General  Logan  should  make  speeches  to  the  regiment — that  Logan 
had  just  resigned  from  a  seat  in  Congress  to  go  into  the  war,  probably 
the  only  case  on  record,  and  with  a  majority  of  20,000  behind  him,  the 
largest  ever  given  in  a  single  district.  McClernand's  speech,  though 
strong,  made  but  little  impression  on  the  men,  but  Logan's,  touched 
with  patriotic  fire  and  enthusiasm,  so  moved  them  that  nearly  every  one 
re-enjisted.  This  he  thought  was  the  first  public  utterance  of  Logan's 
touching  the  war  for  the  Union,  that  reached  the  Nation. 

On  another  occasion  he  said  that  Logan  was  not  only  a  great  Gen 
eral — one  that  could  always  be  relied  upon — but  that  his  patriotism  was 
the  supreme  motive  that  governed  him  during  the  \var  ;  in  everything 
he  did  he  was  unselfish,  unmindful  of  himself  ;  he  did  not  seek  or  work 
for  promotion,  but  for  the  good  of  the  cause  and  the  success  of  the 
army. 

He  illustrated  this  by  referring  to  the  time  when  General  Thomas 
was  at  Nashville,  and  had  been  ordered  to  move  his  army  at  once,  and 
not  doing  so,  General  Grant  became  impatient  and  sent  for  General 
Logan  and  told  him  that  Thomas  had  not  moved  in  accordance  with 
orders,  and  that  he  (Grant)  desired  General  Logan  to  go  to  Nashville, 
and  if  Thomas  had  not  moved,  to  relieve  him  ;  whereupon  Logan 
earnestly  remonstrated  with  General  Grant,  telling  him  that,  probably, 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  401 

such  action  would  offend  a  large  element  in  the  North,  the  sympathy  of 
which  was  necessary,  and  if  he  could  possibly  avoid  relieving  Thomas, 
in  the  interest  of  the  Union  cause,  he  would  prefer  it.  General  Grant 
said  this  remonstrance  was  against  Logan's  promotion  ;  he,  however, 
issued  the  necessary  orders  and  gave  them  to  General  Logan  to  use, 
in  his  discretion,  and  he  proceeded  to  Nashville.  Logan  had  it  in  his 
power  to  relieve  Thomas  and  secure  his  own  promotion,  but  this  he 
declined  to  do.  General  Grant  incidentally  remarked  that  his  (Logan's) 
patriotism  rose  higher  than  his  self-interest.  Again,  he  said,  that 
Logan,  more  than  any  other  general  of  the  war,  was  probably  the  most 
with  him  at  his  headquarters,  while  in  the  West ;  that  he  was  always 
anxious  everything  should  be  done  that  would  satisfy  the  loyal  element 
in  the  North,  and  retain  its  confidence  in  the  armies  of  the  Union, 
Sometimes  this  anxiety  led  him  into  melancholy  moods,  and  his  language 
bordered  on  discouragement,  but  as  the  hour  for  battle  approached,  and 
Logan  had  his  orders,  and  place  assigned  him,  he  was  at  once  full  of 
enthusiasm,  confident,  active  and  eager  for  the  contest;  adding,  "  He 
was  always  superb  in  action.  I  never  had  to  look  after  Logan  ;  I  knew 
when  he  had  an  order,  it  would  be  executed." 

General  Grant  said  he  remembered  that  Logan  was  at  his  head 
quarters  and  apparently  discouraged  as  to  the  condition  of  the  Union 
cause  and  prospects  of  the  future,  giving  for  his  reason  that  the  South 
was  solid  and  a  unit  in  favor  of  the  war,  while  the  North  was  divided, 
with  a  large  element  in  sympathy  with  the  South,  and  went  on  pictur 
ing  the  difficulties  of  the  situation  generally,  of  the  Union  army ;  after 
listening  to  which,  General  Grant  replied :  "  Logan,  you  don't  take  into 
account  that  the  rebel  armies  have  their  difficulties  as  well  as  we,  and 
probably  they  feel  just  as  badly  as  you  do."  He  said  this  seemed  to 
strike  Logan,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  evening  he  was  in  good  spirits.  On 
other  occasions  when  Logan  began  to  recite  the  difficulties  and  troubles 
surrounding  the  Union  cause,  General  Grant  would  remind  him  of  the 
condition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  the  trials  and  difficulties  of 
its  armies  as  well. 

He  also  said,  that  during  the  "Reconstruction  Period,"  Logan  always 
sustained  him,  and  was  anxious  to  compose  all  differences  between  the 
North  and  South  ;  that  his  position  on  the  "  Inflation  Bill "  was  clear 
and  correct ;  and  that  he  was  among  those  who  sustained  him  in  his  veto 
of  that  bill. 

Even  General  Logan,  with  all  the  great  honors  that  have  gathered 
around  him,  both  in  military  and  civil  life,  may  be  proud  that  he  can 
wear,  through  the  years  that  are  before  him,  and  we  trust  they  may  be 

many  and  prosperous,  such  words  of  approbation  and  esteem  from  the 

26 


402  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

foremost  general  of  his  century,  and  among  the  foremost  men  of  all  the 
centuries. 

LOGAN     DECLINES     THE     PRESIDENCY     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES 
SENATE — HIS    POPULARITY    STILL    EXTENDING. 

Upon  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1885,  one 
of  the  first  questions  to  be  decided  by  the  United  States  Sen 
ate  was  the  election  of  some  one  of  its  members  to  the  tem 
porary  presidency  of  that  body,  made  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Vice-President  Hendricks.  In  the  preliminary  discussions  in 
the  public  journals  and  among  the  people,  it  soon  became 
patent  that  it  was  the  unanimous  wish  of  the  Republican 
press  and  people  that  the  honor  should  fall  to  Logan.  The 
Republican  Senators  were  prompt  in  acknowledging  the 
justice  and  propriety  of  the  popular  demand.  On  Decem 
ber  4th,  they  held  a  caucus,  in  which,  Senator  Edmunds 
closed  some  complimentary  remarks  upon  the  General,  with  a 
motion  that  he  be  nominated  by  acclamation  for  that  distin 
guished  office  ;  and,  after  several  brief  speeches  had  been 
made  in  favor  of  the  motion,  the  question  was  put  and  agreed 
to  unanimously, — this,  too,  despite  the  fact  that  he  had  made 
no  secret  of  his  disinclination  for  that  office. 

Immediately  upon  the  announcement,  therefore,  of  his 
unanimous  nomination  to  it,  General  Logan  arose,  and  said  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  from  the  depths  of  myheart  I  thank  the  Republican 
Senators  for  the  confidence  they  repose  in  me,  as  expressed  by  the 
nomination  just  tendered  me,  by  acclamation,  for  the  position  of  tem 
porary  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate.  I  not  alone  thank  them,  but  the 
people  of  the  whole  country,  for  the  desire  they  seem  to  have  that  I 
should  be  given  this  very  honorable  position.  I  was,  however,  sir,  the 
nominee  of  the  Republican  Party  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  was 
voted  for  at  the  last  election.  I  was  not  elected.  For  that  nomination  I 
then  thanked  the  Republican  Party,  and,  through  the  Senators  present,  I 
again  return  to  the  Republicans  of  the  country  my  grateful  acknowledg 
ments.  If  I  thought  that  I  could  better  serve  my  constituents  and  my 
country  by  accepting  this  position,  I  would  most  unhesitatingly  do  so, 
and  perform  the  duties  to  the  best  of  my  ability.  I  do  not  think  so,  and 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  403 

am  sure  that  I  can,  by  work  necessary  to  be  performed  on  committees 
and  otherwise,  do  more  that  may  be  useful,  by  remaining  in  my  present 
position.  In  fact,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  position  is  not  to  my  taste,  and, 
unless  I  thought  I  could  perform  the  duties  in  a  more  satisfactory  man 
ner  than  other  Senators,  which  I  do  not,  I  cannot  see  a  necessity  for  me 
to  occupy  the  chair  in  preference  to  any  of  my  brother  Senators.  The 
Senate  has  at  all  times  been  presided  over  in  a  most  satisfactory  man 
ner,  since  I  have  had  the  honor  to  be  one  of  its  members,  and  doubtless 
will  be  so  again  by  anyone  who  may  be  selected.  I  am  ready  to  assist 
in  elevating  anyone  thus  selected.  And  now,  my  brother  Senators,  I 
want  you  to  know  that  I  fully  appreciate  your  kindness,  and  the  great 
compliment  paid  me,  but  you  must  allow  me  to  say,  that  after  carefully 
considering  the  matter,  I  feel  that  I  ought  to  decline  this  nomination, 
and  now,  most  respectfully  do  so. 

A  number  of  Senators  having  made  remarks  deprecating 
General  Logan's  declination,  the  General  stated  that  the  con 
clusion  had  been  reached  by  him  after  full  deliberation,  and 
he  wished  it  to  be  regarded  as  final.  Hence,  at  a  subsequent 
caucus,  Senator  Sherman  was  selected. 

Although,  as  has  been  stated,  Logan  was  the  choice  of  the 
Republican  Party  and  the  country  for  this  position,  yet,  no 
sooner  had  he  thus  gracefully  declined  it,  than  that  party  and 
the  country,  through  the  journals  of  the  day,  made  it  manifest 
that  his  declination  had  largely  enhanced  his  already  great 
popularity,  and  made  him  only  the  more  prominent  in  the 
public  eye  as  the  coming  Republican  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency  of  the  United  States.  Numberless  pages  might  be 
filled  with  such  utterances,  which  seemed  to  show — had  not 
the  mysterious  hand  of  Providence  intervened — that  Logan 
was  predestined  to  receive  that  supreme  honor ;  but  space 
forbids  more  than  the  mere  mention  of  the  fact. 

NEW  YEAR'S  (1886)  RECEPTION    BY  LOGAN,  AT  HIS  WASHING 
TON    RESIDENCE A   DESCRIPTIVE    POEM. 

On  New  Year's  Day  of  1886,  the  number  of  people  who 
visited  General  and  Mrs.  Logan  at  their  Washington  home, 
was  simply  immense.  Logan's  reception,  in  fact,  rivalled,  in 


404 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


point  of  numbers,  if  not  in  that  of  distinction,  the  White  House 
reception,  and  was  kept  up  until  late  in  the  evening.  The 
main  feature  of  Logan's  New  Year's  reception  was  the  veter 
ans  who  thronged  it ;  and  the  following  lines,  written  at  the 
time,  by  Edward  Renaud,  descriptive  of  one  of  its  incidents, 
will  often,  in  the  coming  years,  be  read  by  the  old  soldiers, 
with  emotion  : 

A  NEW  YEAR'S  CALL. 


THE  soldier  in  his  parlor  sat, 

The  lights  were  burning  dim  ; 
The  sighs  the  sleeping  city  sent 

Soared  heavenward  like  a  hymn  ; 
While  scents  of  flowers  upon  the  air, 

Faint  music  o'er  the  way 
Told  that  the  hours  were  waning  fast 

That  brought  the  New  Year's  Day. 

The  past,  his  past  of  stirring  days 

Rose  round  him  like  a  dream  ; 
The  battle's  din,  a  fiery  blast, 

Flashed  like  a  sabre's  gleam  ; 
The  stirring  "  house,"  the  senate-hall, 

While,  like  a  phantom  dim, 
One  house  with  pillared  porticos 

Shone  'neath  the  stars  to  him. 

The  silver  salvers  piled  with  cards 

Left  by  the  callers  there 
Stood  silent  in  the  lofty  room, 

Mute  witnesses  and  fair  ; 
The  soldier  turned  to  her  who  sat 

There,  wife  and  friend  of  years  ; 
And  then  those  honest,  earnest  eyes 

Were  dimmed  with  coming  tears. 

"Ah  !  well,"  he  said,  "the  hearts  of  friends, 

The  clasp  of  kindly  hands, 
Are  worth  the  sceptres  and  the  crowns, 

The  wealth  of  many  lands, 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  405 

And  when  we  both  shall  sleep  the  sleep 

That  comes  to  each  and  all 
May  that  best  gift  of  love  be  ours 

That  crowns  this  earthly  ball ! " 


Hark  !  on  the  stair  the  footfalls  fast 

Come  trampling  stout  and  strong, 
And  steady  as  the  chorus  comes 

That  marks  the  stirring  song ; 
As  through  the  opened  door  they  come, 

Belated  callers  three 
With,  "  Logan,  for  a  true  hand-shake 

We  come  at  last,  you  see  !  " 

"  I,"  said  the  first,  whose  empty  sleeve 

Hung  by  his  coat  of  blue, 
"/fought  beside  you  years  ago 

And  voted  for  you,  too  !  " 
"And  I,  with  two  stout  legs  and  strong 

Marched  with  you  to  the  fray," 
So  spake  the  other,  "  but  alas  ! 

With  one  I  limped  away. 

"  But  though  I  stood  beside  you  then, 

And  though  I  wore  the  blue, 
/voted  with  the  other  side, 

Yet  still  my  heart  is  true  ; 
Is  true  to  all  you  were  and  are, 

And  all  you  yet  shall  be — 
The  nation's  stoutest,  manliest  son  — 

God  grant  me  life  to  see  !  " 

Up  spoke  the  third,  he  wore  the  gray, 

"  In  Vicksburg's  red  campaign 
I  fought  with  Pemberton  where  lead 

And  iron  fell  like  rain  ; 
But  if  amidst  my  tears  of  joy 

That  years  have  brought  our  due 
There  fell  one  bitter  drop,  it  was 

Because  we  *  slaughtered  '  jsu. 


406  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

He  clasped  the  hands  of  each  and  all 

The  wine  of  welcome  poured, 
That  feast  of  friendship  seemed  to  him 

As  an  anthem  of  the  Lord  ; 
That  stainless  honor  tried  by  fire, 

The  nobler,  better  part  ; 
The  homage  that  the  true  man  pays 

When  stout  heart  speaks  to  heart ! 

Adown  the  stairs  they  tramped  again  ; 

They  passed  into  the  night, 
Where  all  the  myriad  stars  of  heaven, 

God's  lamps,  were  burning  bright  ; 
And  once  again  the  soldier  said, 

"  Kind  hearts  and  hands  !  I  pray 
God  keep  mine  true  and  clean  to  clasp 

Your  own  next  New  Year's  Day  !  " 

LOGAN    DINED    BY    THE    PHILADELPHIA    "  CLOVER    CLUB." 

General  Logan  was  an  honored  guest  at  the  fourth  annual 
dinner  of  the  famous  non-political  "  Clover  Club  "  at  the  Ho 
tel  Bellevue,  Philadelphia,  January  14,  1886.  There  were 
several  very  distinguished  men  present  at  the  banquet,  Han 
cock  and  Logan  having  the  places  of  honor  to  the  right  and 
left  of  the  chairman.  Logan  on  this  occasion  made  what  was 
described  as  "  a  rattling  speech  ;  "  and  Wayne  McVeagh,  in 
his  witty  speech,  said  he  thought  if  Logan  and  Hancock 
had  pooled  their  issues  in  the  last  two  campaigns  they  could 
have  been  elected,  or  if  Hancock  and  Logan  had  done  the 
same  thing  the  result  would  have  been  the  same ;  but  he  was 
bound  to  say  he  would  favor  the  first  ticket.  Logan  had  told 
him  recently  that  the  only  candidate  he  feared  in  the  future 
was  Evarts.  He  had  read  Evarts'  recent  Boston  speech,  and 
had  asked  Logan  what  Evarts'  position  was  on  the  silver 
question.  Logan  had  replied  that  Evarts  was  dangerous  as 
a  Presidential  candidate  because  he  was  in  favor  of  unlimited 
coinage,  but  opposed  to  its  circulation.  Seriously  he  thought 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  407 

General  Logan  should  not  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
He  does  not  run,  and  was  never  known  to  do  so,  from  friend 
or  enemy. 

HE    AGAIN    ATTACKS     THE    (MODIFIED)    FITZ-JOHN    PORTER     BILL 

IN    THE    SENATE. 

The  House  of  Representatives  having  passed  a  bill  sub 
stantially  authorizing  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
nominate  to  the  Senate  Fitz-John  Porter  to  a  colonelcy  in 
the  Regular  Army — being  the  rank  held  by  him  prior  to  his 
being  cashiered  and  dismissed  the  service  January  10,  1863 
—the  bill,  upon  reaching  the  Senate  was  referred  to  the  Mili 
tary  Committee,  of  which  General  Logan  was  chairman,  and 
on  March  n,  1886,  it  was  favorably  reported  to  the  Senate 
by  a  majority  of  the  committee.  Accompanying  the  report 
the  "  views  of  the  minority,"  adverse  to  the  bill, — written  by 
General  Logan,  and  concurred  in  by  Senators  Hawley,  Har 
rison,  and  Manderson — were  presented  by  Logan.  The  docu 
ment  containing  these  views  is  voluminous,  and  completely 
covers  the  evidence  in  the  case ;  and,  after  summing  up  that 
evidence,  concludes  as  follows : 

We  the  minority  therefore  protest  against  the  passage  of  the  bill 
restoring  Fitz-John  Porter  to  the  army.  The  success  of  said  bill  would 
be  a  misfortune  to  the  country  ;  and  no  source  of  danger  is  more  insidi 
ous,  its  progress  more  rapid,  and  its  corruption  more  sure,  than  that 
legislation  which  is  in  the  interest  of  private  favoritism  at  the  expense 
of  public  justice.  No  case  can  be  found  in  the  annals  of  courts-martial 
where  a  more  just  verdict  was  rendered  than  in  the  case  where  Fitz- 
John  Porter  was  tried,  convicted,  and  dismissed  from  the  army.  We 
protest  against  the  passage  of  the  bill  for  the  reason  that  it  would  stand 
hereafter  as  an  incentive  to  military  disobedience  in  the  crises  of  arms, 
and  as  an  assurance  of  forgiveness  and  emolument  for  the  most  danger 
ous  crime  a  soldier  can  commit. 

Subsequently,  when  the  bill  came  up  for  action  in  the 
Senate,  General  Logan  again  spoke,  at  length,  against  it,  with 
the  same  courage,  energy,  convincing  logic,  and  patriotic 


4o8  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

fervor  that  had  characterized  his  other  great  efforts  in  the 
same  direction,  although  he  knew  that  he  was  leading  only  a 
"  forlorn  hope,"  and  that  the  passage  of  the  measure  was  a 
foregone  conclusion.  In  this,  as  in  so  many  other  matters, 
Logan  never  failed  to  follow  the  line  of  his  own  honest  con 
victions,  regardless  of  what  others  might  think,  or  say,  or 
do. 

SPEECH    ON    ADMISSION    OF    DAKOTA LOGAN  RIDDLES    THE  DEM 
OCRATIC  OPPOSITION — HE  UNHORSES  BUTLER. 

During  January,  1886,  the  bill  for  the  admission  to  State 
hood  of  the  Territory  of  Dakota,  was  before  the  Senate,  hav 
ing  been  favorably  reported  by  the  proper  committee,  and 
Senator  Vest  took  occasion  in  remarks  he  then  made,  in  reply 
to  Senator  Harrison's  speech  favoring  the  bill,  to  violently 
assail  the  Union  soldiers.  General  Logan,  on  February  3d, 
made  a  speech,  the  brief  telegraphic  synopsis  of  which,  taken 
from  the  Philadelphia  Press,  given  below,  will  give  the  reader 
a  fair  idea  of  Logan's  qualities  in  senatorial  debate,  when  in 
terrupted.  Says  this  despatch : 

General  Logan  taunted  the  Democrats  with  requiring  an  Enabling 
Act  of  Congress  for  Dakota,  when  eleven  States  had  been  admitted  with 
out  such  a  formality.  The  Democratic  opposition  is  because  Dakota  is 
Republican. 

This  brought  Senator  Butler  to  his  feet  with  an  assertion  that  he 
didn't  care  whether  the  State  was  Republican  or  Democratic  so  long  as 
it  possessed  all  the  requisites  of  Statehood  and  its  admission  was  asked 
by  a  majority  of  those  who  had  its  interests  at  heart,  but,  in  this  in 
stance,  he  had  a  suspicion  that  there  was  a  political  clique  clamoring 
for  admission. 

"  I  agree  with  you,"  said  General  Logan,  "  there  is  a  political 
clique."  He  then  explained  that  South  Dakota,  with  its  261,000  popu 
lation  cast  57,000  votes  at  the  election  two  years  ago,  while  South  Caro 
lina,  with  its  700,000 

"Over  a  million,"  interjected  Mr.  Butler. 

"  Well,  that  makes  it  all  the  worse,"  said  General  Logan.  "With 
over  a  million  population,  South  Carolina  only  cast  91,000  votes.  On 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  409 

the  adoption  of  the  Dakota  Constitution,  there  were  31,000  votes  cast, 
and  the  Democrats,  under  instructions  from  the  Democratic  Committee, 
refrained  from  voting.  This  was  the  political  clique." 

He  then  contrasted  the  proportion  of  the  voting  population  in  Da 
kota  with  that  of  South  Carolina,  and  said  there  must  be  something 
wrong  in  South  Carolina.  It  was  the  same  old  fight  over  again.  In 
the  days  of  slavery,  the  Democrats  would  admit  no  free  State  unless  a 
slave  State  was  also  admitted,  and  now  they  are  unwilling  to  admit  a  Re 
publican  State  unless  a  Democratic  State  is  also  brought  in.  He  read 
Senator  Harrison's  remarks  upon  which  Senator  Vest  based  his  attack 
upon  the  Union  soldiers,  and  said  that  nothing  therein  could  be  tortured 
into  a  justification  of  Senator  Vest's  attack.  He  was  sorry  that  it  should 
be  considered,  by  any  Senator,  a  reproach  to  have  been  a  Union  soldier. 
It  seemed,  however,  that  the  Democratic  Party,  having  again  got  in  power, 
were  determined  to  keep  it  by  whatever  means,  believing  in  their  right 
to  do  so,  as  they  formerly  believed  in  the  divine  right  of  slavery.  He 
read  from  an  article  in  the  Charleston  News  and  Courier  which  admitted 
that,  under  the  apportionment,  the  colored  people  of  South  Carolina 
would  be  entitled  to  a  majority  in  the  Legislature,  but  that,  to  guard 
against  this  misfortune,  it  was  proposed  to  adopt  a  property  qualifica 
tion,  not  of  individuals,  but  of  counties,  and  thus  practically  disfranchise 
the  poor  colored  people.  This,  perhaps,  explained  why  there  was  so 
great  a  proportionate  difference  between  the  voting  strength  of  that 
State  and  of  the  Territory  of  Dakota. 

General  Logan  concluded  his  speech  by  an  earnest  appeal  for  the 
admission  of  Dakota,  as  provided  in  the  bill,  claiming  that- in  the  steps 
which  had  been  taken,  thus  far,  the  citizens  of  the  Territory  were  fully 
justified  by  the  Constitution  and  by  precedent ;  that  they  had  every 
requisite  for  Statehood  ;  and  that  justice  and  true  statesmanship  de 
manded  that  they  should  be  accorded  the  right  to  become  one  of  the 
grand  galaxy  of  States. 

LOGAN'S    IDEA    OF    "  DECORATIONS  " — HE    DECLARES    AGAINST 
SECRET  SESSIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 

About  the  same  time  a  bill  being  before  the  Senate  to 
permit  the  American  consul  at  Warsaw  to  accept  decora 
tions  from  the  Government  of  Russia,  Logan  spoke  against 
it,  and  made  a  wholesome  sensation  both  there,  and  through 
out  the  country,  by  declaring  that  "the  only  decoration  an 


4io 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


American  citizen  should  wear,  is  his  daily  walk  and  demeanor 
before  his  fellow-men." 

Again,  on  February  4,  1886,  in  an  executive  session  of 
the  Senate,  Logan  introduced  a  resolution  providing  that 
thereafter  all  executive  business  should  be  considered  by  that 
body  with  open  doors.  This  he  probably  did,  not  with  any 
idea  that  it  would  be  adopted  at  once,  but  first  with  the 
object  of  ascertaining  whether  it  stood  a  "  fighting  chance  " 
of  adoption,  and  second  because  the  people,  hearing  of  it, 
would  have  a  chance,  in  time,  to  express  themselves  upon 
the  subject  in  such  a  way  as  to  lead  to  the  overthrow  of 
secret  sessions.  His  ideas  on  this  subject  can  be  gathered 
from  a  subsequently  publishe'd  ''interview,"  in  which  he  said : 
"  I  have  always  been,  and  hope  I  shall  always  be,  opposed 
unequivocally  to  the  consideration  of  the  people's  business  in 
secret  session.  In  a  republic,  where  the  perpetuity  of  its 
institutions  depends  upon  the  intelligent  and  loyal  support  of 
all  citizens,  it  is  not  best  to  close  the  doors  of  the  Senate 
Chamber  and  deliberate  in  secret.  In  my  judgment,  execu 
tive  sessions  are  an  abomination  in  the  eyes  of  the  people, 
and  ought  not  to  have  place  under  our  republican  form  of 
government." 

THE    GREAT    REPUBLICAN    CLUB    BANQUET    IN    DETROIT — LOGAN'S- 
ENTHUSIASTIC    RECEPTION    AND    STIRRING    SPEECH. 

On  the  evening  of  February  21,  1886, — after  attending  a 
three  hours'  reception  at  Governor  Alger's  mansion — Logan 
participated  in  a  grand  banquet  given  at  the  Princess  Rink, 
Detroit,  by  the  Michigan  Republican  Club,  at  which  Evarts 
and  other  distinguished  men  were  present.  The  banquet  was 
very  elaborate.  Twelve  hundred  persons  sat  down  at  the 
various  tables.  The  decorations  alone,  cost  nearly  $6,000. 
Both  Evarts  and  Logan  made  speeches,  and,  contrasting  the 
effects  produced  by  these  two  prominent  men,  the  Detroit 
Evening  Journal  said:  "When  Senator  Logan  arose  and 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  4II 

stood  facing  hundreds  of  yelling  and  enthusiastic  admirers, 
the  contrast  between  himself  and  Evarts  at  once  suggested  it 
self.  In  his  keen  eye,  his  raven-hued  hair  and  mustache,  his 
splendid  physique,  the  conviction  of  dash  and  daring  forced 
by  his  whole  air  and  military  bearing,  he  appeared  the  man 
to  catch  the  applause  and  admiration  of  the  masses.  His 
nerves  seemed  unshaken,  while  he  found  only  gratification 
and  inspiration  in  the  surroundings.  Resting  one  hand  upon 
the  table  before  him,  he  awaited  silence,  presenting  a  picture 
that  did  not  tend  to  induce  a  cessation  of  cheers.  When  he 
opened  his  address  it  was  in  a  low,  mellow,  but  penetrating 
voice.  As  he  warmed,  his  physical  and  mental  organisms 
seemed  to  unite  in  their  efforts  to  impress.  His  gestures  were 
almost  constant.  They  were  at  times  violent.  He  perspired 
freely.  He  was  an  orator  who  charged  the  people  with  the 
ardor  of  a  dashing  soldier  and  carried  them  before  him.  It  was 
not  elegance  of  diction  or  beauty  of  sentiment  that  troubled 
the  General.  He  wanted  results,  and  went  for  them."  The 
toast  to  which  he  replied  was :  "  Washington  the  Republi 
can, — he  believed  in  the  voice  of  the  people,  which  can  only 
be  heard  through  a  fair  ballot  and  an  honest  count,"  and  the 
published  accounts  said  that  Logan  alluded  to  the  memory  of 
Washington  "  in  his  most  eloquent  language."  From  one 
of  these  reports  the  following  brief  extract  touching  Logan's 
speech  is  given : 

After  stating  the  principle  of  representation  as  based  upon  popula 
tion,  the  speaker  proceeded  to  show  that  the  population  in  many  States 
was  misrepresented  through  the  power  of  the  dominant  party  exercised 
outside  the  ballot-box,  and  outside  their  rights  as  law-abiding  citizens. 
The  figures  which  demonstrated  the  charges  made  against  the  Demo 
cratic  Party  were  produced  in  a  comparison  of  the  population  and  votes 
of  Florida,  South  Carolina,  and  Mississippi,  of  the  South,  and  Michi 
gan,  Wisconsin,  Illinois,  Iowa,  and  Minnesota,  of  the  North.  Numerous 
other  comparative  figures  were  produced,  all  tending  to  show  that  in 
the  South  the  popular  will  was  defeated  through  Democratic  disregard 
of  law,  and  that  the  Southern  Democratic  States,  by  their  course,  pro- 


4I2  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

cured  a  much  larger  relative  representation  than  Northern  Republican 
States.  Over  seven  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  voters  in  nine  Southern 
States  were  not  represented,  and  they  comprised  the  Republicans,  who 
were  defrauded  of  their  rights  of  citizenship.  This  meant  that  the  negro 
vote  was  rejected.  It  meant  that  the  Constitution  was  defied.  It  meant 
that  the  men  who,  by  rebellion,  forfeited  their  rights  to  vote,  were  de 
priving  the  negroes  of  that  right  ;  but,  as  sure  as  fate,  there  will  come  a 
time  when  this  thing  must  stop.  Some  time  there  will  be  a  candidate  for 
President  who  will  not  permit  his  men  to  be  thus  driven  from  the  polls. 
He  hoped  the  curse  of  war  would  never  again  be  brought  upon  the 
people,  but  the  same  causes  that  precipitated  the  rebellion  are  again  at 
work.  The  South  is  unified  by  the  Democracy.  The  Senator  said  he 
had  grave  fears  for  the  future.  Every  Republican  that  loves  his  coun 
try ;  that  believes  in  this  Union  ;  every  man  who  believes  that  the  glory 
of  this  country  belongs  to  her  sons,  should  come  forward  and  say  :  "  I 
am  for  law  and  order.  I  am  for  the  Republican  Party."  .  .  .  By 
way  of  conclusion,  the  Senator  admitted  that  he  and  Senator  Evarts  had 
an  ulterior  motive  in  visiting  Michigan.  Mr.  Evarts  wanted  to  correct 
his  sentences,  and  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  to  correct  his  grammar. 
[Great  applause  and  laughter.] 

LOGAN'S    ELOQUENT    ADVICE   TO   THE   AMERICAN  NEGRO — THE 
POSSIBILITIES  OF  THAT  RACE. 

Early  in  March,  1886,  Logan  made  an  address  to  the 
colored  people  at  the  Metropolitan  A.  M.  E.  Church,  in 
which  he  said  some  very  wise  and  striking  things — among 
them,  these : 

I  tell  you  our  white  people  are  fast  growing  indolent  and  lazy.  If 
you  watch  your  chances  and  take  timely  advantage  of  the  opportunities 
offered  you,  your  race  will  be  the  wage-workers,  the  skilled  artisans, 
and,  eventually,  the  land-owners  and  the  wealthy  class  of  this  country. 
I  advise  you  to  learn  trades  ;  learn  to  become  machinists.  You  have 
the  ability  and  capacity  to  reach  the  highest  point,  and  even  go  farther 
in  the  march  of  progress  than  has  any  people,  yet.  Slavery  not  only 
blighted  you  and  stinted  your  growth,  but  it  also  blighted  the  intellect 
and  dulled  the  perception  of  the  Southern  whites  who  dealt  in  it.  Do 
you  know  that  the  South  never  produced  a  great  historian,  a  great  poet, 
a  great  inventor,  nor  a  great  musician  ?  This  was  left  for  the  North. 
Yet  all  this  is  possible  with  your  people.  I  predict  that  the  time  will 
come,  and  it  is  not  far  off,  when  we  will  have  a  negro  poet  from  the 


LOGAN  SINCE    1884. 

South.  He  will  set  the  magnificent  splendor  of  the  "  Sunny  South" 
to  music.  His  muse  will  touch  the  lyre,  and  you  will  hear  the  sweet 
murmur  of  the  stream,  the  rippling  waters,  and  we  shall  see  the  beauty 
of  that  country  as  it  was  never  seen  before.  He  will  come  ;  and,  after 
him,  other  still  greater  men.  But  it  takes  labor  to  make  a  great  man,  just 
as  it  takes  centuries  to  make  a  great  nation.  .  ...  The  future  is 
yours,  and  you  have  it  in  which  to  rise  to  the  heights  or  descend  to.  the 
depths. 

LOGAN'S    GREAT    MEMORIAL-DAY    ORATION    AT   THE    TOMB    OF 
GRANT,  RIVERSIDE  PARK,  NEW  YORK,   1 886. 

The  3  ist  day  of  May,  1886,  was  a  day  ever  to  be  remem 
bered  in  the  history  of  New  York  City.  It  was  Memorial 
Day,  the  first  since  the  death  of  Grant,  and  a  demonstration, 
unprecedentedly  grand,  was  made  in  honor  of  that  illustrious 
man  and  warrior,  and  of  the  countless  thousands  of  other 
Union  heroes  of  less  degree  who  died  that  the  Nation  might 
live.  There  was  a  grand  parade  upon  the  water,  of  ships 
of  the  North  Atlantic  squadron  and  other  vessels,  and, 
through  the  streets,  of  the  military — the  latter  so  extensive 
that  the  march  past  the  reviewing-stand,  occupied  by  President 
Cleveland,  and  other  distinguished  persons,  consumed  two 
hours.  All  New  York  was  out  of  doors  to  witness  the  un 
wonted  spectacle,  while  at  Riverside  Park,  about  the  tomb 
of  Grant — which  was  "  buried  beneath  tons  of  roses  and  other 
flowers  sent  from  all  parts  of  the  country  "  —was  gathered  an 
assemblage  "  estimated  at  forty  thousand  people,"  to  listen  to 
the  interesting"  memorial  exercises  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic,  and  to  the  great  oration  pronounced  by  Logan  upon 
the  departed  chieftain.  Wherever  Logan  appeared  and  was 
recognized  he  was  greeted  with  cheers,  and  his  "  tribute  to 
Grant  "  was  "  received  with  enthusiasm,"  when  uttered,  and 
with  well-merited  encomiums  by  the  general  press  and  pub 
lic  when  they  read  it  in  the  journals  of  the  land.  It  was  re 
garded  as  a  "masterpiece  of  oratory,"  worthy  of  its  great 
subject,  and  of  himself.  It  was  the  last  great  memorial 


414  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

oration  that  Logan  lived  to  make,  and  was  in  these  eloquent 
words  : 

COMRADES,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN — A  great  poet  and  marvellous 
delineator  of  human  character  and  impulses,  a  dramatist  to  whom  pos 
terity  has  conceded  the  first  rank,  has  placed  in  the  mouth  of  one  of  his 
characters  the  words  : 

"  Blow,  blow,  thou  winter  wind, 
Thou  art  not  so  unkind 
As  man's  ingratitude." 

For  three  hundred  years  this  verdict  of  the  bard  of  Avon  has  been 
silently  accepted  by  the  readers  of  his  enchanted  works  until  the  strict 
ure  it  represents  has  come  to  be  considered  in  the  light  of  a  truism. 

The  sentiment  it  expresses  has  found  frequent  and  varied  repetition 
by  pessimistic  writers,  weeping  declaimers,  superficial  observers,  and 
turgid  orators  bewailing  the  imperfections  of  human  nature. 

Standing  at  the  farther  end  of  three  hundred  years,  Shakespeare 
has  passed  a  sentiment  down  the  line  of  the  centuries  which  has  been 
amplified  by  a  sorrowing  mentor  of  our  own  time  into  the  broad  dec 
laration  that  "Republics  are  ungrateful."  And  thus,  upon  the  one 
hand  we  are  confronted  by  the  allegation  of  the  inspired  poet,  and  upon 
the  other  we  are  met  by  its  corollary  ;  the  full  proposition  being  re 
duced  to  the  statement,  men  and  republics  are  alike  ungrateful. 

Friends,  upon  this  closing  day  of  the  budding  spring,  when  "hoary 
frosts  have  fallen  in  the  fresh  lap  of  the  crimson  rose,"  our  smiling  land 
presents  a  scene  that  should  forever  blot  from  the  record  the  slander  of 
the  poet  and  the  silly  carping  of  the  politician. 

Millions  of  people  have  gathered  to-day  to  sing  paeans  of  gratitude 
to  their  sleeping  benefactors,  and,  with  one  loud  voice  to  chant  anthems 
of  sweet  appreciation,  that  may  rise  from  earth  to  heaven  like — 

' '  Sabzean  odors  f  r.om  the  spicy  shore 
Of  Araby  the  blest." 

We  have  come  to  claim  our  share  in  this  beautiful  and  grateful  ser 
vice,  and  to  perform  our  parts  in  an  act  that  possesses  no  quality  of  a 
task.  To  be  an  American  citizen,  officiating  in  a  service  of  gratitude  to 
the  fallen  defenders  of  his  country,  is  but  second  to  being  numbered 
among  those  to  whom  this  homage  is  rendered.  No  more  lofty  acts 
are  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  authentic  history  than  the  noble 
sacrifices  of  the  American  soldier  upon  the  field  of  battle  and  the  votive 
offerings  of  his  countrymen  upon  the  holy  altar  of  his  memory. 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884. 

You  have  devolved  upon  me  the  duty  of  voicing  your  sentiments  of 
fellowship,  of  gratitude,  and  of  affection  upon  a  day  that  has  been  con 
secrated  to  the  American  soldier — one  that  will  continue  to  be  observed 
by  our  countrymen  as  long  as  the  Republic  shall  last  or  patriotism 
shed  its  beams  across  our  happy  homes. 

Kind  indulgence  alone  has  prompted  you  to  thus  honor  one  that  had 
the  good-fortune  to  closely  follow  a  leader  who,  since  your  last  tribute 
to  our  departed  comrades,  has  taken  his  place  beside  the  pale  sleepers 
— he  that  now  here  rests  by  the  murmuring  waters  of  the  historic  Hud 
son,  and  about  whose  tomb  requiems  are  sung  by  gentle  voices  swelling 
from  the  tree-tops  and  mountain-sides  of  the  mystic  Catskills. 

A  realization  of  my  inability  to  measure  up  to  the  full  requirements 
•of  such  an  occasion  stares  me  in  the  face,  but  one  owing  everything  to  the 
indulgence  of  his  countrymen  must  ever  feel  reliant  under  their  support. 

Assembled  countrymen  !  A  quarter  of  a  century  has  fallen  into  the 
•abyss  of  eternity  since  the  vernal  air  of  an  April  morning  rang  out  the 
announcement  that  "  war,  horrid  war,"  was  full  upon  our  people.  Men 
and  women  are  now  before  me  in  the  full  growth  and  estate  of  maturity, 
who  have  come  upon  the  stage  of  life  and  action  since  that  appalling 
•event  occurred. 

But  they  know,  as  well  as  the  actors  in  it,  the  sad  story  of  that  blight 
ing  conflict,  when  men  of  the  same  nationality  met  in  opposing  ranks 
upon  the  field  of  battle.  Their  hearts  swell  with  the  same  pride  of 
-country  and  palpitate  with  the  same  beat  of  gratitude  as  do  those  of 
the  men  and  women  who  lived  througli  the  crucial  test,  whereby  the 
strength  of  the  Republic  was  tried  in  the  fire  of  steel.  Two  million 
three  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  nine  hundred  and  fifty-one  pa 
triots  voluntarily  left  their  homes,  their  families,  and  their  peaceful  pur 
suits,  to  defend  upon  the  battle-plain  and  over  the  swelling  wave  the 
principle  then  submitted  to  decision  under  the  dread  arbitrament  of 
war.  Of  this  vast  number,  as  we  learn  from  a  report  of  the  Adjutant- 
General,  three  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  graves  in  the  National 
-cemeteries  mark  the  number  of  those  killed  in  battle,  and  dying  in 
hospitals,  upon  road-sides,  in  prisons,  as  the  result  of  wounds,  of  disease, 
of  hardships,  of  exposure,  or  of  maltreatment. 

We  are  not  here  to  talk  of  causes  that  demanded  the  sacrifices  repre 
sented  by  these  figures,  nor  yet  to  narrate  thrilling  incidents  of  battle 
with  fascinating  stories  of  gallant  patriotism.  But,  my  friends,  nearly 
one-half  million  young,  brave,  useful  lives  have  suffered  untimely  ex 
tinguishment  through  the  cruel  circumstances  of  war,  and  within  the 
close  circle  of  that  excruciating  fact  is  to  be  found  the  moving  causes 
of  the  remarkable  scene  this  day  enacted  in  our  country. 


4i6  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

It  is  no  new  custom  to  offer  oblations  in  memory  of  the  dead.  In* 
every  age  of  intelligent  man,  the  struggles  of  life  have  been  sustained 
by  a  belief  in,  and  a  "longing  after  immortality."  There  is  no  existing 
record  of  the  human  race  that  does  not  attest  this  interesting  fact. 
Monuments,  mounds,  and  sepulchres,  that  have  survived  the  names  of 
individuals  and  outlasted  their  more  perishable  bodies,  alike  bear  wit 
ness  of  it.  Homer  declares  that  "all  folk  yearn  after  the  gods  ;"  and 
this  observation  is  no  less  true  of  those  who  worshipped  the  monstrous 
creations  of  the  Nile,  the  Orantes,  the  Ganges,  the  Pagan  deities  of 
Greece  and  Rome,  and  the  varied  inventions  of  all  rude  theologies  down 
to  the  annunciation  of  the  Christian  Saviour. 

The  pyramids  of  Egypt,  some  seventy  in  number,  were  built  as 
tombs  for  fearful  monarchs  yearning  after  the  gods,  and  longing  for 
immortality.  These  piles  represent  an  amazing  effort  of  construction. 
The  mighty  Cheops,  standing  upon  a  level  base  within  the  Libyan 
chain,  still  rears  its  lofty  peak  five  hundred  and  forty-three  feet,  thus 
towering  within  a  few  feet  of  the  pinnacle  of  the  beautiful  shaft 
erected  upon  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  to  the  "  Father  "  of  a  mighty 
nation. 

One  hundred  thousand  men  toiled  beneath  the  sun  of  Egypt  for 
half  a  century  to  erect  that  tomb  in  order  that  the  pygmy  who  was  to 
occupy  it  might,  under  the  Egyptian  theology,  be  saved  to  the  longed- 
for  immortality.  For  four  thousand  years  it  has  waged  battle  with  the 
elements.  Within  that  period  men  have  come  and  gone,  empires  risen 
and  fallen,  nations  have  been  born  and  have  decayed,  the  world  has 
emerged  from  darkness  to  light,  and  the  uncertain  scratching  upon  the 
massive  pile,  recording  the  name  of  Khufa  (Kufu),  the  probable  builder, 
voices  the  only  sound  familiar  to  the  ears  of  the  faithful  Sphinx,  whose 
gaze  for  the  master's  coming  has  been  fixed  across  the  shifting  sands  for 
forty  wishful  centuries. 

Far  back  in  the  uncertain  light  of  an  almost  vanished  age,  when 
human  bodies  were  carefully  preserved  to  await  their  expected  reunion 
with  the  spirit,  evidence  of  the  common  belief  meets  us  in  unequivocal 
forms.  The  mummies  of  Egypt  were  provided  with  means  of  subsist 
ence  during  the  waiting-period,  and  grains  of  wheat  taken  from  a  tomb, 
sealed  from  the  gaze  of  man  for  three  thousand  years,  after  planting  in 
our  day  have  grown  like  the  ordinary  cereal.  The  prehistoric  races  of 
America  come  to  us  with  interesting  testimony  upon  this  same  point. 
Who  were  the  mound-builders  ?  We  do  not  know,  certainly  ;  but  the 
evidence  accessible  to  us  shows  their  belief  in  a  future,  and  a  provision 
for  it.  The  excavated  tombs  of  Mexico,  Central  and  South  America, 
demonstrate  the  existence  of  a  people  whose  era  antedates  the  period  of 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884  4I; 

the  American  Indian,  as  well  as  of  the  races  found  in  the  new  world  by 
the  Spanish  conquerors.  The  mummies  of  those  ancient  people  are  in 
some  localities  as  perfect  as  any  found  in  Egypt,  while  the  surroundings 
point  to  an  analogous  religious  belief.  The  tombs  contain  cooking- 
utensils,  articles  of  provision,  implements  for  the  chase  and  for  defence. 

The  monument  period  of  America  represents  a  still  later  era  and  a 
more  advanced  people.  The  monuments  and  sculptures  of  Palenque  in 
Mexico,  in  Yucatan,  in  Copan,  and  other  places,  reveal  the  same  belief  in 
a  future  state,  that  had  constantly  budded  from  the  flower  of  hope — from 
the  first  day  that  man's  voice  vibrated  upon  the  cheery  air  of  morning. 

The  universal  credence  in  an  unrevealed  future  sought  fitting  ex 
pression,  in  the  very  earliest  times,  in  a  tender  regard  of  the  living  for 
the  dead.  Before  the  full  development  of  language,  communication 
consisted  largely  of  symbolic  expression,  and  by  this  mode  of  speaking 
some  of  the  most  beautiful  truths  of  nature  have  always  been  illustrated. 
It  was  no  less  natural  than  poetic  to  call  in  the  vegetable  and  floral 
worlds  to  represent  the  verdict  of  the  ages,  against  the  hopeless  doc 
trine  of  final  extinction. 

The  growth  of  flowers  in  spring  indicates  the  arrival  of  the  fruitful 
earth,  after  a  period  of  quiescence,  which  bears  a  perilous  semblance  of 
death.  The  idea  conveying  intimation  of  life,  after  apparent  death, 
was  the  offspring  of  the  earliest  thought ;  and  its  susceptibility  of  en 
largement  has  been  made  to  express,  more  or  less  arbitrarily,  the  ideas 
of  power,  dominion,  love,  sorrow,  joy,  friendship,  hate,  and  almost  ev 
ery  human  emotion,  through  the  symbolism  of  the  vegetable  world. 
Flowers  in  sculpture  form  part  of  the  head-dresses  of  the  Egyptian 
sphinxes,  while  the  worship  of  the  sacred  bull  was  largely  an  ovation  of 
these  beautiful  emblems  of  devotion. 

In  the  ancient  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome  the  crown  of  honor 
was  formed  of  laurel  or  of  olive  leaves.  The  former  was  the  Daphne 
of  the  early  Greeks,  and  among  them  was  sacred  to  Apollo.  Victors 
in  the  Pythian  games  were  crowned  with  a  wreath  of  laurel  leaves, 
which  thus  became  the  symbol  of  triumph.  Under  the  rnythologic  tra 
dition,  lightning  could  not  strike  it,  and  hence  the  Emperor  Tiberius, 
in  later  times,  wore  a  chaplet  of  laurel  during  thunder-storms.  Julius 
Caesar  constantly  wore  a  laurel  wreath,  indicative  of  dominion  ;  and 
Augustus  and  his  successors  followed  the  example.  Pliny  tells  us  that 
laurel  was  used  as  a  sign  of  truce,  like  the  olive  branch,  and  that  let 
ters  were  garnished  with  it.  The  modern  poet  laureate  is  an  officer  of 
the  household  of  the  British  sovereigns,  and  the  office  originated  from 
a  custom  of  the  English  universities,  to  present  a  wreath  of  laurel  to 
the  new  graduates,  who  thus  became  poeta  laureatus. 
27 


418  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

The  ancient  Druids  held  their  mystic  worship  in  groves  of  oak,  shut 
out  from  the  common  gaze.  Their  symbol  was  an  oak  tree  with  the 
mistletoe  growing  upon  it  ;  the  former  representing  God  and  the  latter 
indicative  of  a  man  leaning  upon  Him  for  support. 

Among  the  Romans,  oak  leaves  formed  the  patriot's  crown  ;  bay 
leaves  the  poet's  ;  myrtle  was  the  crown  of  beauty  ;  olive  the  token  of 
peace  ;  ivy  the  representative  of  Bacchus  ;  and  cypress  the  emblem  of 
mourning. 

The  Greeks  were  among  the  first  to  introduce  the  free  use  of  flowers 
as  part  of  the  symbolic  language  of  mankind.  The  Phrygian  festivals 
were  largely  celebrated  with  them.  The  deity  of  earth  was  supposed 
to  sleep  during  the  winter,  and  in  the  autumn  was  put  to  rest  with  im 
posing  ceremonies.  Upon  the  opening  of  spring  he  was  awakened 
mid  shouts  of  glee  and  the  strewing  of  flowers.  The  far-famed  mys 
teries  of  Eleusis  taught  the  lesson  of  man's  progress  through  life  to  the 
perfection  beyond  the  grave,  and  illustrated  the  temporary  nature  of 
death  through  the  symbolic  expression  of  the  floral  world. 

By  one  poet,  flowers  have  been  called  "the  blooming  alphabet  of 
creation,"  and  by  another  "  the  prophets  of  immortality."  They  have 
been  largely  used  as  a  device  of  heraldry,  and  as  such  the  fleur  de  Us  be 
came  an  ornament  of  the  crowns  of  royalty  and  of  the  dress  and  armor 
of  the  nobility  in  such  countries  as  Germany,  Spain,  and  England  ; 
and  in  the  latter  the  red  and  the  white  roses  signalized  the  warring 
houses  of  Lancaster  and  of  York.  The  fleur  de  Us  became  the  national 
emblem  of  France,  the  thistle  of  Scotland,  and  the  shamrock  of  Ire 
land. 

The  rude  warriors  of  the  Middle  Ages,  becoming  imbued  with  the 
symbolism  of  flowers,  carried  these  emblems  from  fair  hands  through 
all  the  years  of  chivalry.  The  aborigines  of  Mexico  annually  laid 
killed  animals,  vegetables,  and  flowers  upon  the  graves  of  dead  friends, 
and  in  some  parts  of  that  country  the  custom  is  still  continued. 

But  the  beautiful  ceremonies  of  love  and  remembrance  now  so  uni 
versally  performed  with  flowers  came  to  their  fullest  expansion  through 
the  growth  of  the  Christian  religion.  Branches  of  palm  were  thrown 
in  the  path  of  the  Saviour  as  he  entered  Jerusalem.  The  crucified 
Christ  received  a  crown  of  thorns  from  His  executioners,  but  flowers 
strewn  by  unseen  hands  exhaled  their  fragrance  around  the  cave  wherein 
His  body  lay. 

The  important  feasts  of  all  the  churches  are  now. largely  celebrated 
with  flowers.  Every  religion  that  promises  a  renewal  of  life  after  the 
sleep  upon  earth  symbolizes  its  faith  through  the  blooming  beauties  of 
the  floral-tribes.  From  the  baptismal  font  to  the  last  couch  of  man 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884. 

there  lies  but  a  single  step  ;  and  the  rose  which  unfolded  its  crimson 
petals  to  the  morning  air  of  the  child  may,  in  the  evening,  give  place  to 
the  gentle  amaranth,  that  unfading  emblem  of  immortality,  as  it  speaks 
of  hope  from  the  grave  of  the  man. 

Men  and  women  of  America  !  we  have  come  with  beautiful  flowers 
and  evergreens,  culled  by  the  eager  hands  of  our  brothers,  and  woven 
into  speaking  forms  by  the  fair  fingers  of  our  sisters,  to  render  the 
homage  due  to  patriots,  who  have  died  for  their  country,  and  for  all 
mankind.  Let  that  not  be  considered  an  extravagant  expression.  The 
now  silent  soldier,  whose  life-work  is  finished,  championed  a  principle 
toward  which  the  warriors  and  armies  of  the  world  have  been  constantly 
drifting  from  the  earliest  recorded  struggles  upon  the  plain  of  Shinar. 

This  principle — the  rights  of  man  and  the  liberty  of  the  individual — 
which  was  planted  with  the  first  blood  ever  shed  in  behalf  of  govern 
ment,  has,  like  the  flower,  bloomed  upon  the  morning  air  of  all  the  ages.  It 
has  been  the  task  of  royalty  to  cut  it  down  as  a  weed  encumbering  the 
grain.  Wafted  by  the  wind  of  destiny,  its  seed  found  lodgment  upon 
the  fertile  soil  of  America,  where  it  has  grown  and  filled  the  world  with 
its  sweetness.  Our  brothers,  whose  memory  we  honor  to-day,  gave  their 
lives  to  perpetuate  its  growth  and  progress  to  the  end  of  time.  They 
comprehended  that  a  dissolution  of  the  American  Union  meant  a  kill 
ing  frost  to  the  flower  of  liberty  and  a  withering  of  the  cherished  hope 
of  the  race.  Did  these  revered  warriors  hesitate  in  duty  through  con 
siderations  of  self  ?  No  !  They  sprang  to  the  defence,  and  from  out 
the  nettle  danger  they  plucked  the  flower  safety  for  their  country  and 
posterity. 

The  world  will  not  soon  forget  the  couplet  of  Simonides,  in  com 
memoration  of  the  men  who  fell  at  Thermopylae. 

"  Stranger,  the  tidings  to  the  Spartans  tell 
That  here,  obeying  their  commands,  we  fell." 

It  were  most  unjust  to  the  American  soldiers,  fellow-citizens,  whose 
memory  we  honor,  to  compare  them  with  the  band  of  rude  men  who, 
twenty-four  hundred  years  ago,  accepted  death,  not  in  behalf  of  a  great 
principle  destined  to  follow  mankind  to  the  end,  but  in  simple  obe 
dience  to  the  Spartan  law,  commanding  the  soldiers  to  be  victorious  or 
to  die  upon  the  field. 

Leonidas,  with  his  three  hundred  men,  saw  that  death  for  them  was 
an  unalterable  conclusion.  They  must  die  in  the  contest,  or,  in  flying 
from  their  position,  accept  the  death-penalty  from  the  hands  of  the  vio 
lated  law.  They  selected  death  by  the  Persian  spear  ;  but  in  dying  they 
sent  back  the  reproach  that  they  had  been  sacrificed  by  command  of 
their  country. 


420  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Was  any  American  soldier  immolated  upon  a  blind  law  of  his  coun 
try  ?  Not  one  !  Every  soldier  in  the  Union  ranks,  whether  of  the  reg 
ular  army  or  not,  was,  in  the  fullest  sense,  a  member  of  the  great,  the 
imperishable,  the  immortal  army  of  American  volunteers.  Those  gal 
lant  spirits  now  lie  in  untimely  sepulchre.  No  more  will  they  respond 
to  the  fierce  blast  of  the  bugle  or  the  call  to  arms.  But  let  us  believe 
that  they  are  not  dead,  but  sleeping!  Look  at  the  patient  caterpillar, 
as  he  crawls  on  the  ground,  liable  to  be  crushed  by  every  careless  foot 
that  passes.  He  heeds  no  menace,  and  turns  from  no  danger.  Regard 
less  of  circumstances,  he  treads  his  daily  round,  avoided  by  the  little 
child  sporting  upon  the  sward.  He  has  work,  earnest  work,  to  perform, 
from  which  he  will  not  be  turned,  even  at  the  forfeit  of  his  life.  Reach 
ing  his  appointed  place,  he  ceases  even  to  eat,  and  begins  to  spin  those 
delicate  fibres  which,  woven  into  fabrics  of  beauty  and  utility,  contrib 
ute  to  the  comfort  and  adornment  of  a  superior  race.  His  work  done, 
he  lies  down  to  the  sleep  from  which  he  never  wakes  in  the  old  form. 
But  that  silent,  motionless  body  is  not  dead ;  an  astonishing  metamor 
phosis  is  taking  place.  The  gross  digestive  apparatus  dwindles  away  ;  the 
three  pairs  of  legs,  which  served  the  creature  to  crawl  upon  the  ground, 
are  exchanged  for  six  pairs  suited  to  a  different  purpose  ;  the  skin  is 
cast ;  the  form  is  changed  ;  a  pair  of  wings,  painted  like  the  morning 
flowers,  spring  out,  and  presently  the  ugly  worm  that  trailed  its  slow 
length  through  the  dust  is  transformed  into  the  beautiful  butterfly,  bask 
ing  in  the  bright  sunshine,  the  envy  of  the  child  and  the  admiration  of 
the  man  !  Is  there  no  appeal  in  this  wonderful  and  enchanting  fact  to 
man's  highest  reason  ?  Does  it  contain  no  suggestion  that  man,  repre 
senting  the  highest  pinnacle  of  created  life  upon  the  globe,  must  un 
dergo  final  metamorphosis,  as  supremely  more  marvellous  and  more 
spiritual,  as  man  is  greater  in  physical  conformation,  and  far  removed 
in  mental  construction  from  the  humble  worm,  that,  at  the  call  of  nature, 
straightway  leaves  the  ground  and  soars  upon  the  gleeful  air  ? 

Is  the  fact  not  a  thousand-fold  more  convincing  than  the  assurance 
of  the  poet : 

It  must  be  so  ;  Plato,  thou  reasonest  well ; 

Else  whence  this  pleasing  hope,  this  fond  desire, 

This  longing  after  immortality  ? 

Or  whence  this  dread  secret  and  inward  horror 

Of  falling  into  naught  ?     Why  shrinks  the  soul 

Back  on  herself,  and  startles  at  destruction  ? 

'Tis  the  divinity  that  stirs  within  us  ; 

'Tis  heaven  itself  that  points  out  an  hereafter, 

And  intimates  eternity  to  man. 

Eternity  !  thou  pleasing  dreadful  thought.  • 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  421 

Let  us  bring  flowers  in  the  spring-time,  my  friends,  and  by  their 
gentle  office — whether  the  bodies  of  our  comrades  and  defenders  lie 
buried  beneath  the  soil  of  our  common  country,  or  await  the  final  tran 
sition  in  the  grottos  of  the  fretful  ocean — we  may  symbolize  our  faith, 
and  load  the  atmosphere  with  the  fragrant  gratitude  of  an  appreciative 
generation. 

"  Bring  flowers,  then,  to  their  memory  ; 

Throw  hither  all  your  quaint,  enamelled  eyes, 

That  on  the  green  turf  sucked  the  honeyed  showers, 

And  purple  all  the  ground  with  vernal  flowers. 

Bring  the  rath  primrose  that  forsaken  dies  ; 

The  tufted  crow- toe  and  the  pale  jessamine  ; 

The  white  pink  and  the  pansy,  streaked  with  jet ; 
The  glowing  violet, 

The  musk-rose,  and  the  well-attired  woodbine, 

With  cowslips  wan  that  hang  the  pensive  head, 

And  every  flower  that  sad  embroidery  wears." 

Friends  and  countrymen,  since  last  our  comrades  met  to  perform  the 
service  that  we  now  render  to  our  fallen  heroes,  other  distinguished  sol 
diers  have  been  called  from  the  ranks  of  the  living.  Nature  herself  is 
in  mourning.  Every  breeze  that  plays  through  the  open  leaves  of  sum 
mer  ;  every  stream  that  murmurs  on  its  course  to  the  mighty  sea  ;  and 
every  sound  that  marks  the  life  of  matter  upon  its  ceaseless  round,  is 
burdened  with  a  sigh.  The  song  of  every  bird  that  tunes  its  lay  to  the 
awakened  deity  of  the  year  is  marred  in  sweetness  by  an  involuntary 
note  of  sorrow.  The  hum  of  business  has  been  muffled.  The  works  of 
man  have  been  paralyzed.  His  voice  has  been  broken  with  emotion,  and 
the  nations  of  the  world  have  hung  their  temples  in  black.  Nature, 
through  her  breezes  and  murmuring  streams  and  her  songs  of  busy 
matter  ;  the  birds,  through  their  carols  ;  and  men  and  nations,  through 
their  common  humanity  ;  have  united  in  one  sad  wail  for  the  loss  of  a 
noble  man,  and  a  greater  leader  than  ever  before  marshalled  troops  in 
fierce  array  of  battle. 

The  silent  chief,  whose  work  is  destined  to  influence  posterity  to  the 
latest  syllable  of  recorded  time,  has  gone  to  his  couch,  and  neither  the 
call  of  his  country  nor  the  siren-beckoning  of  earthly  glory  will  e'er 
break  the  soundness  of  his  sleep  upon  this  hither  side  of  eternity.  The 
mortal  remains  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  repose  in  peace  beneath  the  weep 
ing  vault  of  yonder  tomb.  The  ravages  of  time  will  reduce  them  to 
ashes,  and  the  lapse  of  ages  will  transform  those  ashes  to  other  forms  of 
matter  ;  all  that  was  earthly  of  that  noble  figure  will  change  its  form  of 
materiality,  and  at  last  the  mere  personality  of  Grant  will  be  extin 
guished  and  forever  lost  to  human  gaze. 


-f22  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

"Can  it  he? 

Matter  immortal,  and  shall  spirit  die  ? 
Above  the  nohler  shall  less  nohle  lie? 
Shall  man  alone,  for  whom  all  else  revives, 
No  resurrection  know  ?     Shall  man  alone, 
Imperial  man,  be  sown  in  barren  ground, 
Less  privileged  than  grain  on  which  he  feeds?  " 

But,  my  friends,  the  supreme  work  that  our  now  sleeping  hero  per 
formed,  will  endure  until  the  wrecking  of  the  human  race  shall  leave 
this  planet  a  mere  counterpoise  of  the  other  mighty  worlds  that  pursue 
their  ceaseless  roll  around  the  blazing  orb  of  light  and  day,  waiting  their 
appointed  time  to  cast  themselves  into  the  arms  of  their  sire. 

Friends,  this  noble  man's  work  needs  no  monument,  no  written  scroll, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  perpetuated.  It  is  higher  than  the  dome  of  St. 
Paul's ;  it  is  loftier  than  St.  Peter's  ;  it  rears  itself  above  the  pyramids  ; 
it  soars  beyond  the  highest  mountain-tops  ;  and  it  is  written  in  letters 
of  the  sunbeam  across  the  blue  arch  that  forever  looks  down  upon  the 
busy  tribes  of  men. 

It  were  a  task  of  supererogation  to  repeat  at  such  a  time  the  fasci 
nating  story  of  this  great  man's  life,  or  with  careful  hand  to  trace  his 
career  from  the  period  when,  taking  command  of  the  Twenty-first  Regi 
ment  of  Illinois  Volunteers  as  its  colonel,  that  career  began,  until,  as 
lieutenant-general  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  he  received  the 
sword  that  misguided  men  had  placed  against  the  breast  of  new-born 
Liberty. 

It  has  been  justly  observed  that  no  substantial  success  attended  the 
Union  arms  until  the  historic  proclamation  of  emancipation  had  been 
promulgated,  and  it  may  well  be  added  that  no  comprehensive  plan  for 
the  final  crushing  of  the  enemy  was  conceived  until  the  mighty  chief 
tain,  to  whose  tomb  we  are  this  day  sorrowing  pilgrims,  was  placed  in 
position  by  the  immortal  Lincoln  to  lead  the  Union  hosts  to  a  certain 
and  final  triumph. 

In  the  dark  hours  of  1861,  a  star  arose  in  the  heavens  that,  beginning 
its  flight  from  Belmont,  took  within  its  orbit  Fort  Henry  and  Fort 
Donelson,  Pittsburg  Landing,  Corinth,  Port  Gibson,  Raymond,  Jack 
son,  Champion  Hills,  Black  River,  and  Vicksburg,  where  for  a  short 
time  it  paused.  Renewing  its  rapid  course,  it  winged  its  way  to  Look 
out  Mountain  and  to  Mission  Ridge,  when  it  came  to  rest  directly  over 
the  head  of  the  man  whose  name  had  been  written  in  the  book  of  Fate 
as  the  instrument  to  snatch  from  destruction  the  offspring  of  all  the  pre 
ceding  ages. 

From  the  moment  that  Grant  was  invested  with  the  supreme  com- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  423 

mand,  the  triumph  of  the  Union  arms  became  a  simple  question  of  time. 
An  unlooked-for  chance  might  postpone  it ;  but  as  well  might  it  be  at 
tempted  to  turn  the  avalanche  in  its  overwhelming  crash  as  to  avert  the 
force  of  those  irresistible  hosts  that,  under  the  direction  of  an  appointed 
genius,  were  fatally  enveloping  the  armies  of  resistance.  From  Chat 
tanooga  to  Atlanta,  and  from  the  Wilderness  to  Richmond,  some  of  the 
most  brilliant  military  movements,  and  many  of  the  most  gallant  battles 
ever  fought,  adorned  the  Union  generalship  and  arms. 

That  lamentable  weakness  of  human  nature,  jealousy,  prompted  de 
traction  and  misrepresentation  ;  but  the  enemy  in  the  toils,  and  the  brave 
Union  soldier  executing  those  rapid  and  remarkable  movements,  felt 
alike  that  a  master  hand  was  at  the  helm  of  battle,  and  that  a  whirlwind 
of  power  was  upon  the  field.  The  silent  commander  was  a  sphinx,  but 
he  was  likewise  an  oracle  ;  he  was  a  plain,  unpretending  man,  but  also 
a  soldier,  with  a  skill  of  profession,  a  rare  courage,  a  cool  head,  a  quick 
ness  of  judgment,  a  celerity  of  decision,  and  a  rapidity  of  movement 
that  made  him  wholly  invincible. 

When  Caesar,  after  conquering  the  Syrian  king,  Pharnaces,  penned 
the  shortest  military  despatch  in  the  annals  of  war,  "  I  came,  I  saw,  I 
conquered,"  his  words  were  not  fraught  with  a  tithe  of  the  importance 
attached  to  the  laconicism  of  the  American  general,  announcing  a  de 
termination  "to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer."  And 
when  the  cowled  priest  of  the  Middle  Ages  chanted  his  church  ritual  and 
invoked  the  bless i ng pax  vobiscum,  upon  his  half-military,  half-religious 
congregations,  no  such  fire  was  kindled,  no  such  electrical  denodment 
was  witnessed,  as  when  the  leader  of  enormous  armies  and  the  subju 
gator  of  a  splendid  military  force,  exclaimed  to  his  countrymen  :  "  Let 
us  have  peace  !  " 

When  Shakespeare  wrote  of  Julius  Caesar,  "  He  was  the  foremost 
man  of  all  this  world,"  Grant  had  not  then  lived.  Envy  has  sought  to 
take  away  from  this  grand  hero  many  of  the  qualities  upon  which  his 
brilliant  success  depended.  As  a  mere  military  leader  and  wonderful 
tactician,  there  is  no  figure  in  history  that  surpasses  him,  not  even  the 
imperious  Caesar  ;  while  viewed  from  a  stand-point  that  considers  the 
importance  to  mankind  of  the  work  he  performed,  his  name  must  be 
written  with  that  of  the  immortal  WASHINGTON  upon  a  scroll  that  will  re 
main  bright  after  the  military  marvels  of  the  past  ages  are  forgotten  of 
the  race. 

Cyrus,  the  Persian,  during  his  brief  career,  extended  the  Persian 
empire  from  the  Indus  to  the  Hellespont,  and  from  the  Jaxartes  to  the 
Syrian  coast.  Beyond  the  circumstances  of  an  accidental  agency  in 
delivering  the  Jews  from  Babylonish  captivity,  what  contributions  did 


424  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

Cyrus  make  to  the  progress  of  the  world,  by  his  feats  of  arms  and  con 
quests?  He  established  a  military  power  that  under  his  successor,  Da 
rius,  sought  to  crush  the  Greek  civilization  beneath  the  fetich  super 
stitions  of  the  East  ;  and  when  the  monster  empire  fell  to  pieces,  the 
world  was  the  gainer  by  its  destruction. 

Alexander  was  no  abler  soldier  than  Grant.  His  successes  were 
achieved  through  the  superior  training  of  the  Greek  soldier,  inured  to 
hardship  and  taught  to  conquer  or  to  die.  The  overwhelming  phalanx 
was  not  the  invention  of  Alexander,  whose  successful  achievements 
were  largely  dependent  upon  the  fact  that  his  troops  represented  the 
strongest  and  most  advanced  military  power  at  that  time  in  existence. 
Judged  by  the  test  that  we  would  apply  to  Grant,  what  was  Alexander's 
worth  to  the  world  ?  He  established  a  valuable  library,  afterward  burned 
through  the  campaigns  of  Caesar  ;  while  incidentally  he  carried  the  ad 
vanced  knowledge  of  the  Greeks  to  the  nations  that  he  conquered. 
But  his  whole  career  was  selfish,  and  his  ends  personal.  He  had  no 
high  purpose  to  establish  better  governments,  nor  to  create  happier 
peoples.  His  life's  dream  was  conquest  for  the  mere  love  of  conquest. 
At  the  age  of  twenty-five  he  was  the  supreme  ruler  of  Western  Asia  ; 
and,  at  thirty-three,  he  died  with  a  sigh  upon  his  lips  that  there  were  no 
other  worlds  that  he  might  have  conquered. 

When  Rome  was  mistress  of  the  world,  Julius  Caesar  was  master  of 
Rome.  He  was  a  soldier,  a  general,  a  statesman,  an  orator,  an  histo 
rian,  a  mathematician,  and  an  architect.  And  yet,  in  all  that  go  to 
make  up  a  man  whose  services  are  worthy  of  the  commemoration  of  the 
human  race,  what  benefits  resulted  from  his  success  ? 

During  Caesar's  military  life,  over  one  million  men  fell  in  his  various 
campaigns.  Stripped  of  their  mere  military  glory,  what  boon  befell 
the  world  as  the  result  of  his  achievements?  During  the  zenith  of 
Roman  power,  one  hundred  million  people  were  embraced  within  its 
empire,  and  not  less  than  half  of  these  were  held  in  slavery.  Men  and 
women  were  sold  upon  a  market-block  like  cattle,  at  a  price  as  low  as 
twenty  dollars  per  head.  The  small  number  living  in  Italy,  styled  the 
avis  Romanus,  alone  enjoyed  any  political  independence,  or  had  any 
share  in  the  government  ;  while  a  standing  army  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  soldiers  was  maintained  to  keep  the  provinces  in  subjec 
tion.  In  the  gladiatorial  ring,  men  were  immolated  for  the  amusement 
of  aristocratic  idlers,  and  the  issue  of  life  or  death  depended  from  the 
capricious  thumbs  of  Roman  females. 

What  a  glorious  work  of  regeneration  lay  within  the  grasp  of  Caesar  ! 
Did  he  attempt  reform  ?  Did  he  give  liberty  to  the  slave  ?  Did  he 
stop  the  sport  with  human  blood  ?  Did  he  restore  the  republic  that 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  425 

fell  with  the  murder  of  the  Gracchi  ?  He  grasped  power  by  overriding 
the  laws.  He  constituted  himself  Imperator,  in  the  practical  sense  of 
emperor  ;  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  actual  empire  under  Au 
gustus. 

A  greater  man  than  Caesar,  because  more  godlike,  has  lived  in  our 
day,  and  now  lies  in  state  within  the  sacred  walls  of  yonder  tomb. 

And  what  of  other  military  geniuses  ?  The  field  of  Marathon  was 
won  by  a  Greek  general  who  was  afterward  tried  by  his  country 
men  for  a  capital  offence,  and  condemned  to  suffer  the  death-penalty. 
Pompey,  the  Roman,  represented  the  aristocracy  of  Rome,  and  fell  in 
their  defence.  Hannibal's  brilliant  genius  was  given,  not  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  broad  principle,  important  to  humanity,  but  to  the  main 
tenance  of  the  commercial  supremacy  of  his  country.  Scipio  Africanus 
'but  followed  the  legend  of  Rome — Delenda  est  Carthago — and  knew  no 
loftier  purpose  than  the  destruction  of  a  commercial  rival.  The  em 
pire  of  Charlemagne,  representing  no  new  epoch  in  history,  and  no  es 
tablishment  of  a  great  principle,  fell  to  pieces  after  his  death.  Welling 
ton  was  not  as  great  a  soldier  as  Napoleon  ;  while  his  sword  was  carried 
at  the  simple  command  of  a  sovereign  not  often  just,  and  never  magnan 
imous.  In  something  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  Napoleon  Bona 
parte  came  upon  the  field  of  human  activity,  ran  through  his  dazzling 
career,  and,  like  an  eagle  shorn  of  both  talons  and  pinions,  was  cooped 
up  in  a  narrow  prison-walk,  where  he  was  destined  to  terminate  his 
days  in  inglorious  complaint.  During  his  brief  career,  the  European 
world  was  shaken  to  its  centre,  nations  were  overthrown,  dynasties  lev 
elled  with  the  dust,  new  states  were  brought  into  being,  and  unknown 
men  were  called  to  rule  them.  The  fields  of  Europe  became  encamp 
ments  of  moving  armies,  and  the  world  rang  with  the  glory  of  a  soldier, 
who  was  mysteriously  spoken  of  as  "  the  man  of  destiny."  At  the  termi 
nation  of  the  period  mentioned,  this  human  meteor  had  risen  and  flashed 
along  the  sky,  had  culminated  in  the  zenith  of  military  glory,  and  had 
disappeared  beneath  the  horizon,  leaving  scarce  a  line  to  mark  its  brill 
iant  passage.  Some  substantial  results  have  remained  to  the  French 
people  from  the  career  of  Napoleon  ;  but,  for  the  most  part,  his  achieve 
ments  were  personal  in  character,  and  their  only  glory  lies  beneath  the 
earth  that  covers  his  remains.  He  found  France  wading  through  blood 
to  reach  republicanism,  and,  through  personal  ambition,  he  riveted  the 
chain  of  empire  upon  it.  The  Roman  general,  Sulla,  was  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  military  geniuses  of  his  period.  His  career  covers  an 
important  page  of  Roman  history.  After  his  death  a  monument  was 
erected  to  honor  him,  upon  which  was  inscribed  an  epitaph  that  he 
himself  had  written,  as  follows  :  "I  am  Sulla,  the  fortunate,  who  in  the 


426  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

course  of  my  life  have  surpassed  botli  friends  and  enemies  ;  the  former 
by  the  good  and  the  latter  by  the  evil  I  have  done  them." 

Men  and  women  of  America !  in  our  generation  a  man  has  lived, 
great  enough  as  a  military  leader  to  subdue  a  force  of  insurrection  that 
could  have  annihilated  any  army  of  the  world  from  the  time  of  Cyrus 
down  to  that  of  Napoleon.  A  man  has  lived,  who,  weighed  with  the 
enormous  results  flowing  from  his  work  into  the  ramifications  of  the 
unknown  future,  was  immeasurably  greater  than  Cyrus,  above  Alexan 
der,  grander  than  Caesar,  'supreme  over  Pompey,  Hannibal,  and  Scipio, 
towering  among  Charlemagne,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Frederick  the 
Great,  Wellington,  and  Napoleon,  and  whose  name  is  not  to  be  men 
tioned  in  connection  with  those  of  Miltiades  and  Sulla.  In  all  authen 
tic  military  history,  the  work  of  but  one  individual  approaches  that  of 
Grant.  Two  names  should  be  chiselled  upon  the  majestic  column  that, 
leaping  from  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  rears  its  graceful  head  far  into 
the  clouds,  the  living  ambassador  from  a  grateful  people  to  the  borders 
of  the  undiscovered  country,  to  which  both  soldiers  have  gone — WASH 
INGTON  and  GRANT  !  The  warriors  of  liberty !  One  its  father,  and  the 
other  its  latest  defender. 

Fellow-citizens  !  a  chill  autumn  wind,  blowing  over  a  sterile  plain, 
bore  within  its  arms  a  little  seed,  torn  with  ruthless  force  from  its  ma 
trix  on  a  lofty  tree,  and  dropped  the  seed  upon  the  sand  to  perish.  A 
bright-winged  beetle,  weary  with  flight  and  languid  with  the  chilly  air, 
rested  for  a  moment  upon  the  arid  plain.  The  little  seed,  dropped  by 
^Eolus,  served  to  satisfy  the  hunger  of  the  beetle,  which  presently  winged 
its  flight  to  the  margin  of  a  swift-running  brook  that  had  sprung  from 
the  mountain-side  and,  cleaving  a  bed  through  rocks  of  granite,  went 
gayly  laughing  upon  its  cheery  way  down  to  the  ever-rolling  sea.  Sip 
ping  a  drop  of  the  crystal  flood,  the  beetle  crawled  within  a  protecting 
ledge,  and,  folding  its  wings,  lay  down  to  pleasant  dreams.  The  Ice 
King  passed  along  and  touched  the  insect  in  its  sleep.  Its  mission  was 
fulfilled  ;  but  the  conflict  of  the  seasons  continued  until  the  White  De 
stroyer  melted  in  the  breath  of  balmy  spring.  And  then  a  sunbeam 
sped  to  the  chink  wherein  the  body  of  the  insect  lay,  and  searching  for 
the  little  seed  entombed  but  not  destroyed,  invited  it  to  "join  the  jubi 
lee  of  returning  life  and  hope."  Under  the  soft  wooing  of  the  peopled 
ray,  the  little  seed  began  to  swell  with  joy,  tiny  rootlets  were  developed 
within  the  body  of  the  protecting  beetle,  a  minute  stem*  shot  out  of  its 
gaping  mouth,  and,  lo  !  a  mighty  tree  had  been  carried  from  the  desert, 
saved  from  the  frosts  of  winter,  nurtured  and  started  upon  its  mission 
of  life  and  usefulness  by  an  humble  insect  that  had  perished  with  the 
flowers.  The  agent  had  passed  away  ;  but  building  better  than  he  knew, 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  427 

the  wide-spreading  tree  remained  by  the  margin  of  the  life-giving  brook, 
a  shelter  and  a  rest  to  the  weary  traveller  upon  life's  great  highway, 
through  many  fretful  centuries.  A  child,  abandoned  by  its  mother  to 
perish  in  an  Egyptian  marsh,  may  become  the  instrument  to  deliver  a 
nation  from  bondage,  and  an  unostentatious  man,  unknown  to  fortune 
and  to  fame,  may  become  the  agent  of  a  mighty  work,  destined  to  bene 
fit  the  human  race  as  long  as  it  may  last  upon  the  earth. 

Oh  !  mighty  agent  of  a  grateful  people,  we  are  here  to  do  you  honor. 
Oh  !  inspired  genius,  we  come  to  render  testimony  of  the  beneficence 
of  your  work.  Noble  citizen,  kind  husband,  loving  father,  good  friend, 
great  captain,  chosen  agent  !  the  work  thou  hast  done  will  shine  from 
the  firmament  as  a  new  star  to  light  the  coming  generations.  Its  ray 
shall  pale  the  rich  troopers  of  the  night,  and  forever  flash  with  undi- 
minished  fire  in  presence  of  the  god  of  day.  Until  another  year  shall 
reawaken  the  flowers  and  fill  the  vernal  air  with  incense,  we  leave 
thee  with  the  faithful  spirits  that  guard  thy  rest  and  smile  about  thy 
tomb. 

THE  PAYNE  SENATORIAL   ELECTION  CASE HALSTEAD's  ATTACK 

ON  LOGAN — LOGAN'S  SPIRITED  REJOINDER. 

Allegations  having  been  made  that  Senator  Payne  of 
Ohio  had  secured  his  election  to  the  United  States  Senate 
by  improper  and  corrupt  means,  and  testimony  having  been 
presented  to  prove  it,  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  appro 
priate  committee  of  the  Senate,  which  subsequently  reported 
that  it  was  insufficient  to  warrant  an  investigation  of  the 
charge.  Senators  Logan,  Evarts,  and  Teller  were  of  the 
majority  of  the  committee  making  the  report.  For  his  action 
in  this  matter,  attacks  were  made  upon  Logan  by  many  of  the 
newspapers — inspired,  evidently,  by  influences  which  feared 
his  growing  popularity  everywhere  before  the  people,  in  the 
hope  of  crippling  his  chances  for  the  Presidential  nomination 
in  1888— when  the  report  was  up,  for  consideration,  in  the 
Senate.  In  the  debate  which  took  place  upon  it,  in  that  body, 
July  21,  1886,  Senator  Hoar  undertook  to  show  that  the  tes 
timony  taken  by  the  Ohio  Legislature  and  forwarded  to  the 
Senate  committee  warranted  an  investigation. 

Logan  immediately  took  the  floor,  and  made  a  powerful 


428  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

reply  to  the  attacks  made  upon  him  by  a  portion  of  the  press 
—especially  by  Halstead  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial- 
Gazette.  He  said,  at  the  outset,  that  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  (Mr.  Hoar)  had  used  garbled  statements  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  outside  prejudice  in  this  case  ;  that 
there  was  nothing  in  the  testimony  that  proved  charges  which 
had  been  made  against  four  members  of  the  Ohio  Legis 
lature ;  that  the  Ohio  Legislature  had  sent  this  "mass  of 
rubbish "  to  the  Senate  in  manuscript,  and  it  had  been 
printed  for  the  first  time  by  order  of  the  Senate  ;  that  there 
was  not  in  this  evidence  a  single  iota  of  testimony  impli 
cating  Mr.  Payne,  directly  or  indirectly.  "  And  this  is  the 
character  of  testimony  "  said  Logan,  scornfully,  "  upon  which 
we  three  men  [Logan,  Evarts,  and  Teller,]  as  good  Repub 
licans  as  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  shall  be  heralded 
all  over  the  land  as  having  sacrificed  principle  !  When  it 
comes  to  that,"  he  continued,  "when  it  comes  to  throwing 
mud  at  members  of  the  party,  I  will  defend  myself  here,  and 
elsewhere,  and  I  hurl  back  in  the  teeth  of  these  men  what 
they  may  say  against  me.  I  have  been  threatened  and 
warned,  but  I  would  rather  be  right,  than  to  have  all  the 
offices  or  compliments  that  could  be  bestowed  upon  me." 
No  wonder  his  audience,  as  he  said  this,  broke  into  applause  ! 
When  the  plaudits  of  the  sympathizing  galleries  had 
ceased,  Senator  Logan  continued  : 

The  first  thing  that  was  said  after  this  decision  was  arrived  at  by  the 
committee,  was  a  telegram  to  various  newspapers  all  over  the  country, 
that  Logan  had  requested  the  committee  to  keep  the  vote  secret.  That 
went  to  a  certain  character  of  papers  in  this  country.  Why  was  that 
said  about  me  ?  There  is  not  a  man  on  the  face  of  God's  earth  who 
ever  heard  me  request  secrecy  in  relation  to  any  act  of  a  public  char 
acter  that  I  ever  performed.  The  members  of  the  committee  know  that 
that  was  a  lie,  and  the  chairman  of  the  committee  telegraphed  through 
the  Associated  Press  that  there  was  no  foundation  at  all  for  the  state 
ment.  I  would  like  to  know  why  that  statement  was  made  ?  Why 
should  I  be  singled  out  over  other  Senators  and  have  suspicion  cast 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  429 

upon  me  ?  It  was  done  just  as  many  things  have  been  done  since  then. 
It  seems  to  be  thought  that  now  is  the  time  to  kill  off  Republicans.  . 
There  is  a  newspaper  in  the  country  known  as  the  Cincinnati  Commer 
cial-Gazette.  Some  friends  whisper  to  me  "Logan,  you  had  better  let 
the  Commercial-Gazette  alone,"  but  I  am  going  to  read  from  it,  and  am 
going  to  use  it  as  evidence  against  myself.  The  Cincinnati  Gazette  is  a 
very  influential  paper,  a  very  powerful  paper.  Nobody  disputes  that. 
It  is  owned  and  edited  (and  has  been  for  a  long  time)  by  a  man  named 
Halstead.  .  .  .  Halstead,  as  I  say,  is  an  influential  man.  In  the  days 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Halstead  thought  that  Lincoln's  head  ought  to  be 
churned  against  the  wall  and  his  brains  knocked  out,  or  something  like 
that.  That  was  complimentary  to  Lincoln.  In  1863,  Halstead  thought 
that  Grant  was  a  drunken  old  loafer,  who  ought  to  be  kicked  out  of 
society.  That  was  complimentary  to  Grant.  After  Grant  was  elected 
President,  Halstead  thought  that  he  was  a  dirty,  corrupt  old  scoundrel, 
who  was  not  to  be  trusted  by  the  people  of  the  country.  So,  in  1872, 
Halstead  supported  Greeley  for  the  Presidency  against  Grant,  because 
Grant  was  not  a  man  to  be  trusted  !  I  came  to  the  Senate,  here,  almost 
accidentally,  and  the  first  thing  I  knew,  when  I  got  here,  I  picked  up 
the  Cincinnati  Commercial,  one  day,  and  found  five  columns  of  that 
paper  charging  my  friend  [Mr.  Sherman]  from  Ohio,  who  presides  so 
honorably  and  fairly  over  this  body,  with  all  sorts  of  things.  The  article 
was  written  from  Washington  City,  and  published  with  great  head-lines, 
to  show-that  our  friend,  Senator  Sherman,  was  a  dishonorable,  corrupt 
man,  who  ought  not  to  be  trusted  anywhere,  on  account  of  some,  kind 
of  devilment  that  he  had  with  quartermasters  during  the  war.  The 
next  thing  that  I  found  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  was  that  James  G. 
Elaine  was  a  scoundrel,  a  thief,  and  a  villain,  who  should  be  executed 
at  the  nearest  lamp-post.  I  did  not  believe  it  about  Elaine  ;  I  did  not 
believe  it  about  Sherman  ;  I  did  not  believe  it  about  Grant  ;  and  I  did 
not  believe  it  about  Lincoln.  I  did  not  think  that  I  was  a  big  enough 
fellow  ever  to  be  attacked  by  the  Cincinnati  Commercial,  and  I  never 
dreamed  of  such  a  thing,  but  I  soon  found  it  pitching  in  against  some 
other  people  (it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  mention  names).  But  the 
other  day,  I  picked  it  up,  and,  to  my  utter  astonishment,  found  my 
name  mentioned  in  it  in  a  complimentary  way,  in  connection  with  the 
names  of  two  other  Senators  who  are  greater  men  than  myself.  Hal- 
stead  is  the  man  who  got  up  this  case,  by  first  publishing  all  these 
Donovan  charges,  and  he  says,  speaking  in  a  very  kind  manner  of  the 
Senator  from  New  York  [Evarts],  the  Senator  from  Colorado  [Teller], 
and  myself,  that  all  the  arts  of  corrupt  schemers,  and  all  the  blandish 
ments  of  millions,  have  been  brought  to  bear  upon  us  ! 


430 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Senator  Logan  here  quoted  from  the  Cincinnati  Commer 
cial-Gazette  an  article  against  himself  and  Senators  Evarts 
and  Teller,  speaking  of  Mr.  Evarts  as  a  representative  of 
coal-oil  in  the  Senate,  and  as  to  Teller,  he  wasn't  worth 
talking  about.  "  The  Presidential  boom,"  the  article  con 
tinued,  "of  two  distinguished  Republican  United  States 
Senators  can  now  be  tenderly  laid  away  to  eternal  rest." 
That  (said  Mr.  Logan,  addressing  Mr.  Evarts)  means 
yourself  and  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  Mr.  Sherman.  [Laugh 
ter.]  It  cannot  allude  to  anybody  else. 

General  Logan  declared  that  these  three  members  of  the 
committee  "  whom  Halstead  attempted  to  bully,  he  could  not 
bully,  and  he  need  not  try  it.  He  (Logan)  would  sink  in  his 
place  before  he  would  be  driven  by  Halstead,  or  anybody 
else,  to  do  an  act  which  would  be  ungenerous,  unkind,  and 
unlawful,  in  order  merely  that  he  might  become  the  pet  of 
somebody  for  a  month  or  two  and  then  be  kicked  afterward. 
In  conclusion,  he  said  that  he  had  been  actuated  in  this 
matter,  not  by  impulse,  not  by  being  aggrieved,  not  by 
attacks,  but  by  a  calm  and  deliberate  examination  of  the  tes 
timony  and  of  the  law  in  the  case.  He  had  done  his  duty 
and  would  stand  by  it,  for  his  action  was  right,  and  just,  and 
proper." 

He  concluded  amid  great  applause  on  the  floor  and  in  the 
galleries. 

LOGAN    GOES    TO    THE    G.   A.   R.   ENCAMPMENT    AT  SAN    FRANCISCO, 

1886 IS    ENTHUSIASTICALLY  RECEIVED  EVERYWHERE  ON    THE 

PACIFIC  COAST HIS  RETURN. 

Toward  the  latter  end  of  July,  1886,  General  Logan  with 
his  wife  left  Washington  for  Chicago  and,  by  invitation  pro 
ceeded  thence — in  the  private  car  of  Governor  Alger  of 
Michigan — across  the  continent,  to  visit  the  Pacific  States. 
The  trip  through  Nebraska,  accprding  to  the  correspondent 
of  the  Inter- Oceany  was  "a  constant  succession  of  pleas- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  43  [ 

ant  surprises  and  receptions."  At  Denver,  and  other  points 
in  Colorado,  the  General  was  received  with  great  ernpress- 
ment.  So  also  at  all  other  points,  where  he  stopped.  The 
route  travelled  on  this  grand  trip,  according  to  the  same 
authority,  was  from  Chicago  to  Omaha  over  the  Northwest 
ern;  to  San  Francisco  over  the  Union  Pacific  and  Central 
Pacific  ;  then  to  Napa  Valley  and  through  Nevada.  Side 
trips  were  taken  over  the  various  branches  of  the  Central  and 
Southern  Pacific,  and  over  the  Donahue  Road  into  the  famous 
Red  Woods.  From  San  Francisco  to  Portland,  Ore.,  via 
the  Central  Pacific  they  went  to  a  point  twelve  miles  beyond 
Hazel  Creek,  Cal,  the  northern  terminus  of  the  tracks,  then 
one  hundred  miles  by  stage  to  Ashland,  Ore.,  and  thence 
north  via  the  California  &  Oregon  Railroad.  From  Portland 
to  Tacoma  and  Seattle,  Wash.  Ter.,  and  return,  they  went 
via  the  Northern  Pacific.  They  also  made  an  extended  trip 
up  Puget  Sound  in  the  steamers  Meriom  and  Idaho.  The 
return  home  was  by  the  Oregon  Railway  and  Navigation, 
Northern  Pacific,  and  Northwestern  Roads.  This  is  the  skele 
ton  outline  of  the  trip,  which  covered  six  weeks'  time,  sixteen 
States  and  Territories,  and  "over  8,500  miles  of  travel." 

"The  prime  object  of  the  trip,"  says  the  same  authority, 
"  was  to  attend  the  Grand  Army  Encampment  at  San  Fran 
cisco,  and  also  see  and  learn  as  much  of  the  Pacific  coast  and 
its  interests  as  was  possible  in  the  time  allowed.  The  party 
visited  the  principal  cities  and  resorts  of  the  Pacific  coast, 
and,  at  every  point,  the  people  turned  out  en  masse  to  welcome 
them.  The  receptions  were  always  most  largely  attended, 
and  the  utmost  enthusiasm  was  manifested  by  the  people  on 
the  coast,  over  the  visit.  To  General  Logan  the  trip  was  full 
of  interest.  He  devoted  his  attention  to  the  great  questions 
which  are  of  vital  importance  to  the  Pacific  coast  people.  He 
was  called  on  to  make  frequent  speeches,  and  his  responses 
were  always  eloquent,  in  the  best  taste,  fitting  to  the  time 
and  place,  and  free  from  political  allusions.  .  .  .  The 


432  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

private  cars  were  kept  loaded  with  fruit  and  flowers  and  vari 
ous  other  mementoes  of  the  places  visited." 

The  limits  of  this  book  preclude  more  than  a  very  few 
references  to  the  many  notable  things  seen  and  heard  during 
this  memorable  trip,  which  the  General  himself  told  the  writer 
was  one  of  the  most  instructive  and  delightful  of  his  life. 
Hut  there  are  some  things  that  should  not  be  passed  over. 
One  is  the  grand  reception  given  to  the  General  at  the 
Pavilion  in  Salt  Lake  City.  It  was  crowded  to  its  utmost 
capacity,  and  when  replying  to  Governor  Eli  H.  Murray's 
address  of  welcome,  General  Logan,  in  the  course  of  a  long 
and  eloquent  and  statesmanlike  speech  on  the  Mormon  ques 
tion,  said  some  notable  things — bearding  the  lion  in  his  den, 
as  it  were.  For  instance,  he  said  to  the  people  assembled, 
plentifully  sprinkled  as  they  were  with  Mormons : 

A  State  government  inside  of  the  United  States  Government  is 
merely  a  government  without  sovereignty  as  exercised  by  the  Nation, 
but  with  certain  rights  that  they  enjoy  under  the  Constitution,  and  with 
which  rights  the  Government  itself  does  not  interfere,  where  they  do  not 
come  in  conflict  with  the  laws  of  the  Nation.  [Applause.]  Certain 
rights  are  given  to  them,  which  they  may  exercise  within  certain  pre 
scribed  rules  and  limits.  Whenever  they  go  beyond  that,  the  Nation 
has  power  itself  to  prevent  and  stop  it,  and  it  is  its  duty  to  do  it.  [Ap 
plause.]  So  then,  churches  may  be  organized  in  any  part  of  the  coun 
try,  if  they  are  churches  which  violate  no  law ;  but  a  theocracy,  which 
exercises  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  functions  inside  of  the 
Government  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  rules,  laws,  and 
Constitution  of  the  Government — it  cannot  exist.  [Loud  applause.] 

Later  on,  in  the  same  great  speech,  General  Logan  said  : 

Now,  then,  it  is  a  question  whether  or  not  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  enforced  over  every  foot  of  the  American  soil.  [Ap 
plause.]  I  say  for  myself,  yes.  [Applause.]  And  if  you  have  in  this, 
or  any  other  place  you  love,  institutions  that  are  in  conflict  with  the 
laws  of  this  Nation,  the  laws  themselves  must  fall,  or  your  institutions 
must  go  down.  [Applause.]  And  it  seems  to  me  it  would  not  require 
a  very  great  exercise  of  common-sense  to  see  which  one  would  be 
superior,  when  these  ideas  come  in  conflict.  [Applause.]  It  may  not 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  43, 

be  done  in  a  moment.  People  who  fail  to  believe  in  the  laws  may  re 
sist  for  a  time,  but  if  your  Government  is  determined  with  reference  to 
any  subject  to  enforce  the  laws  and  preserve  its  institutions,  it  is  only  a 
question  of  time  when  you  have  got  to  succumb  to  the  laws  and  the 
force  of  the  same.  [Applause.] 

In  order  to  emphasize  his  position  on  this  Mormon  ques 
tion,  and  drive  it  well  home  to  the  convictions  of  his  hearers, 
he  said,  later  on : 

If  citizens  of  this  country  despise  this  Government,  and  hate  its  laws, 
they  must  either  submit  to  them  or  leave.  One  or  the  other.  [Ap 
plause.]  It  is  the  duty  of  the  courts  of  all  countries  to  enforce  the  laws  by 
their  decrees.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Executive  department  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  execute  the  laws  ;  it  is  the  duty  of  all  officers  to  execute 
them,  as  well  as  the  duty  of  citizens  to  submit  to  them.  And  I  say  to 
you  now,  that  you  may  resist  for  a  time,  and  it  is  only  for  a  time  ;  for 
somebody,  sometime  or  other,  or  some  people,  or  some  class  of  people, 
will  have  control  of  this  Government  who  will  enforce  its  laws.  [Ap 
plause.] 

And,  in  concluding  a  reference  to  his  speedy  return  to. the 
East,  he  feelingly  and  eloquently  said  : 

I  shall  remember  that  in  Utah,  in  Salt  Lake  City,  we  received  one 
of  the  grandest  receptions  and  greetings  that  met  us  anywhere  in  all 
our  travels,  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  take  this  back  East,  and  tell  the  peo 
ple  that  in  Utah  there  are  loyal  American  citizens  [long-continued  ap 
plause]  ;  that  in  Utah  there  are  people  who  love  the  institutions  of  this 
country  ;  that  in  Utah  there  are,  perhaps,  a  third  or  fourth  of  the  citi 
zens  who  believe  in  good  government ;  that  here  are  people,  and  many 
good  people,  too,  who  believe  in  the  laws  of  our  country  ;  and  who  believe 
in  their  enforcement.  All  they  want  is  the  proper  encouragement,  and 
the  proper  course  pursued,  by  the  central  Government,  so  that  they  them 
selves  may  bring  Utah  up  to  the  standard  of  this  Republic,  and  we  may 
proudly  say  :  there  is  not  one  blot  now  on  the  proud  escutcheon  of  this 
great  American  Nation,  all  the  dark  spots  have  been  blotted  out ;  it 
shines  to-day  like  the  glorious,  majestic  king  above  us,  that  reflects  its 
light  and  glory  upon  the  footstool  of  man.  [Applause.] 

Nor  would  it  do  to  pass  without  especial  mention  the 
manner  in  which  San  Francisco  received  her  honored  guests 

— as  gathered  from  her  daily  journals.    Said  the  Alta,  August 

28 


434 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


4,  1886:  "Many  years  from  to-day,  when  the  little  children 
who  yesterday  viewed  the  grandest  parade  which  ever  passed 
through  the  streets  of  this  city  recall  to  mind  the  scenes  and 
incidents  of  that  event,  it  will  be  with  feelings  of  pride  and 
patriotism.  No  one  could  have  viewed  that  long  line  of 
veterans  with  their  tattered  battle-flags,  and  not  have  felt 
a  glow  of  patriotic  enthusiasm.  The  people,  who  gathered 
along  the  line  of  march  in  countless  thousands,  were  not 
backward  in  their  expressions  of  loyalty  ;  and  it  must  have 
been  a  proud  day  for  General  Logan  and  General  Sherman, 
who  both  received  such  a  greeting  all  along  the  route  as  only 
Grant  received  before  them  seven  years  ago." 

There  were  no  less  than  seven  divisions,  comprising  ten 
thousand  men,  in  this  daylight  parade,  and  foremost  in  the 
double  line  of  carriages  in  the  first  division,  rode  Governor 
Stoneman,  Mayor  Bartlett,  General  Sherman,  and  General 
Logan;  and,  says  one  of  the  reports,  "Just  before  Generals 
Sherman  and  Logan  reached  that  part  of  Market  Street 
between  Fifth  and  Sixth,  a  party  of  young  ladies,  all  armed 
with  baskets  of  flowers,  invaded  the  street,  charged  the 
moving  column,  and  began  a  fusillade  of  roses — strewing  the 
pavement  with  flowers  for  Generals  Sherman  and  Logan  to 
pass  over." 

At  night  there  was  another  procession  amid  brilliant 
pyrotechnics,  to  escort  the  distinguished  guests  to  the  huge 
Mechanics'  Pavilion,  where  there  was  assembled  a  great 
gathering  to  welcome  them.  Both  Sherman  and  Logan  re 
sponded  to  the  welcoming  speeches  there  made,  and  after 
ward,  says  the  Bulletin,  "a  rush  was  made  to  speak  with 
Generals  Sherman  and  Logan,  who  shook  hands  with  many 
citizens."  On  the  following  night,  Logan  was  present  at  the 
grand  Festival  Concert  given  to  the  Grand  Army  dignitaries, 
in  Mechanics'  Pavilion,  where  there  was  a  terrible  crush— 
20,000  people  striving  to  enter  !  "  At  the  end  of  the  first 
part  of  the  programme,"  says  the  Alta,  "  there  was  an  inter- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  435 

mission  of  about  five  minutes.  Cries  arose  for  Logan,  from 
the  front  of  the  audience.  The  General  was  observed  seated 
at  the  northwest  corner  of  the  floor-chairs,  and  the  calls  of 
his  admirers  growing  louder  each  instant,  he  was  prevailed 
upon,  by  the  Committee  of  Management  of  the  G.  A.  R.,  to 
ascend  the  chorus-platform,  escorted  by  Colonel  J.  M.  Davis 
of  the  committee.  Instantly  the  audience  rose  as  one  man, 
and  cheered  the  General  in  a  most  enthusiastic  manner.  This 
was,  however,  as  nothing  compared  to  the  ovation  he  received 
while  bowing  his  acknowledgments  on  the  stage.  The 
young  ladies  of  the  chorus  began  to  throw  little  bouquets  at 
him,  and  it  was  not  many  seconds  before  a  perfect  rain  of 
flowers  fell  all  over  Logan's  head  and  shoulders.  He  stood 
the  good-natured  bombardment  for  a  minute  or  two,  while 
his  admirers  yelled  themselves  hoarse,  and  then  he  descended 
and  resumed  his  seat.  At  two  other  points  in  the  pro 
gramme,  fresh  cries  were  made  for  Logan,  but  he  was  unwill 
ing  to  again  appear." 

During  his  brief  stay  in  San  Francisco,  several  receptions 
and  banquets  were  given  to  the  General.  He  also  ran  over 
to  the  Red  Woods,  and  with  Governor  Alger  cut  down  a 
giant  red-wood  tree.  At  Oakland,  Alameda  County,  there 
was  another  grand  parade  of  the  Grand  Army,  and  in  the 
afternoon  and  evening,  further  receptions  to  General  Logan. 
In  fact,  wherever  he  appeared  "the  enthusiasm  was  intense." 
So  also  at  Sacramento,  and  through  Napa  Valley ;  and,  when 
Logan's  party  made  a  short  trip  to  Nevada  and  back,  at 
Carson  and  Virginia  City,  it  was  the  same.  There  seemed 
to  be  no  limit  to  his  popularity.  The  enthusiasm  was 
tireless,  everywhere — and  Mrs.  Logan  shared  in  it.  At 
last  the  Logan  party  left  Oakland,  by  rail  and  stage,  for 
Oregon — and  along  the  line,  at  all  the  stations,  Logan's  train 
was  received  by  shouting  crowds,  with  "  bands  playing  and 
banners  flying,"  and  with  flowers.  At  some  of  the  towns, 
Logan  was  also  saluted  with  booming  cannon.  At  Portland, 


436  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Ore.,  and  at  Seattle  and  Tacoma,  Wash.  Ter.,  Logan  was 
also  royally  welcomed.  In  short  there  was,  during  the  entire 
trip,  apparently,  no  end  of  receptions,  banquets,  parades, 
rejoicings,  and  enthusiastic  excitement  wherever  the  General 
appeared.  Everywhere  Logan  received  a  royal  welcome, 
which  showed  how  deeply  attached  these  loyal  Pacific 
coasters  were  to  the  warrior-statesman.  And  when  Logan 
returned  to  Chicago*  he  was  able  to  say  that  he  had  visited 
every  State,  and  most  of  the  Territories,  of  the  Union. 

LOGAN'S  RETURN — RECEPTIONS  AT  ST.  PAUL,  MINNEAPOLIS,  AND 

CHICAGO. 

Coming  back  from  his  Pacific  coast  trip,  General  Logan 
reached  St.  Paul,  Minn.,  September  i,  1886,  and  visited  Min 
neapolis.  A  grand  reception  likewise  met  him  there.  The 
Union  League  also  banqueted  him,  and  his  speech  on  this 
occasion,  with  "  The  Republican  Party"  as  his  text,  covered 
the  political  issues  of  the  day,  and  was  received  with  un 
bounded  applause  throughout,  and  "three  ringing  cheers" 
at  its  close.  On  the  4th  he  reached  Chicago  again,  and  an 
other  fine  reception  in  his  honor  was  given  at  the  Grand 
Pacific — the  Tribune  saying  of  it :  "  General  Logan's  return 
yesterday  to  Chicago  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  public 
reception  in  the  evening.  The  attendance  was  large  and 
truly  representative.  It  was  by  no  means  the  rally  of  hench 
men  about  their  chief,  but  a  gathering  of  reputable  Repub 
licans  to  welcome  home  the  distinguished  Senator  who  is 
fairly  entitled  to  all  the  honor  bestowed  upon  him.  He  might 
well  be  proud  of  the  recognition,  especially  as  it  was  a  fair 
expression  of  public  sentiment.  .  .  .  This  reception  was  an 
assurance  that  if  General  Logan  wants  to  be  nominated  for 
President  in  1888,  he  can  have  the  solid  delegation  from 
Illinois,  and  that  without  a  struggle." 


LOGAN  SINCE    1884. 


LOGAN    AT    ROCK    ISLAND — SPEECH    AGAINST  LIMITING    THE    SUF 
FRAGE — HIS    GREAT    SPEECH    AT    PITTSBURG,    PA. 

At  Rock  Island,  111.,  September  I4th,  Logan  having 
heard  the  oration  of  General  Chetlain  before  the  Society  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  being  loudly  called  for, 
stepped  forward  in  Harper's  Theatre  amid  loud  and  enthusi 
astic  cheering,  and  launched  into  an  impassioned  speech  of 
denunciation  of  the  position  of  that  orator,  that  "  a  cure  for 
our  labor  troubles  would  be  the  establishment  of  a  limited 
franchise,  based  on  a  property  qualification."  Logan  de 
nounced  such  a  doctrine  as  being  the  first  step  toward  mon 
archy.  He  showed  that  from  the  beginning  of  this  nation  its 
liberties  had  first  been  gained,  and  since  then  had  been  pre 
served,  by  the  poor  men  of  the  country.  "  The  fact  that  our 
starry  banner  was  borne  by  patriotic  hands,"  said  General 
Logan,  "  though  they  came  from  the  plough-handle  and  every 
avocation  of  life,  causes  me  to  reflect  that  patriotism  dwells 
in  the  cabin  as  well  as  in  the  castle,  and  I  desire  to  say,  that 
the  evils  that  are  now  upon  this  glorious  country,  which  has 
been  preserved  by  the  2,225,000  of  men  who  went  forth  to 
save  the  nation  for  us,  are  slight,  and  the  remedy  is  not  in 
disfranchising  the  poor  man.  It  is  in  the  execution  of  the  laws 
of  the  country  against  every  man  who  violates  them,  no  mat 
ter  whether  he  be  rich  or  poor.  [Applause.]  ...  I  do 
not  believe  in  the  doctrine  that  because  a  man  is  a  poor  man 
he  shall  not  vote.  That  is  the  doctrine  of  the  oligarchists  of 
the  South  who  stamped  their  slaves  under  foot  because  they 
were  black,  and  since  they  were  made  free  have  denied  them 
all  the  privileges  of  free  men.  Do  you  think  Grant  could 
have  paid  taxes  when  he  was  made  colonel  of  his  regiment. 
[Applause.]  There  are  few  poorer  men  in  the  United  States 
than  he  was  then.  Lincoln,  when  he  was  twenty-one  years 
old,  could  not  have  voted,  under  this  doctrine.  I  say  these 


438  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

things  because  I  do  not  wish  it  to  go  out  that  we  all  agree 
that  because  a  man  is  not  a  taxpayer,  he  shall  not  vote. 
[Long  applause.] 

On  September  25th,  General  Logan  made  another  great 
speech,  before  six  thousand  persons  at  Music  Hall,  Pittsburg, 
Pa.  It  was  largely  devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the  tariff 
question,  and  evoked  great  enthusiasm  and  applause  from  the 
assembled  multitude.  In  fact,  his  appearance,  "  created  un 
bounded  enthusiasm,"  at  the  very  start,  "and  for  five  minutes 
he  could  not  speak  for  the  cheering." 

LOGAN'S  SPEECH  AT  THE  SOLDIERS'  REUNION  AT  CAIRO,  SEP 
TEMBER  30,  l886 — THE  TRUE  THEORY  OF  PENSIONS — ELO 
QUENT  PASSAGES. 

On  September  3Oth,  General  Logan  was  at  the  Soldiers' 
Reunion  at  Cairo,  111.,  and  made  an  impressive  and  elo 
quent  address,  in  the  course  of  which  he  said  to  the  vet 
erans  : 

I  say  you  are  entitled  to  credit,  not  only  for  saving  this  nation,  but 
for  inspiring  a  genius  and  energy  that  has  made  this  the  greatest  Gov 
ernment  that  civilized  man  has  the  right  to  control.  [Applause.]  And 
when  I  say  you  are  entitled  to  credit,  I  mean  that  the  soldier  is  entitled 
to  the  greater  share  of  the  credit  for  the  greatness  of  this  Republic  to 
day  ;  for  preserving  this  nation  as  a  whole.  [Applause.]  You  are  en 
titled  to  credit  because  you  tore  down  one  flag  to  keep  up  the  other  ; 
you  destroyed  one  constitution,  made  in  opposition  to  your  own,  and  pre 
served  your  own.  [Applause.]  You  are  entitled  to  this  credit  because 
you  swore  in  the  light  of  Heaven  that  not  one  inch  of  the  3,000,000 
square  miles  that  was  beneath  your  flag  should  be  governed  under  any 
other  flag.  [Applause.]  You  are  entitled  to  credit  for  the  great  ac 
cumulations  in  this  country.  In  1880  we  had  accumulated  $44,000,000,- 
ooo  of  wealth  instead  of  the  $14,000,000,000  we  had  in  1860,  being  an 
increase  of  $30.000,000,000  in  twenty  years,  and,  as  I  said,  in  this  grand 
development  of  wealth,  energy,  and  knowledge,  citizens  followed  in  your 
wake.  You  are  entitled  to  the  greater  credit  for  this  splendid  advance 
ment.  [Applause.]  We  hear  it  said  that  the  soldiers  are  getting  too 
many  pensions.  Well,  now  let  us  see.  We  had  2,225,000  men  in  the 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  439 

army.  Is  there  a  man  with  common-sense  who  believes  that  with  an 
army  of  2,225,000  men,  who  served  on  an  average  of  three  years,  in 
swamps,  on  rivers,  in  sunshine,  storm,  in  battle  and  in  prison-pen,  the 
pension-roll  could  be  very  small  ?  Our  loss  was  nearly  300,000  killed, 
wounded,  missing,  and  captive. 

The  true  theory,  of  pensions  is  this — every  man  who  was  wounded 
or  injured,  or  contracted  disease  in  line  of  duty,  by  the  law  is  entitled 
to  a  pension.  Now  then,  if  the  law  gives  him  a  pension,  and  you  made 
the  law  when  the  army  was  proceeding  south,  I  want  to  know  why  com 
plaint  is  made  now  ?  And  I  want  to  ask  if  you  ever  heard  anyone  com- 
pluin  of  the  pension-roll  when  the  war  was  going  on  ?  [Applause.]  The 
complaint  was  not  made  then  ;  men  do  not  forget  the  hand  that  snatches 
them  from  the  burning  fire.  My  countrymen,  I  have  made  this  state 
ment  before,  and  I  will  repeat  it  wherever  I  go.  I  marched  down  Penn 
sylvania  Avenue  on  the  22d  of  May,  1865,  at  the  head  of  65,000  men 
carrying  muskets,  and  as  we  marched  past  the  Capitol,  on  that  Capitol 
was  stretched  a  canvas  bearing  these  words  : 

"  THERE  IS  ONE  DEBT  THE  GOVERNMENT  CAN  NEVER  PAY,    AND 
THAT  IS  THE  DEBT  OF  GRATITUDE  IT  OWES  TO  ITS  SOLDIERS." 

[Applause.]  That  was  the  sentiment  of  this  country  then.  If  it  was 
good  then,  why  is  it  not  now  ?  If  it  was  true  then,  why  not  now  ?  If 
it  was  right  then,  why  not  now  ?  But,  my  countrymen,  I  go  further  than 
this.  Some  men  say,  pension  everybody.  I  have  nothing  to  say  about 
that.  The  time  will  come  when  all  will  be  pensioned  according  to  the 
rule  that  governed  in  the  case  of  the  Revolutionary  veterans  and  those 
of  the  War  of  1812.  My  plan  is  to  pension  every  soldier  who  is  disabled, 
whether  in  the  service  or  out  of  it ;  whether  he  was  injured  by  a  bullet 
or  by  a  threshing-machine.  He  was  a  sound  man  when  he  went  into 
the  service,  and  he  is  now  disabled,  and  his  Government  should  protect 
and  care  for  him  when  he  cannot  take  care  of  himself.  There  are 
hundreds  of  men  who  were  wounded  who  are  unable  to  make  proof 
required  by  the  law.  I  would  pension  this  class.  [Applause.]  I  will 
only  say  this, — the  reason  why  this  law  has  not  been  passed  can  probably 
be  explained  by  somebody  else.  It  has  passed  one  branch  of  Congress 
twice.  Why  it  has  not  passed  the  other  branch  I  leave  to  that  branch 
to  explain.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Let  me  go  a  little  further.  I 
am  a  plain  man,  and  came  from  a  plain  people,  and  being  a  plain  man 
I  say  what  I  believe,  and  I  will  tell  you  what  I  do  believe.  From 
George  Washington  down  and  through  the  administration  of  President 
Arthur,  all  the  presidents  sent  one  hundred  and  ten  veto-messages  to 
Congress.  But  these  men  were  old  fogies;  they  did  not  understand 


440 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


things — they  were  not  soldiers.  What  did  Washington  and  Grant 
know  about  soldiers?  Now  we  have  a  man  comprehending  all  the 
affairs  of  mankind  ;  we  have  accidentally  found  a  genius  that  vetoes  one 
hundred  and  two  pension-bills  at  one  session  of  Congress.  [Cries  of 
"  hit  him  again  !  "]  Now  somebody  will  say  Logan  is  talking  politics. 
[Laughter.]  There  is  no  politics  in  that,  but  there  is  lots  of  "  cussed- 
ness."  [Laughter  and  applause.] 


There  is  a  duty  for  us  all  to  perform  in  a  government  like  this 
where  we  claim  that  the  will  of  the  people  rules  ;  where  we  claim  that 
the  rights  of  all  citizens  are  equal.  We  have  put  this  in  our  Constitu 
tion,  and  we  have  sworn  to  obey  that  Constitution,  and  this  Govern 
ment  will  never  be  the  government  God  intended  it  should  be,  until 
every  man  is  allowed  to  enjoy  the  rights  that  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  this  country  give  him,  no  matter  where  he  may  be.  [Applause.] 

Now  then,  soldiers,  you  and  I,  and  all  of  us  together,  can  do  much 
in  this  direction  ;  we  can  do  much  for  one  another  ;  we  can  do  much  to 
secure  the  rights  of  citizens  ;  all  is  not  gone  by  the  board  ;  we  have 
faith  in  our  country,  and  love  for  the  glory  of  our  Government,  and 
affection  for  our  flag,  and  we  have  patriotism  that  causes  us  to  devote 
ourselves  to  the  freedom  of  this  land.  And  while  we  journey  along  this 
life  we  will  touch  elbows  and  march  along,  keeping  step  to  the  music 
of  the  Union.  [Applause.]  We  will  so  keep  advanced  this  idea  of  a 
free  government  and  a  Christian  civilization  ;  and  let  us  be  a  great  living 
power.  Let  us  build  up  this  Government  in  all  that  makes  a  country 
great,  and  in  doing  this  let  us  believe  that  there  is  no  glory  in  govern 
ment  like  the  glory  that  is  given  forth  from  a  free  republic.  Let  us  be 
lieve  there  is  no  flag  like  the  flag  of  this  nation.  Let  us  be  determined 
that  the  seas  shall  be  whitened  by  the  sails  of  an  American  navy.  [Ap 
plause.]  When  we  look  upon  that  flag,  let  us  swear  by  it ;  let  us  re 
member  that  those  white  stripes  represent  the  purity  of  this  great 
people,  and  every  red  stripe  represents  the  blood  that  has  been  poured 
out  to  water  the  roots  of  the  tree  of  liberty,  the  fruit  of  which  we  have 
all  tasted.  [Applause.]  Let  us  remember  that  those  stars  embodied 
in  that  blue  ground,  represent  the  blue  vault  of  heaven  whose  stars 
shine  out  to  light  up  the  footstool  of  God.  [Applause.]  Let  us  re 
member  that  each  star  on  this  flag  is  in  its  place,  and  kept  there  by  you 
and  your  comrades,  and  there  will  remain  forever.  My  comrades,  glory 
shines  along  the  path  we  are  following.  Let  us  feel  that  these  stars 
give  out  a  brilliancy  that  dims  in  its  glory  the  very  stars  that  deck  the 
plains  of  heaven.  [Applause.] 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  441 


LOGAN  S  LAST  GREAT  OUT-DOOR  PUBLIC  ADDRESS,  AT  MARION, 
OCTOBER  4,  l886 — "  THE  ISSUES  OF  THE  DAY  "  —THE  DEMO 
CRATIC  PARTY  A  FAILURE THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  VINDI 
CATED. 

At  Marion, 111.,  Logan  addressed  an  immense  assemblage  of 
his  fellow-citizens,  October  4,  1886,  upon  "  The  Issues  of  the 
Day."  It  was  his  last  great  out-door  public  speech,  and  he 
handled  the  subjects  in  his  usual  masterly  manner.  It  was 
largely  devoted  to  an  historical  review  of  tariff  legislation  in 
this  country,  from  the  first  organization  of  our  National  Gov 
ernment,  and  contrasting  the  immeasurable  ruin  that  befell 
American  industries  whenever,  under  Democratic  rule,  free- 
trade  was  permitted,  and  the  boundless  prosperity  that  fol 
lowed  when,  under  Republican  rule,  a  protective  tariff  was 
adopted  and  adhered  to.  This  position  he  fortified  with 
abundant  statistics.  Then,  turning  his  attention  to  Demo 
cratic  promises,  made  in  1884,  to  run  the  Government  econom 
ically  if  the  people  would  only  "turn  the  rascals  out,"  Logan 
continued  : 

You  heard  it  said  that  we  had  accumulated  $400,000,000  in  the 
Treasury.  "  Turn  the  rascals  out,  and  let  us  divide  this  money.  It 
will  buy  two  barrels  of  flour  for  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the 
United  States."  You  turned  the  " rascals"  out,  and  when  you  examined. 
you  could  not  find  a  five-cent  piece  missing.  I  do  not  say  it  will  not  be 
so  when  the  Democrats  go  out,  in  1889.  I  hope  they  will  have  as  clean 
a  record.  But  what  about  the  division  of  the  $400,000,000  ?  How  has 
it  been  divided,  will  anyone  say  ?  The  Democrats  promised  to  run  the 
Government  economically  if  they  got  in.  They  have  got  in,  and  what 
have  they  done  ?  Let  us  see.  They  have  been  in  power  nearly  two 
years.  Now  let  me  quote  from  the  Congressional  Record.  In  1884, 
1885,  1886,  the  appropriations  for  running  the  Government  were, 
$338,000,343.31  ;  $35i>335>595-i7  ;  $329,864,620.04,  respectively.  They 
were  the  last  years  of  Republican  rule.  The  Democracy  have  had  just 
one  "  whack  "  at  it.  The  estimate  sent  to  Congress  by  this  administra 
tion  was  $406,583,447.24.  This  was  what  the  President  asked  for,  just  to 


442  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

pay  the  running  expenses  of  the  Government.  The  Senate  concluded 
this  was  too  much,  but  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  wrote  a  letter  and 
said  he  could  not  get  along  with  any  less.  We  appropriated  for  this  ad 
ministration  $383,715,676.11,  being  $54,000,000  more  than  was  expended 
by  the  Republican  Party  in  1885  and  1886.  So  it  requires  $54,000,000 
more  for  a  Democratic  administration  to  run  the  Government  than  it 
does  for  a  Republican  administration.  What  do  you  think  it  will  re 
quire  in  four  years  ?  Now,  what  is  this  money  to  be  expended  for, 
where  is  it  going  ?  For  nothing  only  to  run  the  Government  !  Fifty- 
four  million  dollars  is  a  great  deal  of  money — more  than  all  of  you 
have.  If  they  had  a  war  on  their  hands,  there  would  not  be  enough 
money  in  the  world  to  supply  them.  It  is  a  good  thing  we  did  not  get 
into  a  war  with  poor  Mexico,  on  account  of  that  drunken  fellow  they 
had  in  prison. 

Senator  Logan  then  proceeded  to  contrast  the  Republi 
can  and  Democratic  parties  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter, 
with  respect  to  their  action  upon  soldiers'  pension  bills,  and 
especially  as  exhibited  by  the  votes  in  Congress  on  the  bill 
pensioning  disabled  soldiers  of  the  Mexican  War,  as  amended 
by  the  Senate  so  as  to  include  disabled  soldiers  of  the  War 
of  the  Rebellion.  He  also  riddled  Morrison's  proposition  to 
tack  on  to  every  pension  bill  a  proviso  to  collect  the  money 
therein  appropriated  by  a  direct  tax.  And,  touching  the  pecul 
iar  favoritism  shown  by  the  Democratic  administration  to 
ex-Confederates,  he  said : 

While  I  speak  of  this  administration,  and  I  speak  kindly  of  it, — Mr. 
Cleveland  has  always  treated  me  kindly, — I  say  this,  he  has  done  for  us 
what  no  other  President  has  done  or  any  other  will  do,  in  my  judgment. 
Out  of  all  the  countries,  China,  Japan,  England,  Germany,  Russia, 
France,  and  Spain,  and  all  others,  he  has  found,  I  believe,  about  five 
men  to  send  abroad  who  were  not  in  the  Confederate  army.  We  are 
represented  at  every  foreign  court,  except  about  five,  by  men  who  at 
tempted  to  destroy  the  Union.  We  are  represented  at  Japan  by  the 
keeper  of  Libby  Prison,  Mr.  Hubbard.  Now,  I  say  I  object. 

Logan  also  gave  the  Democratic  Party  a  broadside  touch 
ing  the  allegation  made  by  Democratic  orators  that  "  the  Re- 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884.  443 

publican  Party  has  squandered  the  public  land  and  given  it  to 
the  railroads."     Said  he  : 

The  first  grant  of  land  was  given  to  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  by 
a  Democratic  Congress,  and  advocated  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas, — the 
richest  grant  of  land  that  was  ever  given  to  a  railroad  in  the  world. 
The  Democrats  started  it,  and  it  was  kept  up  ;  and  in  1860  the  Demo 
cratic  and  Republican  parties  both  had  platform-declarations  in  favor  of 
the  grant  to  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  ;  and  when  that  grant  was  given, 
both  parties  voted  for  it.  I  was  not  in  Congress  at  the  time,  but  if  I  had 
been,  I  should  probably  have  voted  with  the  rest.  But  let  me  say  this 
to  you,  instead  of  the  Republican  Party  robbing  the  people,  I  ask  any 
Democrat,  when  did  his  party  ever  give  a  foot  of  land  to  a  poor  man  in 
this  country  ?  When  the  buffalo  had  possession  of  the  country  west  of  the 
Mississippi  River,  Buchanan,  the  last  Democratic  President,  vetoed  the 
bill  giving  this  land  to  poor  people  as  homesteads,  and  it  was  left  for 
the  Republican  Party  to  pass  a  bill,  signed  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  giving 
homesteads  to  the  poor  people.  So,  when  these  people  accuse  the  Re 
publican  party,  they  had  better  look  at  their  own  history.  If  they  had 
been  in  power  instead  of  the  Republican  Party,  homesteads  would 
never  have  been  voted. 

After  proving  in  various  ways  that  the  Democratic  Party 
is  a  failure,  and  vindicating  the  Republican  Party  from  these 
Democratic  attacks,  Senator  Logan  concluded  with  an  elo 
quent  peroration,  amid  long-continued  plaudits. 


GENERAL     LOGAN  S    LAST     CAMP-FIRE     SPEECH,    AT     THE     OPERA- 
HOUSE,  YOUNGSTOWN,  O.,  NOVEMBER   l8,    l886. 

In  the  opera-house,  at  Youngstown,  O.,  General  Logan 
made  his  last  G.  A.  R.  camp-fire  speech,  November  18,  1886. 
It  was  humorous  in  spots,  but  breathed  throughout  its  rugged 
eloquence  that  intense  patriotism  which  characterizes  all  his 
speeches.  Logan  concluded  it  in  these  words : 

I  want  to  say  but  one  thing  in  conclusion.  It  is  this  :  I  care  not  how 
much  people  may  talk  about  these  meetings.  I  care  not  what  kind  of 
criticisms  they  may  pass  upon  them.  They  are  the  best  schools  this 
Government  has  ever  had.  The  meeting  of  these  soldiers,  and  their 


444  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

marching  on  the  streets,  and  the  demonstration  they  make  before  the 
youth  of  this  country,  furnish  a  lesson  they  can  learn  nowhere  else  ; 
and,  in  the  last  few  years,  by  holding  such  meetings  all  over  this  land, 
you  have  relit,  in  the  slumbering  hearts  of  the  people  of  this  country, 
the  old  fires  of  patriotism  that  burned  beautifully  and  brightly  lung  ago. 
You  find,  to-day,  the  lesson  you  are  teaching  the  children,  the  young  men, 
and  the  young  ladies,  everywhere  recognized  ;  even  the  little  boy  takes 
his  little  flag  of  stars  and  stripes,  and,  proud  of  it,  sticks  it  in  the  fence, 
in  the  gate,  or  in  the  window,  anywhere,  knowing  that  it  is  the  flag  of 
his  country, — learning  it  from  the  fact  that  when  these  meetings  come 
about  in  the  land,  the  flag  is  seen  put  out  everywhere.  The  child  says  to 
its  mother,  "  Mother,  why  is  the  flag  put  out  of  that  window  ?  "  And  then 
the  child  is  taught  that  it  is  out  of  respect  to  those  patriots  who  fought 
for  their  country  ;  and  thus  you  teach  the  lesson  to  the  youth  of  the  land 
and  they  follow  you  as  the  boys  did  to-day — follow  you  wherever  you 
go.  Then,  comrades,  let  these  meetings  go  on.  Meet  whenever  you 
can.  Teach  the  youth  of  the  land  that  patriotism  is  worth  more  than 
gold.  I  say  to  the  ladies  here  to-night,  and  the  gentlemen — all  who 
were  not  soldiers — that  this  lesson  is  one  that  shall  not  be  lost,  and  if  in 
the  future,  our  country  should  happen  to  be  in  trouble  again,  you  will 
find  it  then  bearing  fruit  ;  for  the  youth  of  the  land,  following  their 
fathers,  uncles,  and  friends,  before  them,  will  march  to  the  music  of  the 
Union,  and  our  flag  shall  float  forever  o'er  land  and  o'er  sea,  and  be  re 
spected  in  every  land,  by  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  in  the  civilized 
world.  [Loud  and  continued  applause.] 


LOGANS    MAGAZINE    WORK BOOK-MAKING "THE    GREAT    CON 
SPIRACY." 

During  the  last  two  years  of  General  Logan's  life,  despite 
the  immense  amount  and  variety  of  his  other  labors — whether 
upon  the  stump,  in  the  Senate  Chamber,  in  committees,  at 
the  departments  of  the  Government,  or  in  his  frequent  long 
journeyings,  and  prodigious  correspondence  by  mail — his  won 
derfully  active  mind  was  more  or  less  occupied  with  the  pro 
jection  and  execution  of  purely  literary  work.  Thus,  there 
successively  appeared  over  his  signature  during  that  time, 
various  exhaustive  magazine  articles  in  the  Chdtauquan,  on 
Education — a  subject  in  which  he  was  greatly  interested — on 


LOGAN  SINCE   1884. 

General  Grant,  soon  after  the  lamented  death  of  the  latter ; 
and  also  a  book,  entitled  "  The  Great  Conspiracy,"  which  in 
volved  not  alone  the  entire  history  of  this  Nation,  from  the 
beginning  down  to  the  Reconstruction  period, — including  a 
full  epitome  of  the  famous  Political  Debates  between  Lincoln 
and  Douglas, — but  also  attempted  to  prove,  and  succeeded  in 
proving,  that  the  Great  Conspiracy,  which  culminated  in  the 
attempted  secession,  and  open,  armed-rebellion,  of  banded 
Southern  States,  had  its  rise  in  the  .early  days  of  the  Repub 
lic,  and  was  originally  fomented,  and  subsequently  grew  to  the 
enormous  proportions  which  almost  wrecked  the  Nation,  by 
the  combined  efforts  of  Southern  free-traders,  whose  real 
objective  point  was  not  so  much  the  preservation  of  human 
slavery  as  the  accomplishment  of  their  free-trade  designs. 
This  last  work  brought  to  him  great  reputation  as  an  historian, 
and,  doubtless,  had  he  lived,  would  have  been  followed  by 
other  volumes.  But  death  put  an  end  to  whatever  ambitions 
he  may  have  had  in  the  distinctive  paths  of  literature  which 
he  seems  to  have  chosen,  no  less  than  in  those  others  of  po 
litical  and  legislative  activity  to  which  he  had  devoted  so  many 
of  the  best  years  of  his  life,  and  in  which  he  was  always  so 
prominent  a  figure.  It  is  quite  probable,  indeed,  that  Lo 
gan's  valuable  life  was  shortened  by  the  drudgery  and  annoy 
ances  incident  to  the  proof-reading  of  "The  Great  Conspir 
acy,"  and  to  disappointments  connected  with  its  publication 
and  sale,  which,  added  to  all  his  other  greater  cares,  anxieties, 
industries,  and  responsibilities,  were  "  the  straws  which  broke 
the  camel's  back." 


HIS  RETURN  TO  THE  NATIONAL  CAPITOL LOGAN'S  PRESIDENTIAL 

STAR  WAXING  RAPIDLY. 

All  this  time,  Logan's  Presidential  star  continued  waxing 
brighter.  Journal  after  journal  in  the  Western  States  espe 
cially,  but  also  in  many  of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States, 


446  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

hoisted  his  name  to  their  "  mast-heads  "  as  their  choice  for  the 
Republican  nomination  for  President  in  1888.  Besides  this, 
there  was  much  favorable  talk  among  the  politicians  every 
where  on  the  subject.  On  March  12,  1886,  even  the  New 
York  Sun  permitted  its  Washington  correspondence  to  say  : 
"  If  the  opinion  of  politicians  who  made  Washington  their 
headquarters  during  the  sessions  of  Congress  could  prevail 
at  the  next  Republican  National  Convention,  John  A.  Logan 
would  be  the  candidate  of  the  party.  He  has  undoubtedly 
gained  strength  among  the  leaders,  some  of  whom  have  hith 
erto  been  accustomed  to  sneer  at  his  pretentions  to  the  Presi 
dency/'  But  to  attempt  to  give  all  that  was  said  from  that 
time  down,  in  all  the  journals  of  the  land,  favoring  Logan  for 
the  Presidential  nomination,  would  almost  fill  a  volume.  Suf 
fice  it  to  say  that  when  Logan  reached  Washington  to  attend 
the  Congressional  session  of  1886-87,  his  name  was  on  almost 
every  politician's  tongue,  as  the  "  coming  man,"  and,  although 
he  refused  to  say  much  on  the  subject  even  to  his  nearest 
friends,  his  mind  could  not  have  been  entirely  free  from  a  joy 
ous  anticipation  of  yet  reaching  that  supreme  position  as  the 
elected  ruler  of  sixty  million  of  people,  in  which  he  would 
have  had  full  scope  for  the  display  of  his  remarkable  executive 
genius,  and  intense  love  of  his  country,  its  free  institutions, 
and  people.  But  alas !  it  was  not  to  be.  All  unknown  to 
him,  as  well  as  to  his  friends,  his  days  were  numbered,  and 
were  even  now  fast  drawing  to  a  close. 


PART  VI. 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH. 

LOGAN'S  RETURN  TO  WASHINGTON — HIS  LAST  DRIVE — ATTACKED 
BY  RHEUMATISM — HIS  LAST  APPEARANCE  IN  THE  SENATE— 
A  SIEGE  OF  AGONY. 

Early  in  December,  1886,  General  Logan  was  back  again 
in  Washington,  looking  as  well  and  sturdy  as  ever.  On 
Saturday,  the  4th,  he  took  the  writer  with  him  in  his  daugh 
ter's  dog-cart,  for  an  afternoon  ride  in  the  suburbs — the  Gen 
eral  driving.  It  was  a  very  cold  ride  from  Calumet  Place, 
northward  along  Thirteenth  Street,  around  the  northern  limits 
of  the  Soldiers'  Home  Park,  to  Metropolis  View,  opposite 
Edgewood, — the  residence  of  Mrs.  Kate  Sprague, — and 
down  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad  depot, 
where  the  writer  parted  from  him.  As  we  drove  past  Edge- 
wood  the  General  remarked  :  "  That  is  the  place  General 
Grant  should  have  bought,  and  retired  to,  after  his  Presiden 
tial  term  was  up,  instead  of  going  to  New  York.  It  was  just 
the  place  for  him.  He  would  have  been  happy  there  ;  and, 
had  he  done  so,  I  believe  he  would  have  been  alive  to-day." 
Little  did  either  the  General  or  the  writer  dream  that  this 
was  the  last  time  the  former  would  ever  drive  out  with  a 
friend  in  this  manner,  or  that  in  little  over  three  weeks  from 
then,  Logan's  own  life  would  be  rendered  up. 

On  the  following  Monday,  the  writer  saw  and  talked  with 
the  General  in  his  committee-room  ;*  and  again  on  the  suc 
ceeding  Tuesday.  The  next  day,  Wednesday,  the  writer 

*  That  on  "  Military  Aftnirs." 


448  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

met  him  in  the  corridor  leading  from  the  lower  east  door  of 
the  Senate  wing1  of  the  Capitol  to  the  General's  committee- 
room,  and,  taking  his  arm,  walked  slowly  with  him.  The 
General  then  limped  slightly,  and  in  reply  to  an  inquiry  said 
that  he  had  a  pain  in  his  hip.  "  Sounds  like  sciatica,"  said 
the  writer.  "  That's  just  what  it  is,"  the  General  responded. 
Otherwise,  he  seemed  as  well  as  ever.  The  next  day, 
Thursday,  December  9th,  about  i  P.M.,  having  business 
with  him,  the  writer  went  to  the  east  door  of  the  Senate 
Chamber,  and  asked  Captain  John  G.  Merritt,  in  charge  of 
that  door,  to  tell  Senator  Logan  that  the  writer  would  like  to 
see  him  a  few  moments.  The  General  soon  came  out,  limp 
ing,  and,  after  a  brief  conversation  returned  to  the  Senate 
Chamber.  This  was  the  last  time  General  Logan  entered 
that  Chamber  alive.* 

For  several  successive   days  after  this,  the  writer  made 


*  Captain  Merritt, — himself  an  old  Union  soldier,  crippled  in  the  war, — has  since  told 
the  writer  that  upon  going  into  the  Senate  Chamber  with  the  message,  he  found  the  General 
in  the  cloak-room  on  the  Republican  side  of  the  Chamber,  sitting  on  one  chair,  with  his 
legs  resting  on  another,  smoking.  What  followed  is  thus  told  by  Merritt : 

"  I  said  to  the  General :   '  Mr.  Dawson  desires  me  to  say  he  would  like  to  see  you.' 

"At  once,  taking  his  cigar  out  of  his  mouth,  and  wincing  witli  pain  as  he  drew  his  legs 
off  the  chair,  the  General  got  up,  and  said  :  'Where  is  he  ?: — and  immediately  commenced 
walking  along  the  Senate  floor  to  the  door  where  you  awaited  him. 

"  I  noticed  then  that  he  limped  as  he  walked,  and  said  to  him,— without  dreaming  that 
he  was  suffering  as  much  as  he  must  have  been, — 'General,  you  must  take  care  of  yourself; 
\ve  can't  afford  to  have  men  like  you  get  ill.' 

"  Said  he  :   'With  the  pain  I  have,  I  cannot  help  limping.' 

"Then  he  passed  out,  and  met  you. 

"That,"  continued  Merritt,  with  moistened  eyes,  "was  the  last  time  the  old  General 
ever  came  out  to  see  anybody ;  and  now  that  he  is  gone,  I  feel  a  sort  of  mournful  pride  that 
to  me  the  honor  fell  of  calling  him  out  of  that  Chamber  for  the  last  time." 

At  the  time  of  this  conversation,  the  writer  asked  Captain  Merritt,  as  there  had  been 
conflicting  statements  in  the  press  as  to  the  date  of  the  General's  last  appearance  in  the 
Senate,  to  ascertain  it  definitely.  The  captain  accordingly  informs  the  writer  as  follows  : 
"The  day  I  called  General  Logan  out  of  the  Senate  to  see  you,  was  Thursday,  December  9, 
1886,  about  one  o'clock,  and  that  was  the  last  time  he  was  called  out  of  the  Senate  to  see 
anyone,  and  it  was  the  last  day  he  was  in  the  Senate.  The  Senate  on  that  day  (December 
9th)  adjourned  over  until  the  following  Monday,  December  I3th,  on  which  date  the  General 
was  confined  to  his  room  at  his  home.  He  went  home  on  the  date  mentioned  about  half- 
past  two." 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH.  449 

inquiry  touching  the  General's  health,  at  the  Military  Com 
mittee-room,  but  heard  nothing  from  his  secretaries  that 
would  awaken  any  apprehension  of  serious  results.  They 
mentioned  that  the  General  occasionally  suffered  great  pain, 
and  had  restless  nights  in  consequence  of  his  rheumatism. 
The  night  of  Wednesday,  the  I5th,  was  bitter  cold,  and  a 
fierce  snow-storm  raged.  Fearing  that  such  a  night  must 
have  been  especially  severe  on  Logan,  as  his  attacks  of  acute 
rheumatism  were  most  active  in  such  weather,  the  writer 
went  to  Calumet  Place,  Thursday  forenoon,  to  make  personal 
inquiries.  He  was  at  once  invited  upstairs,  and  found  the 
General  seated  in  his  bedroom — his  daughter  Mrs.  Tucker 
attending  him,  Mrs.  Logan  being  busy  with  certain  matters 
connected  with  a  Fair  for  the  benefit  of  the  Garfield  Memorial 
Hospital,  of  which  she  was  a  manageress.  To  see  him,  sit 
ting  there,  before  a  blazing  fire,  in  an  easy-chair,  looking 
hearty  and  well,  with  nothing  unusual  about  him  save  a 
swollen  right  hand,  wrapped  with  cotton-batting,  no  one  could 
suppose  for  a  moment  that  there  was  anything  serious  the 
matter  with  the  General.  His  voice  was  strong,  his  eyes 
bright,  and  his  manner  alert  as  ever,  and  the  writer  could  not 
help  complimenting  him  on  the  fact,  and  adding  that  although 
the  General  had  doubtless  been  through  a  siege  of  agony  at 
times — an  inevitable  accompaniment  of  such  a  disease — yet 
the  rest  from  legislative  labors  and  worries  was  probably 
doing  him  good.  "  Possibly,"  he  answered  dubiously,  and 
then  turned  to  the  subject  of  ''The  Great  Conspiracy"  and 
the  pecuniary  worries  and  disappointments  connected  with 
the  publication  of  that  work. 

LOGAN'S   GRAPHIC    STORIES — LINCOLN    AS    A    STORY-TELLER- 
LOGAN'S    GALLOP    ALONG    THE    LINES    AT   VICKSBURG HIS    UN 
RECORDED    WOUND. 

During  a  pause  in  the  conversation,  his  daughter,  Mrs. 
Tucker,  mentioned  that  Mr.  Jacob  Wheeler — an  old  soldier 

29 


45o  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

who  was  with  the  General  at  Vicksburg — and  Mr.  Stevenson 
of  St.  Louis,  were  approaching  the  house,  and  asked  if  he 
would  see  them  ?  "  Yes,"  said  the  General,  "  tell  them  to 
come  up,"  and  soon  they  were  ushered  in  and  seated.  Of 
what  followed  on  this  last  really  good  day  that  the  General 
had,  Mr.  Stevenson  has  given  so  admirably  graphic  an  ac 
count  in  the  Globe- Democrat >  that  the  temptation  to  give  it 
here  is  irresistible,  especiaily  as  the  writer  of  this  work  was 
present  throughout,  and  can  vouch  for  the  verity  of  this  report 
Says  Mr.  Stevenson  : 

Twenty-four  years  ago,  at  Huntsville,  General  Logan  discovered 
that  tramping  around  in  the  snow  meant  rheumatism.  Since  then  lie 
has  learned  that  repetition  of  the  exposure  insures  a  return  of  the 
twinges.  He  sits  now  in  an  upper  chamber  at  Calumet  Place  with  his 
right  arm  twice  its  normal  size  and  swathed  in  cotton.  Occasional  bad 
sensations  in  other  joints  than  those  most  affected  reveal  the  possibility 
of  something  worse  than  what  he  endures  at  present.  Some  of  the  time 
the  pains  are  so  severe  they  drive  him  to  his  bed,  but  when  others  would 
be  down  the  General  is  up,  in  his  easy-chair,  with  a  screen  between  him 
and  the  draught.  Around  the  open  fireplace  friends  gather  and  help  pass 
away  the  hours.  The  pains  go  shooting  through  the  arm  and  the  Gen 
eral  growls.  Then  there  is  a  respite  and  he  tells  a  story.  The  harder 
the  twinge  the  better  the  story.  One  standing  just  outside  the  chamber 
door  and  hearing  the  peals  of  laughter,  would  never  imagine  there  was 
any  suffering  going  on  within. 

LINCOLN'S    JOKES. 

Somebody  told  one  of  Lincoln's  stories,  and  this  started  the  General. 
"  I  had  some  doubts  for  a  time  about  the  authenticity  of  the  stories 
attributed  to  Lincoln,"  he  said,  "until  an  experience  of  my  own  with 
him.  I  was  sent  from  the  West  by  Grant  with  some  despatches  which 
were  to  be  delivered  to  the  President  in  person.  It  was  late  Saturday 
night  when  I  got  into  Washington.  The  next  morning  I  went  to  the 
White  House  and  there  was  nobody  about.  I  made  a  noise  at  the  door 
until  someone  came  and  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  couldn't  be  seen  on  Sun 
day  ;  it  was  against  the  rules.  'Go  upstairs,'  I  said,  'and  tell  the  Pres 
ident  that  Logan  is  here  with  some  important  despatches  from  Grant.' 
Pretty  soon  the  messenger  came  back  and  told  me  to  walk  up  When 
I  got  into  the  room  Mr.  Lincoln  was  sitting  in  a  chair  with  one  foot  on 
a  table  and  his  head  thrown  back.  A  barber  was  just  getting  through 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH.  45  , 

shaving  him.  He  told  me  to  take  a  seat  and  he  would  be  ready  to  talk 
to  me  in  a  few  minutes.  The  barber  finished  the  shaving  and  went  to 
work  on  the  hair.  Mr.  Lincoln  saw  me  glance  at  his  foot.  It  was  much 
swollen.  Both  of  his  feet,  in  fact,  were  in  a  bad  condition.  I  said  noth 
ing,  but  he  commenced  talking  about  them.  'They  remind  me,'  said 
he,  'of  a  man  in  Sangamon  County  who  made  a  pretty  bad  horse  trade. 
The  animal  was  in  awful  condition,  but  the  farmer  got  him  home.  About 
two  weeks  afterward  one  of  his  neighbors  met  him  and  asked  him  how 
his  new  horse  was  coming  on.  "  Oh,  first  rate,"  said  the  farmer,  "  he's 
putting  on  flesh  fast.  He's  fat  now  up  to  his  knees."  That's  my  fix.' 

"Since  then,"  said  General  Logan,  "I  have  accepted  as  authentic 
all  Lincoln  stories." 

A  STORY  OF  PERSONAL  EXPOSURE. 

"  We  used  to  think  you  exposed  yourself  when  there  wasn't  need  of 
it,  sometimes,"  someone  remarked,  "especially  at  Vicksburg,  when  we 
saw  you  get  out  from  cover  and  look  through  your  glasses  at  the 
works." 

"  That  was  a  mistake,"  replied  the  general  ;  "  I  never  did  anything 
of  that  kind  unless  I  felt  there  was  occasion  for  it.  Sometimes  it  is 
necessary  for  a  commanding  officer  to  go  into  danger  to  inspire  the  right 
kind  of  feeling  among  his  men.  Then  there  are  acts  which  look  fool 
hardy,  but  which  are  nothing  more  than  ordinary  common-sense.  I 
remember  while  we  were  in  front  of  Vicksburg  I  was  out  on  the  line 
one  day.  The  rebels  commenced  shooting  at  me,  and  as  soon  as  I  dis 
covered  what  they  were  doing  and  had  got  the  range,  I  galloped  right 
along  down  the  line.  They  must  have  fired  a  hundred  shots  before  I 
got  out  of  the  way.  One  bullet  slightly  wounded  the  horse  and  another 
chipped  the  saddle.  I  suppose  that  looked  to  some  people  like  courage. 
It  wasn't.  It  was  horse  sense.  If  I  had  turned  and  ridden  down  the  hill 
right  away  from  the  front  they  would  probably  have  bored  me  through 
the  back  half  a  dozen  times.  By  riding  as  I  did  I  made  it  next  to  im 
possible  for  them  to  hit  me." 

"  It  is  greatly  a  matter  of  chance  in  war,"  continued  the  General. 
"  A  little  more  or  a  little  less  exposure  doesn't  make  much  difference, 
There  is  this  that  is  in  favor  of  the  officer.  Marksmen  on  the  other  side, 
are  so  anxious  to  hit  him  that  they  shoot  too  quick  or  get  excited  and 
aim  badly.  I  was  wounded  at  Vicksburg,  but  you  fellows  never  knew 
it." 

The  general  stopped  and  glanced  at  the  group  of  listeners  with  a 
twinkle  in  his  eye. 

"Wo  heard  the  chair  you  was  sitting  on  was  hit,"  said  one. 


452 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


ANOTHER    OF    LOGAN'S    WOUNDS. 


"  Yes,"  continued  the  General,  "  I  laid  it  on  the  chair.  I  expect  that 
saved  me  from  a  worse  wound  than  I  got.  The  way  it  happened  was 
this.  I  was  sitting,  leaning  back,  with  my  right  foot  up  against  the 
ridge-pole  of  the  tent.  The  bullet  struck  the  leg  of  the  chair  just  at  the 
tup  and  went  in  here  (pointing  to  the  under  portion  of  the  thigh). 
The  surgeon  dug  the  ball  out  and  fixed  me  up.  I  told  him  not  to  say 
anything  about  it,  and  he  didn't.  It  was  only  a  flesh  wound.  I  didn't 
get  into  the  saddle  for  some  days,  but  all  that  was  known  about  the 
matter  was  that  the  chair  had  been  hit." 

LOGAN    AND  THE   DOCTOR — ABOUT    ACONITE — THE    STORY    ABOUT  LOGAN  AND 
THE   CAPITOL-GUIDE — LOGAN'S  POOR  OPINION  OF  DOCTORS. 

The  arrival  of  the  medical  attendant  put  a  temporary  check  upon 
the  war  reminiscences. 

"Well,  General,  how  did  you  sleep  last  night?"  the  doctor  asked,  as 
he  looked  around  at  the  smiling  group. 

"Pretty  well,"  replied  the  General ;  "better  than  the  night  before." 

"Oh,"  said  the  doctor,  "the  pills  helped  you." 

"No,"  replied  the  General,  perversely,  "  I  think  it  was  the  stone." 

Then  it  came  out  that  the  General  was  pursuing  three  courses  of  treat 
ment  at  one  and  the  same  time  for  his  rheumatism.  Me  had  the  advice 
and  prescriptions  of  Dr.  Baxter,  one  of  the  most  eminent  physicians  in 
Washington.  He  was  receiving  the  attention  of  a  big  brawny  Her 
cules,  who  believed  he  could  rub  rheumatism  and  everything  else  out 
through  the  soles  of  the  feet  or  through  the  ends  of  the  fingers,  accord 
ing  to  the  location  of  the  point  affected.  And  finally  the  General  was 
taking  to  bed  with  him  every  night  a  block  of  sandstone  as  big  as  a 
brick,  with  alleged  curative  powers. 

"  Ah,  you  think  it  was  the  stone,  do  you  ?  "  retorted  Dr.  Baxter.  "  I 
think  I'll  have  you  continue  the  pills,  however." 

"All  right,"  said  the  General,  "  I'll  take  anything  but  aconite." 

"And  why  not  aconite  ?"  asked  Dr.  Baxter. 

"Because  I  know  what  it  is,"  said  the  General.  "I'm  something  of 
;i  doctor  myself,  you  know." 

"  Ah,  yes,"  said  Dr.  Baxter,  with  a  chuckle  ;  "  can  you  tell  me  what 
office  the  spleen  performs?" 

"  No,"  said  the  General,  "  and  you  can't  tell  me  either.  If  you  can 
I'll  give  you  a  diploma." 

"  But  why  are  you  so  set  against  aconite  ? " 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 


453 


"  Because  I  saw  a  man  killed  with  it  once,"  replied  the  General.  "  I 
stood  by  his  bed  and  saw  him  die  within  two  minutes  after  he  had  taken 
the  medicine.  The  doctors  all  said  apoplexy  killed  him.  The  coroner 
and  papers  said  it  was  apoplexy.  I  believe  nothing  but  the  aconite  did 
it.  I  don't  believe  that  doctors  can  judge  the  condition  of  the  system 
with  sufficient  accuracy  to  enable  them  to  give  aconite  with  safety,  and 
I  will  never  take  it." 

"Well,"  said  the  doctor,  as  he  filled  out  a  blank,  "we  won't  give  you 
aconite.  But,  General,  I  heard  a  rather  good  story  on  you  last  night. 
Senators  Frye  and  Hale  were  telling  it.  They  say  that  a  new  guide  at 
the  Capitol  didn't  know  you,  and  wanted  to  show  you  through  the 
building  !  " 

"That  was  some  time  ago,"  said  the  General,  with  abroad  smile. 
"A  young  man  stepped  up  as  I  was  going  into  the  Capitol  one  day  and 
said  he'd  like  to  take  me  through  and  point  out  the  interesting  things. 

"  *  Is  there  much  worth  seeing  in  here  ?'  1  asked  him. 

"  '  Oh,  yes,'  he  said,  *  if  you  know  where  to  look.  I'll  take  you 
through  if  you  like.' 

"  '  All  right,'  said  I,  and  I  was  going  with  him  when  one  of  the  old 
guides  stepped  up  and  pulled  him  by  the  coat  and  said,  'You  derned 
fool,  that  old  cuss  has  been  around  here  more  than  thirty  years.'  " 

"  Frye  and  Hale  say  he  said  *  that  old  Injun,' "  put  in  the  doctor. 

"Yes,"  said  the  General,  "  that  is  their  improvement  on  the  story." 

LOGAN'S  OPINION  OF  DOCTORS. 

As  the  doctor  withdrew  the  General  nodded  in  his  direction  and  said 
to  his  circle  of  listeners  :  "  I  know  these  chaps.  My  father  was  a  doc 
tor,  and  he  intended  me  to  be  one.  When  I  was  a  youngster  I  had  to 
mix  the  medicines  in  one  of  those  big  mortars  with  a  pestle.  People 
would  come  round,  and  father  would  feel  their  pulses  and  look  at  their 
tongues  and  tell  me  to  mix  up  some  pills — put  in  a  lot  of  stuff  that 
wouldn't  hurt  anybody.  They'd  take  the  medicine  and  go  off  and  im 
agine  it  cured  them.  They  would  have  got  well  just  as  quick  if  they 
hadn't  taken  anything.  The  old  gentleman  used  to  put  me  to  studying 
anatomy,  and  I  knew  all  about  the  bones  and  muscles  and  organs,  but  I 
didn't  take  to  it  very  kindly.  I  used  to  say  to  him  :  *  Father,  why  don't 
you  make  a  man  ?  Here  you've  got  all  the  material.  You  know  how 
to  put  the  bones  together,  and  you  know  where  the  flesh  and  the  mus 
cles  go  and  what  all  the  parts  are  made  of.  Why  can't  you  build  a  man 
and  then  turn  in  the  blood  and  set  the  machine  a-going?'  He  would 
look  at  me  and  say  :  '  John,  I  don't  think  you've  got  sense  enough  to 
make  a  doctor.'  " 


454 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


"  Gener.il,"  suggested  a  visitor,  as  a  particularly  bad  twinge  made 
the  sufferer  grit  his  teeth,  "the  Hot  Springs  would  take  that  out  of 
you." 

"Yes,  I  know  it,"  was  the  reply.  "  I've  tried  boiling  it  out,  and  that 
is  the  best  treatment.  I  may  have  to-go  down  to  the  springs  later,  but 
I  don't  want  to  go  now  if  I  can  help  it.  There  are  matters  here  that  I 
am  anxious  to  look  after." 

ANECDOTES  ABOUT  HAZEN  AND  OTHERS — LOGAN'S  IDEAS  ABOUT 
MILITARY  DISCIPLINE — HOW  MRS.  LOGAN  "  CUT  A  MAN 
DOWN  !  " 

There  were  many  other  things  said  during  the  long  and 
interesting  conversation  of  General  Logan  with  his  friends  on 
this  occasion,  some  of  which,  like  those  just  given,  were  taken 
down  in  short-hand  by  Mr.  Stevenson,  while  others  were  not. 
For  instance,  the  General  re-told  the  story,  given  in  "The 
Great  Conspiracy,"  originally  told  by  Lincoln  to  McClellan 
when  they  were  together  inspecting  the  breastworks  thrown 
up  at  various  points,  during  the  war,  around  Washington  City  ; 
talked  about  Fremont  and  Pope ;  and,  someone  having  said 
something  about  the  discipline,  or  lack  of  it,  in  our  Union 
armies,  General  Logan  talked  about  that.  Said  he  : 

There  were  some  officers  in  our  armies  who  were  very  severe  in  their 
discipline  of  the  volunteers.  I  never  believed  in  it,  and  never  found  it 
necessary.  I  always  got  along  well  enough  without  it.  I  remember 
when  we  were  at  Memphis,  in  the  winter  of  1862-63,  that  word  came  to 
me  that  one  of  the  men  for  some  offence — I  forget  what — had  been  tied 
up,  hands  and  feet  to  a  tree.  Mary  happened  to  be  with  meat  the  time. 
I  asked  by  whose  order  it  had  been  done,  and  found  that  Major  Stol- 
brand — a  gallant  officer,  but  imbued  with  those  European  notions  of 
discipline  which  are  not  necessary  in  our  armies — had  ordered  it.  I 
could  not  myself  go  out  at  the  time,  but  handed  my  knife  to  my  wife 
and  said  :  "Take  that,  Mary,  and  cut  the  man  down.  No  one  will  trouble 
you."  And  she  went  out  with  that  knife — yes,  she  did  ! — and  cut  the 
fastenings,  and  liberated  the  man  !  And  Stolbrand  kicked  around,  and 
swore  some,  but  neither  he,  nor  anyone  else  in  my  command  ever  did 
anything  of  that  sort  again.  There  never  was  any  need  of  it.  Now 
there's  Hazen.  Well,  everybody  seems  to  think  he's  a  hard  man  to  get 
along  with.  I  never  had  any  trouble  with  him.  When  he  was  assigned 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH.  455 

tp  me,  he  was  the  senior  general  of  division  in  my  corps.  It  was  in  the 
Atlanta  campaign.  His  division  happened  to  be  assigned  that  morning 
to  bring  up  the  rear,  in  one  of  our  advances.  He  sent  a  member  of  his 
staff  to  me,  complaining  of  this,  as  by  his  seniority  he  thought  his  di 
vision  should  lead  the  advance.  I  turned  to  his  staff-officer  and  said  : 
"  Give  my  compliments  to  General  Hazen,  and  tell  him  that  when  I 
want  his  advice  in  the  disposition  of  my  troops  I  will  ask  it."  I  never 
had  any  more  trouble  with  Hazen,  who  was  a  good  soldier. 

LOGAN  TALKS  ABOUT   DOUGLAS  AND  THE  WAR ABOUT  GENE 
RAL  SHERMAN. 

Logan  also  on  this  occasion,  as  narrated  in  "  Logan's  Last 
Interview,"  said  some  interesting  things  about  Douglas  and 
General  Sherman,  which  came  out,  as  reported,  thus  : 

Some  chance  question  brought  up  recollections  of  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  and  there  is  nobody  living  now  who  can  speak  of  the  Little 
Giant  from  such  an  intimate  acquaintance  as  Senator  Logan  enjoyed. 

The  question  was  :  "  If  Douglas  had  lived  he  would  have  been  in 
Lincoln's  Cabinet,  wouldn't  he,  General  ?  " 

"  No,"  said  General  Logan,  "  I  don't  think  he  would.  I  believe  he 
would  have  taken  the  field,  and  if  he  had  he  would  have  been  the  great 
est  general  of  the  war.  There  was  no  question  about  where  Douglas 
stood  when  the  war  was  coming  on.  He  differed  from  most  of  the  men 
in  the  North  in  his  estimate  of  what  a  war  it  was  going  to  be.  He  had 
been  through  the  South  in  his  campaign  ;  he  knew  the  extent  of  the 
preparation,  and  he  measured  the  feeling  down  there  better  than  we  did. 
I  talked  with  him  in  Washington,  was  with  him  in  Springfield  when  he 
made  that  great  speech,  and  rode  in  the  same  seat  with  him  goingup  to 
Chicago  just  before  he  died.  I  say  I  think  he  would  have  taken  the 
field,  for  in  his  conversation  with  me  his  mind  was  on  the  war  that  must 
be  fought  through,  and  he  outlined  the  two  great  campaigns  that  must 
be  carried  out,  just  as  we  afterward  adopted  them — the  movement  in  the 
West  against  Vicksburg,  and  so  on,  and  the  movement  in  the  East,  with 
Richmond  as  the  objective  point." 

"  Did  Douglas  expect  to  be  elected  President?" 

"No,  I  don't  think  he  did,"  the  General  answered.  "I  was  in  the 
convention  that  nominated  him,  and  I  have  always  thought  Douglas 
looked  forward  to  defeat.  In  that  joint  debate  which  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  made  for  the  Illinois  Senatorship,  Douglas  won,  but  at  the 
same  time  destroyed  his  chances  for  the  Presidency." 


456  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

"  Lincoln  said  after  the  debate  was  over  that  Douglas  would  be 
Senator,  but  he  could  never  be  President,"  suggested  an  Illinois  man. 

"He  spoke  the  truth,"  said  General  Logan.  "In  that  debate  Lin 
coln  forced  the  issue  of  slavery,  and  obliged  Douglas  to  commit  himself 
to  such  a  position  on  the  question  of  slave  ownership  in  the  Territories 
that  a  split  in  the  Democratic  Party  was  inevitable.  The  slave  States 
couldn't  accept  Douglas  after  that,  and  in  my  opinion  Douglas  went 
through  the  campaign  without  expecting  success." 

"They  rotten-egged  him  in  the  South,  didn't  they?" 

"Yes,  and  that  trip  gave  him  the  opportunity  to  form  a  correct 
estimate  of  what  was  coming." 

"  Douglas  and  General  Sherman,  "  continued  General  Logan,  "  were 
about  the  only  two  men  on  our  side  who  appreciated  the  magnitude  of 
the  war  in  anticipation.  I  know  I  didn't.  I  knew  that  there  were  only 
about  230,000  slaveholders,  and  I  argued  that  the  fighting  on  the  part  of 
the  South  would  be  limited  to  that  element.  It  didn't  seem  in  reason 
then,  that  other  hundreds  of  thousands  would  take  up  the  cause  of  these 
slaveholders  who  thought  their  property  was  in  danger,  and  would  help 
them  fight  their  battles." 

"We  called  Sherman  crazy  because  he  said  the  North  might  as  well 
try  to  put  out  a  big  fire  with  a  squirt-gun  as  to  put  down  the  rebellion 
with  75,000  men,"  someone  suggested. 

"  Yes,  "  said  General  Logan,  "  they  called  Sherman  crazy  ;  but  he  had 
been  South.  He  had  charge  of  a  military  school  in  Louisiana  before 
the  war  commenced,  and  knew  what  they  were  doing  down  there.  I 
have  talked  with  him  recently  about  those  times.  He  saw  that  they 
were  making  preparations  for  a  great  war.  Some  of  them  used  to  come 
to  him  wearing  their  uniforms.  I  don't  know  that  they  ever  approached 
him  with  a  point-blank  proposition  to  go  in  with  them,  but  they  tried 
once  to  get  him  to  recognize  the  Confederate  States  of  America  in  a  re 
ceipt  for  some  arms.  He  refused.  If  he  had  done  it  the  North  wouldn't 
have  had  much  use  for  him  afterward.  He  left  the  Southerners  wearing 
uniforms,  and  drilling,  and  came  North.  Men  in  Ohio  were  ploughing  in 
their  fields.  He  told  them  there  was  going  to  be  a  great  war,  and  that 
Ohio  might  be  invaded  ;  that  they  ought  to  be  getting  ready.  They 
laughed  at  him.  He  came  on  to  Washington,  and  told  his  brother  John 
and  others.  Nobody  would  believe  there  was  any  such  struggle  ahead 
as  he  predicted.  He  could  hardly  get  people  here  to  listen  to  his  warn 
ings." 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH. 


457 


GETTING     WORSE — BAD     NIGHTS READING     LOGAN     TO    SLEEP— 

HIS    OPINION    OF    THE    LEE    MEMOIRS. 

After  the  other  visitors  had  retired,  the  writer  continued 
talking  with  the  General  for  awhile,  and  then  left  him  impressed 
with  the  belief  that  a  few  days  more  would  effect  a  complete 
restoration  to  health.  On  the  following  Monday,  December 
2Oth,  having  learned  from  the  General's  secretaries  that  he 
was  now,  and  had  been  for  several  days,  confined  to  his  bed, 
and  that  one  of  them,  Albert  B.  Hall,  had  been  reading  to 
him  a  good  deal  during  that  time  to  help  divert  his  mind 
from  the  dreadful  pain  he  suffered,  the  writer  again  visited 
Calumet  Place.  The  sufferer  was  in  bed,  Mrs.  Logan 
being  in  constant  attendance.  The  General  lay  with  his 
legs  drawn  up,  and  so  rigid  that  it  was  with  difficulty,  and 
the  utmost  care,  that  their  position  could  be  changed  even  so 
much  as  an  inch  at  a  time.  Even  such  slight  changes  of  posi 
tion  gave  him  great  agony.  He  had  experienced  a  bad  night, 
and  in  the  hope  of  getting  him  to  sleep,  the  writer  offered  to 
read  to  him  from  the  life  of  General  Lee,  from  which  others 
had  been  reading  for  his  benefit.  During  the  reading,  the 
General  occasionally  dozed,  and  then,  awaking,  would  make 
some  comment, — -such  as  :  "  According  to  that  book  Lee  was 
a  demi-god,  and  nobody  else  amounted  to  much,"  or:  "  It 
would  seem  by  that  that  the  South  did  all  the  victorious  fight 
ing  and  the  North  was  nowhere,"  or :  "  That  is  not  true,  the 
book  is  made  up  of  exaggerations,  or  worse," — and  after 
quietly  listening  to  more  of  it,  would  again  seem  to  drop  to 
sleep.  The  reading  was  interrupted  by  a  visit  of  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Newman,  and  after  he  had  retired,  and  young  Logan 
arrived  and  bodily  lifted  his  father  into  a  more  comfortable 
position,  the  writer  also  took  his  leave.  Again,  on  the  fol 
lowing  Thursday,  the  writer  went  to  Calumet  Place,  but, 
learning  that  the  General  was  resting  better  and  was  then 
asleep,  left  the  house  without  seeing  him.  Later  in  the  day, 


458  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

being  at  young  Logan's  office,  Mrs.  Tucker  came  in  on  her 
way  to  get  Dr.  Baxter — as  the  General  felt  worse,  the 
pain  now  troubling  him  in  the  chest. 

CHRISTMAS-EVE  INCIDENT LOGAN'S  LAST  WISH MORE  PHYSI 
CIANS  CALLED  IN — LOGAN  SINKING  INTO  COMA—HIS  LAST 
RECOGNITIONS  AND  LAST  WORD. 

On  Friday,  December  24th,  about  5  P.M.,  the  writer 
was  again  at  the  sufferer's  bedside.  The  General  seemed 
to  be  much  easier,  the  limbs  had  lost  their  rigidity  and 
the  muscles  were  now  relaxed.  There  was  now  no  trouble 
with  the  chest.  The  pain  had  shifted  from  the  right  arm 
to  the  left,  which  he  was  now  unable  to  use.  At  this  time 
the  General  was  thoroughly  conscious  and  clear-headed 
when  spoken  to.  He  spoke  but  little  and  that  with  some 
thing  like  a  drowsy  effort  as  if  he  needed  more  sleep.  On 
retiring  the  writer  shook  hands  with  him,  and  remarked,  with 
some  earnestness :  "  General,  it  would  be  a  mockery  to  wish 
you  a  merry  Christmas,  but  I  do  wish  you  a  quiet  and  peace 
ful  one."  "  No,"  said  the  General,  slowly  and  distinctly,  "not 
a  merry  Christmas,  but  I  hope  a  quiet  and  peaceful  one."* 
Promising  to  be  with  him  again  in  a  few  days,  and  receiving 
a  warm,  lingering,  double-pressure  from  Logan's  hand,  the 
writer  left  the  room,  never  doubting  but  that  in  those  few 
coming  days  the  General  would  at  least  be  sitting  up  again. 

The  next  day  (Saturday)  was  Christmas  Day.  On  Sun 
day,  upon  leaving  church  in  the  afternoon,  the  writer  was  in 
formed  that  the  morning  papers  reported  that  the  GeneraFs 
illness  had  taken  a  serious  turn.  Hurrying  home,  and  while 
taking  a  hasty  bite,  the  writer  glanced  at  the  Sunday  Herald, 
and,  under  the  startling  head-line  "  Senator  Logan  in  Dan 
ger,"  read  the  following  alarming  statement : 

The  condition  of  Senator  Logan,  who  has  been   suffering  for  some 
days  past  from  an  attack  of  acute  rheumatism,  has  grown  rapidly  worse, 

*See  also  Logan's  last  Christmas  Souvenir,  in  Part  VII.,  Addenda. 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 


459 


so  much  so  as  seriously  to  alarm  his  family.  Friends  in  attendance 
speak  in  despondent  terms  of  the  prospect  of  his  recovery.  Dr.  J.  H. 
Baxter,  the  attending  physician,  said  to  an  Associated  Press  reporter 
last  night  that  the  General's  condition  was  indeed  alarming.  "  His  ill 
ness,"  said  the  Doctor,  "  dates  back  to  nearly  two  weeks  ago,  when  I 
was  called  and  found  him  suffering  considerably  from  acute  rheu 
matism,  which  was  then  confined  chiefly  to  his  right  wrist.  In  three 
or  four  days  it  yielded  to  treatment  and  he  became  very  much  better, 
but  within  a  day  or  two  he  took  additional  cold,  which  resulted  in  re 
lapse,  the  rheumatic  affection  extending  to  his  hips  and  lower  extremi 
ties  as  well  as  to  both  arms.  The  attack  has  been  attended  at  times  by 
high  fever  and  nervous  prostration,  in  which  the  brain  is  considerably 
involved,  resulting  in  delirium  more  or  less  active.  While  he  is  not 
now  suffering  any  pain  incident  to  the  rheumatism,  yet  there  has  been, 
for  the  past  two  or  three  days,  a  gradual  decrease  in  strength  and  a  ten 
dency  to  brain  complications  of  a  very  serious  nature.  The  fact  is,"  said 
the  Doctor,  "  that  he  was  much  reduced  in  strength  by  overwork  and 
his  system  was  not  in  a  proper  condition  to  resist  disease.  He  lies  most 
of  the  time  in  a  semi-conscious  condition,  from  which  he  is  with  diffi 
culty  aroused.  At  times  he  knows  his  friends,  but  soon  again  sinks  into 
a  lethargic  sleep.  His  fever  is  somewhat  increased  to-night,  and  the 
brain  symptoms  are  more  prominent  and  his  condition,  I  must  say,  is 
very  critical."  In  response  to  a  question,  the  Doctor  said  that  the  dan 
ger  lies  not  so  much  in  the  possibility  of  heart  complications  as  in  ex 
treme  exhaustion  and  brain  affections.  The  Doctor  said  that  the  Sen 
ator  had  an  attack  four  years  ago  somewhat  similar  to  the  present,  but 
it  was  not  attended  by  many  of  the  alarming  symptoms  prominent  now. 
Dr.  Baxter  has  called  Dr.  Hamilton,  Surgeon-General  of  the  Marine 
Hospital  Service,  and  Dr.  Lincoln  as  consulting  physicians.  Consulta 
tions  are  held  three  or  four  times  daily.  One  of  the  physicians  re 
mained  at  the  Senator's  bedside  last  night,  to'  be  relieved  by  another, 
who  will  remain  during  the  entire  day. 

A  reporter  who  called  at  Calumet  Place  at  midnight  was  told  that 
the  Senator  was  thought  to  be  slightly  better,  seeming  to  have  im 
proved  a  little  in  strength  and  to  be  less  inclined  to  stupor  than  earlier 
in  the  evening.  Dr.  Hamilton  and  Representative  George  G.  Symes, 
of  Colorado,  will  remain  at  the  Senator's  bedside  during  the  night. 

It  was  afterward  learned  by  the  writer  that  this  state  of 
coma  into  which  the  General  had  passed,  was  broken  only  by 
a  few  looks  and  hand-pressures  of  recognition  when  his  family 


460  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

sought  to  arouse  him  from  the  stupor,  and  during  the  morn 
ing  by  a  few  inarticulate  words  which  clearly  closed  with  the 
name  of  his  wife,  "  Mary." 

THE    PASSING    AWAY AFFECTING     SCENES    IN    THE    CHAMBER    OF 

DEATH. 

The  writer's  residence  being  very  distant  from  Calumet 
Place,  it  was  approaching  3  P.M.  when  he  found  himself  on 
Clifton  Street  where  it  enters  Fourteenth.  As  he  neared 
Thirteenth,  a  carriage  rolled  by,  and  Beach  Taylor,  one  of 
the  General's  secretaries,  leaned  out  and  said,  in  answer  to 
the  writer's  inquiry  :  "The  General  is  dying— now  !"  In  a 
few  moments  more,  the  writer  had  entered  Calumet  Place, 
and,  merely  noting,  as  he  passed,  the  parlors  and  broad  hall 
crowded  with  grave  and  anxious  faces,  and  the  general  aspect 
of  hushed  suspense,  ascended  the  great  stairway,  into  the 
General's  chamber,  and  reaching  the  foot  of  the  bed,  stood 
looking  upon  the  last  of  Logan  upon  earth,  the  weeping  wife 
and  children  and'  friends  about  him.  Half-reclining  at  the 
dying  warrior's  left,  the  afflicted  wife,  the  devoted  sharer,  for 
more  than  thirty  years,  of  his  ambitions,  his  triumphs  and  dis 
appointments,  his  joys  and  sorrows,  was  fondly  caressing  his 
face,  slightly  turned  toward  her,  and  alternately  wailing  out 
her  love  for  the  dying,  and  self-reproaches — albeit  undeserved 
—for  having  ever  left  him  even  for  a  moment.  Raising  her 
head  and  catching  sight  of  the  writer  she  cried  :  "  Oh,  Mr. 
Dawson,  when  you  left  us  Friday  evening  you  surely  never 
thought  it  would  come  to  this  !  "  It  was  a  heart-rending 
scene.  There,  near  his  mother,  young  Logan,  leaned  over 
the  bed,  at  one  moment  striving  to  comfort  her,  and  at  the 
next  anxiously  watching  the  slight  respirations  of  the  dying 
father.  Behind  him  was  Mrs.  Cullom,  and  near  the  foot  of 
the  bed  stood  the  Rev.  Dr.  Newman  with  clasped  hands.  On 
the  right  of  the  bed,  leaning  over  it,  and  with  face  sometimes 
half-buried  in  the  pillows,  was  the  General's  daughter,  Mrs. 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH.  46! 

Tucker,  Major  Tucker  and  Mrs.  Thomas  alternately  attempt 
ing  to  reconcile  her  to  the  falling  blow,  while  grouped  on 
the  same  side,  somewhat  back  from  the  bed,  stood  Beach  Tay 
lor,  Senator  Cullom,  Daniel  Shepard,  and  Representatives 
Thomas,  Henderson,  and  Symes.  Midway,  stooping  low, 
half-kneeling,  his  watch  in  one  hand  and  feeling  the  flutter 
ing  pulse  with  the  other,  was  Dr.  Baxter,  while  Miss  Mary 
Brady  knelt,  sobbing,  near  the  foot.  At  the  end  of  the  couch 
stood  Senator  Cockrell,  General  Sheridan,  General  Beale 
and  the  writer,  while  behind  them  were  Senator  Miller  of 
New  York,  Judge  Henry  Strong,  Albert  B.  Hall,  Dr.  Powell, 
and  General  Raum.  These  were  the  sad  witnesses  of  Logan's 
earthly  end.  Gradually  as  they  looked  on,  the  death-hue 
deepened  upon  the  upturned  face,  the  breast  of  the  warrior 
gently  heaved  once  or  twice,  and  then,  at  a  gesture  from  the 
physician,  Dr.  Newman  raised  his  arms  and  his  voice  in 
solemn  supplication  to  the  Divine  Throne  that  the  soul  of  the 
dying  might  be  received  in  the  Holy  Kingdom,  that  his  use 
ful  life  and  grand  example  might  still  be  of  benefit  to  the 
Nation,  and  that  the  dear  ones  he  had  left  behind  might  be 
upheld  in  their  affliction  and  comforted  by  the  Divine  Com 
forter. 

Thus,  at  2.55  P.M.,  surrounded  by  his  weeping  family  and 
friends,  and  by  the  incense  of  ascending  prayer,  Logan 
calmly  resigned  his  heroic  soul  to  God. 

CALUMET       PLACE       IN       MOURNING THE       GUARD-MOUNT THE 

QUESTION    OF    FINAL    RESTING-PLACE. 

The  heart-rending  scenes  at  Calumet  Place  which  fol 
lowed  the  sudden  demise  of  General  Logan  will  never  be  for 
gotten  by  those  whose  sad  privilege  it  was  to  witness  them. 
All  the  Senators  and  Representatives  whom  the  Christmas 
recess  had  not  called  away  from  Washington,  at  once  called, 
as  did  thousands  of  others  of  all  degrees  in  life,  to  offer  their 
sympathizing  condolences  and  proffer  such  assistance  as  they 


462  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

might  to  the  sorely  stricken  family.  Calumet  Place  was  in 
mourning,  and  its  spacious  rooms  and  halls  were  constantly 
thronged  during  every  day,  for  days,  with  these  sympathetic 
friends  and  relatives,  whose  grave  faces,  hushed  voices,  and 
noiseless  steps,  betrayed  at  once  their  tender  consideration 
for  the  living  and  their  loving  respect  for  the  dead.  By  tele 
graphic  wire,  and  by  mail  also,  came  daily  and  hourly,  from 
all  parts  of  the  country,  and  in  some  instances  from  Europe 
as  well,  messages  of  sorrow  and  condolence  to  the  bereaved 
family,  which  plainly  showed  how  close  the  illustrious  dead 
was  to  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

The  United  States  Senate,  through  its  Sergeant-at-Arrns, 
took  charge  of  the  funeral  arrangements,  and  a  committee  of 
United  States  Senators  was  at  once  formed  for  the  purpose. 
To  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  was  committed,  in  the 
main,  the  honor  of  guarding  the  remains  of  that  dead  hero 
who  had  been  their  beloved  comrade  and  commander-in- 
chief ;  and  night  and  day,  detachments  from  the  Grand  Army 
Posts  by  turns  mounted  guard,  keeping  watch  and  ward 
over  the  remains  to  them  so  sacred  and  so  dear. 

Meanwhile,  the  question  of  selecting  a  place  of  final  sepul 
ture  for  the  dead  warrior-statesman  became  a  serious  one. 
Various  parts  of  the  country  solicited  the  honor,  but  naturally 
the  afflicted  widow  could  consider  only  two  of  them  :  Chicago 
and  Washington — and  there  were  legal  difficulties  in  both 
cases  which  must  be  cleared  away  before  any  conclusion 
could  properly  be  reached.  The  Illinois  delegation  was 
unanimous  in  asking  that  the  State  of  Logan's  birth  should 
hold  his  honored  ashes,  while  others  thought  that  inas 
much  as  his  name,  his  deeds,  and  fame,  were  not  local,  but 
national,  they  should  receive  sepulture — as  they  believed  he 
would  himself  have  preferred — in  the  beautiful  grounds  of 
the  Soldiers'  Home  at  the  National  Capital.  In  view,  how 
ever,  of  the  legal  difficulties,  it  was  very  properly  decided  by 
the  General's  widow,  that  the  body  should  be  temporarily  de- 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH.  463 

posited  in  a  vaulted  tomb  in  Rock  Creek  Church-yard,  near 
the  city  of  Washington. 

THE     UNITED     STATES     SENATE     COMMITTEE    OF     ARRANGEMENTS 

AND      THE     PALL-BEARERS TAKING      THE     REMAINS     TO     THE 

NATIONAL     CAPITOL — LOGAN     LYING     IN      STATE     UNDER     THE 
GREAT    WHITE    DOME. 

It  was  decided,  therefore,  by  the  Committee  of  Arrange 
ments,  with  the  widow's  consent,  that  the  remains  of  the 
dead  soldier-Senator  be  taken  to  the  rotunda  of  the  Na 
tional  Capitol,  there  to  lie  in  state,  under  guard,  from  noon 
of  the  following  Thursday  to  noon  of  Friday, — in  order  to 
give  the  people  the  opportunity  they  craved  of  seeing  them,— 
thence  to  be  taken  to  the  Senate  Chamber  where  funeral  ser 
vices  would  be  held,  and  thence  to  the  cemetery  of  Rock  Creek 
Church  for  temporary  deposit.* 

The  Senate  Committee  of  Arrangements  comprised  Sen 
ators  Cullom,  of  Illinois ;  Stanford,  of  California ;  Gockrell, 
of  Missouri;  Allison,  of  Iowa;  Beck,  of  Kentucky;  Haw- 
ley,  of  Connecticut ;  Voorhees,  of  Indiana ;  Hampton,  of 
South  Carolina,  and  Manderson,  of  Nebraska.  The  pall 
bearers  selected  were  the  Hon.  Messrs.  Simon  Cameron, 
Roscoe  Conkling,  and  Robert  Lincoln ;  Generals  W.  T. 
Sherman,  W.  F.  Vilas,  John  C.  Black,  Lucius  Fairchild, 
and  M.  L.  Leggett ;  Governor  Jeremiah  Rusk,  Mr.  C.  H. 
Andrews,  and  Dr.  Charles  McMillan. 

As  when  Logan  died  the  sky  was  overcast  with  gloomy 
clouds  and  falling  snow,  so  when  Thursday  came  there  was  a 
fresh  snow-fall  and  sombre-clouded  skies.  Shortly  before 
twelve  o'clock  the  beautiful  casket — with  its  plate-glass  top  re 
vealing  the  entire  form  of  the  dead  General,  dressed  in  black, 
his  right  hand  half  concealed  by  the  buttoned  front  and  resting 
upon  his  breast,  as  it  was  so  often  seen  in  life,  and  with  his 
Grand  Army  and  other  medals  upon  his  left  breast, — was 

*  Hereafter  they  will  be  placed  beneath  a  fitting  monument  to  be  erected  in  Chicago  by 
the  Lake  Shore. 


464  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

draped  with  the  flag  of  his  country,  in  whose  defence  he  had 
so  often  and  valiantly  fought  and  shed  his  blood,  and  borne  out 
of  the  death-chamber,  down  the  grand  staircase,  through  the 
broad  hall  to  the  waiting  hearse,  between  long  ranks  of  Sena 
tors,  Representatives,  and  other  mourning  friends,  to  the  sad 
music  of  shrill  fifes  and  muffled  drums.  Escorted  by  a  mil 
itary  guard  of  honor,  and  followed  by  a  long  line  of  equipages, 
the  remains  were  thus  taken  to  the  National  Capitol,  and 
placed  in  the  centre  of  the  rotunda,  upon  a  catafalque,  whose 
sombre  black  was  relieved  by  the  colors  of  the  national  en 
sign,  the  many  exquisite  floral  emblems  which  surrounded 
it,  and  the  various  representative  military  uniforms  worn  by 
the  large  guard  of  honor. 

As  the  body  of  the  dead  General  lay  there  in  the  rotunda, 
—whose  doorways  and  pillars  wore  the  emblems  of  mourn 
ing  in  festoons  and  pendants, — holding,  beneath  the  great 
white  dome,  his  "last  review,"  the  tens  of  thousands  of 
people  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  colors,  who  thronged  to  the 
Capitol  to  gaze  upon  the  hero's  face  for  the  last  time,  attested 
his  remarkable  local  popularity  ;  and,  as  the  double  line  of 
procession  slowly  moved  by,  on  either  side  of  the  casket,  from 
east  to  west,  and  beheld  that  bronzed  face,  so  calm  and  nat 
ural-looking,  it  seemed  harder  than  ever  to  believe  that 
Logan  was  really  dead.  Now,  and  again,  as  the  great  sad 
procession  passed  along,  some  limping  soldier  or  aged  vet 
eran  would  linger  with  moistened  eyes  until  forced  to  move 
on.  "  All  the  afternoon,"  said  one  of  the  journalistic  re 
ports,  "  and  up  to  midnight  there  was  not  a  break  in  the 
line  of  the  people.  The  wind  blew  keenly  and  a  dismal  sleet 
was  falling,  but  these  did  not  prevent  the  people  from 
thronging  by  thousands  to  view  the  illustrious  remains."  At 
an  early  hour  in  the  morning  the  orderly  rush  was  renewed, 
and  continued  until  eleven  o'clock,  when  it  became  necessary 
to  close  the  doors  in  order  to  carry  out  further  arrangements 
for  the  obsequies. 


UNDER    THE    GREAT    WHITE     DOME.— PAGE   464. 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 


LETTERS  OF  CONDOLENCE  FROM  NOTABLE  PERSONS  EVERYWHERE. 

Meanwhile,  from  the  hour  when  the  telegraph  wires  star 
tled  the  whole  country  on  that  sad  Sunday  afternoon  when 
General  Logan  breathed  his  last,  until  now,  a  constant  stream 
of  telegrams  and  letters  of  condolence  poured  in  upon  the 
bereaved  ones  at  Calumet  Place.  In  a  work  like  this  it  is 
impossible, — as  they  would  fill  a  volume  of  themselves, — to 
give  more  than  a  hint  of  their  contents.  Only  a  very  few 
therefore  in  whole,  or  in  part,  can  be  given  as  representing 
the  deep  and  widespread  emotion  occasioned  throughout  the 
land,  from  highest  to  lowest,  by  the  death  of  Logan.  From 
Mrs.  Grover  Cleveland  came  the  words  :  u  We  wish  you  to 
know  that  our  hearts  are  filled  with  the  deepest  sympathy  for 
you.  My  husband,  who  is  ill  in  bed,  joins  me  most  earnestly 
in  my  message  of  condolence,  and  begs  me  to  say  that  added 
to  his  sympathy  for  you  in  your  affliction,  is  his  own  grief  at 
the  loss  of  an  honored  and  esteemed  friend."  From  Mrs. 
James  A.  Garfield :  "How  shocked  and  saddened  I  am  to 
read  of  your  great  sorrow  and  of  the  Nation's  loss."  From 
John  Hay:  "Our  country  has  lost  a  great  and  good  soldier 
and  statesman  in  the  fulness  of  his  splendid  powers."  From 
Samuel  J.  Randall:  "The  country's  loss  is  great  and  yours 
irreparable."  From  William  M.  Evarts  :  "  It  is  hard  to 
realize  that  he  has  been  torn  from  the  fulness  of  life,  and 
health,  and  thought,  before  we  could  even  think  of  him  as  a 
mark  for  disease  and  death."  From  William  Vilas :  "  My 
wife  and  I  pray  to  be  admitted  to  join  in  the  expression  of 
tenderness  and  honor  with  which  this  Nation  and  all  its  people 
hold  the  patriot  and  soldier  and  statesman  who  has  entered 
into  rest  after  the  mighty  toils  and  hard-won  glories  of  his 
heroic  life."  From  S.  S.  Cox:  "  Nothing  has  occurred  since 
the  death  of  Douglas  which  has  shocked  me  so  inexpressibly 
as  the  death  of  your  dear  husband."  From  Mrs.  Katherine 
Chase :  "  The  thoughts  of  none  follow  you  with  more  pro- 


466  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

found  or  more  respectful  sympathy  than  mine."  From  Gen 
eral  Nelson  A.  Miles:  "General  Logan's  death  will  be  a 
great  loss  to  the  army,  of  which  he  had  been  a  benefactor  and 
friend."  From  John  D.  Long :  "  No  other  of  our  public  men 
could  have  left  us,  and  in  so  doing  touched  a  deeper  chord 
of  affectionate  and  generous  remembrance."  From  Mrs. 
Frederick  Grant:  "What  a  shock  dear  General  Logan's 
death  was  to  us  all  here.  .  .  .  Mrs.  Grant  sends  her 
warmest  regards,  and  sympathy  which  is  so  real.  Colonel 
Grant  is  really  miserable."  From  Charles  Devens :  "No 
more  upright,  true,  and  brave  man  lived.  To  the  country 
the  loss  is  great ;  to  you,  and  his  children,  it  is  irreparable." 
From  John  A.  Bingham:  "  In  common  with  all  his  countrymen 
I  deeply  lament  the  Nation's  loss.  His  mortal  body  has  died, 
but  the  man  has  not  died.  The  clean,  pure,  lofty  spirit  of 
John  A.  Logan  still  lives,  and  will  live  for  evermore."  From 
Madame  de  Barrios :  "  I  can  so  readily  feel  all  you  must 
suffer,  for  we  are  alike  afflicted,  and  can  shed  tears  of  desola 
tion  together."  From  Clara  Barton :  "  The  stroke  .  .  . 
has  tipped  anew  with  love  the  point  of  steel  that  engraves 
'  Logan '  on  every  loyal  heart."  From  General  Daniel 
Sickles  :  "  The  countpy  has  lost  a  true  friend,  brave  soldier, 
and  staunch  patriot."  From  General  F.  E.  Spinner :  "  The 
soldier-statesman  is  dead,  and  many  millions  mourn  his  loss 
with  you,  but  his  heroic  soul,  the  glory  of  the  soldier,  and  the 
lustre  of  the  statesman,  lives,  and  will  live,  through  all  time  in 
the  grateful  memory  of  mankind."  From  Justin  S.  Morrill  : 
"Among  the  American  people,  no  name  of  the  present 
generation  has  won  a  more  solid  fame  or  will  command  a 
larger  number  of  personal  mourners."  From  General  James 
A.  Beaver  :  "  Black  as  the  cloud  is,  its  golden  rim  may  be 
found  in  the  useful  and  serviceable  life  of  your  great,  great 
hearted  husband."  From  the  Mexican,  Chinese,  Japanese, 
and  other  Foreign  Ministers  at  Washington ;  from  Senators 
and  Representatives  at  their  homes  ;  from  other  distinguished 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 


467 


men,  whether  in  or  out  of  the  councils  and  administration  of 
the  Nation,  or  from  their  wives  or  daughters,  as  well  as  from 
Grand  Army  Posts,  came  trooping  in  by  wire  and  by  post, 
from  all  over  the  land,  messages,  such  as  these,  laden  with 
sympathy  for  the  stricken  widow  and  appreciation  of  the  illus 
trious  dead  ;  but,  perhaps  nothing  better  exhibited  the  univer 
sality  of  this  feeling  than  an  official  despatch  to  Mrs.  Logan, 
from  Robert  E.  Lee  Camp  No.  i,  Confederate  Veterans,  Rich 
mond,  Virginia,  which  said  :  "In  this  sad  hour,  you  have  the 
hearty  sympathy  of  those  who,  in  the  years  ago,  battled  with 
their  might  against  the  gallant  soldier,  now  no  more,  whose 
memory  will  live  with  us,  because  of  the  kindly  heart  and 
open  hand  which  prompted  generous  aid  for  our  helpless 
comrades  in  their  need." 

THE    WONDERFUL    PROFUSION  OF    FLORAL  OFFERINGS A  FLORAL 

MOUND. 

But  to  return  to  the  obsequies.  By  eleven  o'clock  A.M. 
the  galleries  of  the  United  States  Senate  Chamber  were 
rapidly  filling  with  people.  The  Chamber  itself  was  draped 
with  black,  and  the  dead  Senator's  chair,  the  second  from  the 
central  aisle  in  the  front  row,  was  entirely  covered  with  crape. 
The  long  white-marble  "  desk  "  of  the  secretary  and  his  clerks 
was  hidden  by  the  numberless  floral  emblems  of  varied  designs 
which  had  been  sent  by  military,  masonic,  and  other  associa 
tions,  as  well  as  individuals,  from  different  parts  of  the  coun 
try.  It  was  a  veritable  mound  of  flowers.  Conspicuously 
standing  on  either  end  of  it  was  an  immense  floral  represen 
tation  of  the  banner  (with  badge)  of  the  Fifteenth  Army 
Corps, — which  Logan  had  so  often  led  to  victory, — and  a 
huge  floral  anchor.  Crosses,  and  stars,  and  wreaths,  and 
broken  columns,  and  pillows,  and  crossed  cannon,  and  crossed 
swords,  and  other  beautiful  and  suggestive  designs,  with  ap 
propriate  inscriptions,  in  white  and  red  and  yellow  roses,  and 
violets,  and  immortelles,  with  laurel  leaves,  and  sturdy  ivy, 


468  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

and  trailing  smilax,  and  palm  branches,  affording  relief  in 
various  shades  of  green,  composed  this  remarkable  floral 
mound  whose  garnered  fragrance  fitly  perfumed  the  spacious 
chamber  in  honor  of  the  great  soldier  who  had  himself  insti 
tuted  Memorial  Day  and  the  touchingly  beautiful  custom  of 
scattering  floral  offerings  upon  the  sacred  graves  of  the  Na 
tion's  dead. 

THE  LOGAN    OBSEQUIES   IN  THE  SENATE  CHAMBER THE  REV. 

DR.  NEWMAN'S  ELOQUENT  FUNERAL  PANEGYRIC  ON  LOGAN. 

By  twelve  o'clock  M.  of  Thursday,  December  31,  1886, 
the  galleries  of  the  Senate  Chamber  were  closely  packed 
with  people  admitted  by  card,  and  the  floor  of  the  Chamber, 
upon  which  hundreds  of  additional  chairs  had  been  placed, 
was  also  crowded  with  Senators,  Representatives,  the  Cabi 
net,  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  the  Supreme  Court,  and  other 
dignitaries  of  the  land — the  only  seats  vacant  being  that  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  who  through  illness  was 
unable  to  attend,  and  the  seats  reserved  for  the  bereaved 
family,  the  honorary  and  active  pall-bearers,  the  Grand  Army 
veterans,  and  the  Congressional  Committee  of  Arrangements. 
Precisely  at  twelve  o'clock  the  President  of  the  Senate  took 
his  chair,  and,  as  the  great  assemblage  rose,  the  casket,  pre 
ceded  by  the  officiating  ministers,  was  borne  into  the  Senate 
Chamber,  down  the  central  aisle  and  placed  upon  a  bier  in 
front  of  the  floral  mound,  while  the  reserved  seats  were  al 
most  simultaneously  occupied.  The  solemn  hush  that  befell 
the  gathered  notables  of  the  land  as  the  sad  procession 
entered  the  Chamber  and  all  had  reached  their  allotted  places, 
was  now  broken  by  the  voice  of  Bishop  Andrews  lifted  up  in 
earnest  prayer.  As  he  closed,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Tiffany  followed 
with  the  first  parts  of  the  Office  for  the  Burial  of  the  Dead 
used  by  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  Senate-Chaplain  Butler 
read  the  Lesson  therefrom.  The  Rev.  Dr.  John  P.  Newman 
then  delivered  the  following 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 


FUNERAL    PANEGYRIC  : 

Again  is  this  chamber  the  shrine  of  a  nation's  dead.  Around  us  are 
again  the  emblems  of  national  grief.  Once  more  is  heard  here  the 
measured  step  of  those  who  mourn  the  departure  of  the  illustrious  sol 
dier,  the  faithful  public  servant,  the  honored  private  citizen,  the  abiding 
friend,  the  devoted  husband,  the  loving  father.  Only  those  are  thus 
honored  at  this  shrine  of  the  Republic,  whose  talents,  whose  virtues, 
whose  services,  have  secured  for  them  the  distinguished  position  of 
Senator  of  the  United  States. 

Death  is  no  stranger  to  this  place  of  supreme  legislation.  Six  times 
since  1859,  when  this  chamber  was  first  occupied,  has  death  thrown  its 
shadow  here.  Here  rested  in  peace  Senator  Hicks,  of  Maryland  ;  here 
lay  the  form  of  Foot,  of  Vermont,  once  the  presiding  officer  of  the 
Senate  ;  here  was  laid  the  majestic  form  of  Sumner,  learned,  eloquent, 
philanthropic  ;  hence  was  borne  by  friendly  hands  Wilson,  who  came 
forth  from  obscurity  to  occupy  the  second  place  in  the  government  of 
a  free  people  ;  and  but  as  yesterday  we  stood  here  around  the  bier  of 
Miller,  patriot  and  soldier,  who  sleeps  in  peace  in  the  State  he  loved  so 
well. 

And  where  else  than  here,  in  this  place  of  honor,  the  arena  of  his 
greatest  civic  services  and  triumphs,  where  he  displayed  his  eminent 
talents  in  statesmanship,  where  he  was  respected  by  all  for  the  purity 
of  his  intentions,  the  ardor  of  his  patriotism,  the  courage  of  his  convic 
tions,  the  power  of  his  logic  and  his  unselfish  devotion  to  the  public 
good — where  else  than  here  should  Logan  be  honored  with  the  rites  of 
burial  ? 

His  was  an  honorable  parentage.  His  father's  genius  and  his 
mother's  beauty  blended  in  sweet  harmony  to  bless  his  childhood. 
Irish  brilliancy  and  Scotch  solidity  combined  in  his  temperament,  while 
he  stood  forth  the  true  American,  and  the  typical  man  of  the  West,  of 
whom  his  nation  is  justly  proud.  From  them  he  inherited  his  splendid 
physique,  his  capacious  intellect,  his  loyal,  loving,  generous  heart.  In 
that  Christian  home  his  young  intellect  was  developed  and  his  young 
heart  was  taught  that  divine  religion  from  which  he  never  wavered  ; 
and  when  the  homestead  was  broken  up,  all  he  claimed  and  all  ho  took 
was  the  old  family  Bible. 

That  Logan  was  a  potent  factor  in  our  national  life,  there  can  be  no 
question.  That  his  death  has  left  a  vacancy  not  easily  filled,  is  without 
dispute.  That  his  departure  has  changed  the  political  direction  of  his 
country  for  the  next  decade,  perhaps  for  the  next  quarter  of  a  century, 
seems  probable. 


4/o 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Standing  here  in  the  presence  of  the  Almighty,  and  in  the  shadow  of 
a  great  sorrow,  let  us  leave  eulogy  to  the  fellow-Senators  of  the  honored 
dead,  and  content  ourselves  with  adducing  those  great  lessons  from 
Logan's  life  and  character  which  should  make  us  truer  citizens  and 
purer  Christians. 

Macaulay  has  said  that  "  Men  eminent  in  learning,  in  statesmanship, 
in  war,  are  not  fully  appreciated  by  their  contemporaries  ;  but  posterity 
does  not  fail  to  award  them  full  justice."  A  greater  than  Macaulay  has 
said  :  "A  prophet  is  not  without  honor  save  in  his  own  country."  It  is 
difficult  for  those  who  have  not  had  the  special  advantages  of  the  schools 
in  early  life  to  gain  a  reputation  for  mental  culture  and  intellectual  at 
tainments  ;  but  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  whatever  position  Logan  occu 
pied,  he  was  always  in  the  front.  If  a  strong  reason,  a  sound  judgment, 
a  capacious  and  retentive  memory,  a  vigorous  and  warm  imagination  and 
a  comprehensive  understanding  are  essential  to  high  intellectuality,  then 
Logan  ranks  among  our  foremost  men.  Others  are  great  in  scientific 
attainments,  in  the  polish  of  literature,  in  the  acquisition  of  languages  ; 
but  who  excelled  him  in  the  useful  information  of  science,  and  litera 
ture,  and  law  ;  in  knowledge  of  his  country,  its  history,  its  resources,  its 
wants,  its  possibilities,  its  hopes  ? 

Let  his  vast  and  well-chosen  library,  rich  in  all  learning,  proclaim 
his  love  for  books.  Like  Webster,  he  had  the  rare  faculty  to  extract  by 
instinct  the  pith  of  a  volume  that  came  to  his  hand.  Intellectually, 
his  rivals  underestimated  him,  his  friends  never  fully  appreciated  him, 
his  admirers  never  overvalued  him.  He  was  a  prodigious  brain- 
worker,  indefatigable  in  application,  tireless  in  energy.  He  called  upon 
all  sources  of  knowledge  to  aid  him  in  his  purpose.  His  was  a  life  of 
intellectual  activity.  From  his  admission  to  the  bar,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five,  to  his  place  in  his  State  Legislature,  to  his  place  in  Con 
gress,  and  to  his  position  as  Senator,  he  has  left  the  impress  of  his  in 
tellect  upon  the  legislation  of  this  country,  which  enters  into  its  history 
for  the  last  twenty-five  years.  What  great  measure  of  Congress  is 
without  his  honored  name  ?  Future  generations  will  read  his  utterances 
with  wonder  and  admiration.  His  great  speeches  on  the  "  Impeach 
ment,"  on  "  Education,"  on  "The  Army,"  his  eulogy  on  "  Thomas,"  his 
defence  of  "  Grant,"  his  arraignment  of  "  Porter,"  will  be  esteemed 
masterful  among  forensic  efforts.  In  all  his  legislative  life  he  was  never 
crushed  in  debate. 

Some  men  have  the  flower  of  language  ;  Logan  had  the  flower  of 
thought.  He  had  the  eloquence  of  logic,  and  could  raise  metaphor 
into  argument.  He  resembled  not  so  much  the  beautiful  river  whose 
broad  stream  winds  through  rich  and  varied  scenery,  but  that  which 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 

cuts  a  deep  and  rapid  channel  through  rugged  rocks  and  frowning 
wilds,  leaving  the  impress  of  its  power  in  the  productiveness  of  the  re 
gion  through  which  it  passes,  which,  but  for  it,  would  remain  desolate 
and  barren.  His  was  not  the  music  of  the  organ,  with  its  varied  stops 
and  mingling  harmonies,  but  rather  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  waxing 
louder  and  louder,  piercing  the  caverns  of  the  earth  and  resounding 
through  the  encircling  heavens. 

It  is  a  venerable  saying  of  Scripture  that  the  "  day  of  a  man's  death 
is  better  than  the  day  of  his  birth."  When  in  the  stillness  of  the  holy 
Sabbath  his  noble  soul  left  our  presence,  Logan  was  the  foremost 
statesman  of  the  mighty  West.  And  hereafter  and  forever  Illinois  will 
have  her  illustrious  trinity  of  national  greatness — Lincoln,  greatest  of 
statesmen  ;  Grant,  greatest  of  professional  soldiers  ;  Logan,  the  greatest 
volunteer  general  produced  by  this  country. 

But  wherein  consists  that  strange  charm  of  his  personality,  that  falls 
upon  our  spirits  to-day  like  a  holy  enchantment  ?  Whence  the  magic 
spell  of  his  presence  ?  Whence  the  secret  of  the  power  of  that  one  life 
upon  fifty  millions  of  people?  Is  it  sufficient  to  say  that  his  parentage 
was  honorable,  that  his  intellect  was  rich  in  its  acquired  treasures,  that 
lie  was  the  foremost  statesman  of  the  West  ?  Is  it  sufficient  to  say  that 
he  was  a  great  soldier  who  proved  himself  equal  to  every  command, 
that  he  was  never  defeated,  that  he  defeated  defeat  and  achieved  vic 
tory  when  all  seemed  lost,  that  from  Belmont  to  Atlanta,  and  from 
Savannah  to  Washington,  when,  at  the  head  of  the  victorious  Army  of 
the  Tennessee,  he  marched  through  the  avenues  of  the  capital  of  a  re 
deemed  country,  he  gave  evidence  of  his  martial  prowess  ? 

We  must  look  deeper,  and  search  with  keener  insight,  for  the  secret 
of  his  immense  power  over  his  countrymen.  His  was  a  changeless  sin 
cerity.  He  was  never  in  masquerade.  He  was  transparent  to  a  fault. 
He  had  a  window  in  his  heart.  He  was  never  in  disguise.  He  was  as 
you  saw  him.  Never  did  geometrician  bring  proposition  and  demon 
stration  in  closer  proximity  than  was  the  correspondence  between 
Logan's  character  and  hrs  appearance.  He  was  Logan  every  time. 
His  was  the  soul  of  honor.  He  had  an  innate  contempt  for  everything 
low,  mean,  intriguing.  He  was  an  open  and  an  honorable  foe.  He  had 
a  triple  courage,  which  imparted  to  him  immense  strength.  His  phy 
sical  bravery  knew  no  fear.  His  moral  heroism  was  sublime.  But 
above  these  was  the  courage  of  his  intellect.  Some  men  have  brave 
souls  in  cowardly  bodies.  The  cheeks  of  others  are  never  blanched  by 
physical  danger.  But  few  rise  to  the  highest  form  of  courage.  Logan 
never  committed  treason  against  his  intellect.  He  thought  for  himself, 
and  spoke  what  he  thought.  He  was  loyal  to  his  own  conclusions. 


4/2 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Friendship  could  not  deter  him  ;  enemies  could  not  make  him  afraid. 
A  great  name  could  not  daunt  him.  lie  had  more  caution  than  was  ac 
corded  to  him,  but  it  was  the  caution  of  intellectual  courage. 

He  was  the  soul  of  honesty.  He  lived  in  times  of  great  corruption, 
when  the  strongest  men  of  both  parties  fell,  either  blasted  by  public  ex 
posure  or  by  ignorant  denunciation.  But  Logan  was  untouched.  He 
was  above  suspicion.  The  smell  of  fire  was  not  on  his  garments.  Others 
made  fortunes  out  of  the  blood  of  their  countrymen,  but  after  five  years 
in  war  and  twenty-five  years  in  Congressional  life,  Logan  was  poor  in 
purse,  but  rich  in  a  good  name.  To  his  only  son,  who  bears  the  image 
and  name  of  his  honored  father,  he  could  have  left  ill-gotten  fortune, 
but  he  left  him  that  which  is  far  above  rubies.  Like  Aristides,  Logan 
could  say,  "These  hands  are  clean." 

He  had  a  self-abnegation  which  asked  no  other  reward  than  the 
consciousness  of  duty  done.  Loyalty  to  duty  was  his  standard  of  man 
hood.  When  another  was  appointed  to  the  command  which  his  merits 
and  victories  entitled  him  to,  he  did  not  sulk  in  his  tent  of  disappoint 
ment,  but  fought  on  for  the  cause  which  was  dearer  than  promotion. 
When  duty  demanded  the  exposure  of  corruption  in  his  own  party,  he 
preferred  his  country  to  partisan  ties.  When  he  was  convinced  that  a 
distinguished  officer  was  unworthy  a  nation's  confidence,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  incur  the  displeasure  of  friends  and  the  denunciation  of 
enemies. 

When,  in  1862,  his  friends  in  Illinois  urged  him  to  leave  the  army 
and  re-enter  Congress,  he  made  this  reply  :  "  No  ;  I  am  to-day  a  soldier 
of  this  Republic — so  to  remain,  changeless  and  immutable,  until  her  last 
and  weakest  enemy  shall  have  expired  and  passed  away.  I  have  entered 
the  field  to  die,  if  need  be,  for  this  Government,  and  never  expect  to  re 
turn  to  peaceful  pursuits  until  the  object  of  this  war  of  preservation  has 
become  a  fact  established.  Should  fate  so  ordain  it,  I  will  esteem  it  as 
the  highest  privilege  a  just  Dispenser  can  award  to  shed  the  last  drop 
of  blood  in  my  veins  for  the  honor  of  that  flag  whose  emblems  are  jus 
tice,  liberty,  and  truth,  and  which  has  been  and,  as  I  humbly  trust  in  God, 
ever  will  be  for  the  right." 

Oh  !  Brave  and  unselfish  soul  !  How  thou  hast  been  misunderstood,, 
misjudged,  misrepresented,  defamed,  and  wronged  by  those  who  to-day 
are  the  beneficiaries  of  thy  noble  life  !  These  defamations  wounded  his 
proud  and  sensitive  spirit.  If  he  seemed  to  take  affront  when  assailed 
in  debate,  it  was  for  the  cause  he  represented,  and  not  from  personal 
pride. 

There  were  times  when  his  ardent  temperament  mastered  his  self- 
control.  He  was  a  sensitive,  high-spirited,  chivalric  soul.  He  had 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 

pride  of  character  and  power  of  passion.  He  knew  his  power,  but  he 
was  a  stranger  to  vanity.  His  passionate  nature  was  intense.  His 
emotional  being  resembled  the  ocean.  The  passions  of  love,  joy,  hope, 
desire,  grief,  hatred,  and  anger,  were  strong  in  him.  He  could  love 
like  a  woman,  sport  like  a  child,  hope  like  a  saint.  His  grief  was  in 
tense,  his  hatred  inveterate.  His  anger  burned  like  a  mountain  on  fire. 
He  reminds  us  of  the  great  Reformer,  Luther,  who  alternated  between 
profound  calms  and  furious  storms.  His  calms  were  like  embowered 
lakes,  their  placid  bosoms  mirroring  the  overhanging  foliage  of  the 
grassy  banks.  His  agitations  were  like  mountain  torrents,  leaping, 
dashing,  thundering  down  their  rugged  courses,  sweeping  all  before 
them.  When  composed,  the  ocean  of  his  emotions  was  so  placid  that  a 
little  child  might  sail  its  fragile  boat  thereon  ;  but  when  agitated,  the 
great  deep  was  troubled,  the  heavens  scowled,  thunder  answered  thun 
der,  the  ethereal  fires  gleamed  and  burned,  wave  mounted  wave,  and 
whole  armaments  were  scattered  before  the  fury  of  the  storm.  This  is 
the  key  to  the  warmth  of  his  friendship  and  the  bitterness  of  his  enmity. 
He  had  an  honorable  ambition,  but  it  was  above  corruption  and  in 
trigue.  In  his  manliness  he  did  not  hesitate  to  proclaim  his  desire  nor 
disguise  his  noble  aspirations.  From  his  very  nature  he  became  the 
soldier's  friend.  It  was  his  tenderness  of  nature  that  made  him  the 
friend  of  every  soldier  in  the  war.  In  "  these  piping  times  of  peace  " 
we  forget  those  who  fought  for  us.  Not  so  with  Logan.  He  carried  the 
years  of  the  war  through  each  receding  decade,  and  lived  among  its  stir 
ring  memories.  He  maintained  close  relations  to  the  veterans.  Thrice 
he  was  elected  commander-in-chief  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. 
As  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  he  was  in  a  position 
of  power.  To-day  350,000  veterans  in  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic, 
from  6,000  posts,  feel  that  they  have  lost  a  friend.  To-day  622,000  pen 
sioners  bless  his  memory.  To-day  230,000  widows  and  orphans  breathe 
a  prayer  to  Heaven  for  the  peace  of  his  soul.  And  now  the  spirits  of 
350,000  patriot  soldiers,  slain  in  the  war,  gather  around  the  great  soul 
of  Logan,  and  thank  him  that  on  each  returning  3oth  of  May  their 
graves  are  not  forgotten,  but  are  covered  with  flowers.  The  designation 
of  that  day  for  memorial  service  was  suggested  by  Logan,  and  he  was 
wont  to  say  :  "  It  was  the  proudest  act  of  my  life."  And  could  the 
350,000  patriot  dead  rise  from  their  graves,  each  with  a  memorial  flower 
in  his  hand,  there  would  rise  a  floral  mountain  to  the  skies,  the  perfume 
of  which  would  ascend  in  gratitude  to  the  God  of  battles.  Logan 
deserves  such  a  mountain  of  flowers.  He  himself  is  a  martyr  of  liberty. 
Let  me  show  those  five  scars  of  the  wounds  he  received  in  battle  for 
the  love  of  his  country. 


474 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Would  you  know  him  in  his  happier  estate  of  gentleness,  tenderness 
and  affection,  as  husband  and  father,  go  to  his  home,  where  purity,  peace, 
and  love  reigned  supreme.  There  his  inner  life  was  displayed  without 
restraint.  There  was  his  retreat  from  the  vexatious  cares  of  public  life. 
There  was  wedded  love  of  thirty-one  happy  years.  She  of  his  youthful 
pride  and  choice  was  his  supreme  and  constant  delight.  He  was  her 
tower  of  strength  ;  she  was  the  joy  of  his  soul.  He  was  her  honorable 
pride  ;  she  the  confidant  of  his  secret  thoughts.  He  was  faithful  to  his 
bridal  vows  ;  she  reciprocated  his  undivided  love.  Such  a  home  was  the 
dream  of  his  life.  Upon  the  western  hills  that  overlook  our  National 
Capital,  he  found  that  sweet,  sweet  home,  where  he  had  hoped  to  spend 
yet  many  a  happy  year,  and  with  Goldsmith  sing  : 

In  all  my  wanderings  round  this  world  of  care, 
In  all  my  griefs,  and  God  has  given  my  share, 
I  still  had  hopes  my  latest  hours  to  crown, 
Amid  these  humble  bowers  to  lay  me  down, 
To  husband  out  life's  taper  to  its  close, 
And  keep  the  flame  from  wasting  by  repose. 

Around  my  fire  an  evening  group  to  draw, 
And  tell  of  all  I  felt  and  all  I  saw, 
And,  as  a  hare  whom  hounds  and  horns  pursue, 
Pants  to  the  place  from  whence  at  first  he  flew, 
I  still  had  hopes,  my  long  vacations  past, 
Here  to  return,  and  die  at  home  at  last. 

Alas,  that  I  must  add  : 

No  more  for  him  the  blazing  hearth  shall  burn, 
Nor  busy  housewife  ply  her  evening  care, 
Nor  children  run  to  lisp  a  sire's  return, 
Nor  climb  his  knee  the  envied  kiss  to  share  ! 

It  is  not  possible  for  us  to  suppose  for  a  moment,  that  a  life  so  mag 
nanimous  and  unselfish,  and  so  beautiful  in  its  domesticity,  should  be 
without  the  element  of  religion.  Bluff,  sturdy,  honest,  Logan  was  a 
Christian  in  faith  and  practice.  Here  is  his  Bible,  which  he  read  with 
daily  care.  Sincere  and  humble,  he  accepted  Christ  as  his  personal 
Saviour.  When  I  gave  him  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  too 
humble  in  spirit  to  kneel  on  the  cushion  around  the  altar,  he  knelt  on 
the  carpet,  and,  with  his  precious  wife  by  his  side,  received  the  tokens 
of  a  Saviour's  love.  His  manly  brow  shone  like  polished  marble,  for  he 
felt  that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  the  Searcher  of  all  hearts.  It  was  his 
last  sacrament  on  earth.  Let  us  hope  that  he  will  have  a  Eucharist  in 
the  skies. 

Standing  by  the  tomb  of  Grant,  on  last  Memorial  Day,  Logan  de- 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DA  YS  AND  DBA  TH. 


475 


livered  an  oration  on  immortality.  He  called  upon  the  sphinxes,  and 
the  pyramids,  of  Egypt  ;  upon  the  palaces  of  Sennacherib  and  Nebu 
chadnezzar  ;  upon  the  philosphers  of  Attica  and  the  Campagna  ;  upon 
the  mystic  worshippers  of  the  Druids,  and  the  pictorial  monuments  of 
the  Mexicans  ;  upon  the  poets  and  orators  of  the  world,  to  witness  that 
"  hope  springs  immortal  in  the  human  breast,"  and  demanded  of  them, 
"  Why  this  longing  after  immortality  ?  "  And,  rising  above  all  these  in 
glory  and  authority,  he  turned  to  the  Divine  Prophet  of  Nazareth,  and 
from  His  blessed  lips  received  the  sweet  assurance  :  "  Let  not  your 
heart  be  troubled,  ye  believe  in  God,  believe  also  in  Me.  In  my  Father's 
house  are  many  mansions  ;  I  go  to  prepare  a  place  for  you." 

Logan  has  entered  into  the  fruition  of  his  immortality.  He  has  an 
swered  the  morning  call  of  eternal  life.  He  has  translated  his  oration 
into  a  deathless  experience.  He  has  heard  the  Master  say  :  "  It  is 
enough  ;  come  up  higher." 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  funeral  oration,  Bishop  Andrews 
pronounced  the  benediction  ;  and  the  Presiding  Officer  an 
nounced  that  the  procession  would  move  in  accordance  with 
the  printed  "  Order  of  the  Day." 

THE     FUNERAL     PROCESSION     TO    ROCK     CREEK    CHURCH-YARD  — 
SERVICES    AT    THE    TOMB — SOUNDING    "  TAPS  "    (LIGHTS    OUT). 

From  the  Senate  Chamber  the  funeral  procession  now 
slowly  moved  in  due  order  to  the  east  front  of  the  Capitol. 
It  was  led  by  the  Clergy  and  Medical  attendants  ;  then  came 
the  honorary  pall-bearers  ;  then  the  casket ;  then  the  Com 
mittee  of  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  ;  then  the  af 
flicted  family  and  attendants  ;  the  President's  Cabinet,  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  followed  ;  then  the 
body  of  Senators,  followed  by  the  Representatives  with  the 
Speaker  at  their  head  ;  then  Officers  of  the  Senate,  Governors 
of  States  and  other  invited  persons  ;  and  lastly  the  Com 
mittees  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  other  veterans. 

Meanwhile,  "  on  the  plaza  to  the  east  of  the  Capitol," 
says  the  Star,  "  were  ranged  the  carriages  which  were  to 
bear  the  various  committees  and  the  invited  guests  to  the 
cemetery.  Behind  these  were  entiled  the  military  organiza 
tions,  which  were  to  form  the  escort,  standing  at  parade  rest. 


4;6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Upon  the  high  marble  steps  leading  to  the  Senate  and  House 
wings  were  masses  of  people  who  had  been  unable  to  obtain 
entrance  to  the  building,  and  who  for  an  hour  and  more 
stood,  exposed  to  the  wintry  air  and  the  occasional  gusts  of 
snow  and  rain,  awaiting  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies  in 
the  Senate  Chamber.  As  the  casket,  preceded  by  the  pall 
bearers,  was  borne  slowly  down  the  steps  of  the  eastern  front, 
the  Marine  Band  played  the  hymn,  '  Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee.'  Every  head  was  uncovered  as  the  casket  was  placed 
in  the  hearse,  and  the  military  came  to  a  '  present  arms/ 
Then  the  invited  guests  were  conducted  to  the  carriages,  and, 
headed  by  the  Marine  Band  playing  a  dirge,  the  procession 
started."  It  marched  in  the  following  order: 

Lieut.  Gen.  P.  H.  Sheridan,  marshal  ;  chief  of  staff,  Brevet  Brig. 
Gen.  Albert  Ordway,  United  States  volunteers,  headed  the  line.  Pla 
toon  of  mounted  police  ;  Aides-de-camp,  Lieut.  Col.  M.  V.  Sheridan, 
U.  S.  A.,  Lieut.  Col.  Sanford  C.  Kellogg,  U.  S.  A.,  Lieut.  Col.  Stan 
hope  E.  Blunt,  U.  S.  A.,  Brevet  Major  Emmett  Urell,  U.  S.  V.  ;  Car 
riage  containing  Rev.  Dr.  Newman. 

FIRST  DIVISION. — Division  of  Marine  Band  ;  battalion  U.  S.  Marine 
corps,  with  arms  reversed  ;  Battalion  of  Third  United  States  artillery, 
Col.  H.  G.  Gibson  ;  Light  Battery  C,  Third  United  States  artillery, 
Capt.  J.  G.  Turnbull. 

SECOND  DIVISION. — Division  of  Marine  Band  ;  Detachment  of  U.  S. 
seamen  from  U.  S.  S.  Albatross,  Lieut.  Commander  W.  W.  Rhoades ; 
District  militia ;  Union  Veteran  Corps  ;  Wilson  Post,  of  Baltimore ; 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  ;  colored  veterans. 

THIRD  DIVISION. — Detail  of  ten  Capitol  police,  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  Allabaugh  ;  G.  A.  R.  guard  of  honor ;  Hearse  drawn  by  four  black 
horses;  G.  A.  R.  guard  of  honor;  Carriages  two  abreast,  containing 
Sergeant-at-Arms  Canady,  Deputy  Sergeant-at-Arms  Christie,  the  Sen 
ate  and  House  committees  of  arrangements,  the  family  of  General 
Logan,  Senators,  Representatives,  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  com 
mittee  of  Mexican  war  veterans,  committee  of  the  military  order  of  the 
Loyal  Legion,  committee  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  com 
mittee  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  citizens  of  Illinois.  The  rear 
was  brought  up  by  five  hundred  clerks  of  the  Pension  office. 

The  bleak  and  bitter  wind,  with  heavy  gusts  of  driving 
snow  and  sleet,  together  with  the  deep  slush  in  the  streets; 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH.  477 

conspired  to  make  the  march  from  the  Capitol — to  Pennsyl 
vania  Avenue,  to  I5th  Street,  to  Vermont  Avenue,  to  Rhode 
Island  Avenue,  to  Seventh  Street,  and  to  Rock  Creek  Church- 
yard,  far  beyond  the  Boundary — a  most  trying  one.  Says 
the  National  Tribune : 

The  procession  was  more  than  a  mile  in  length.  The  veterans  of  the 
Grand  Army  made  a  superb  appearance.  Though  the  snow  and  water 
were  ankle  deep,  they  marched  through  it  with  regular  steps,  paying  the 
last  tribute  to  their  illustrious  comrade-in-arms.  Crowds  were  gathered 
all  along  the  line  of  the  procession  from  the  Capitol  steps,  down  the 
hill,  up  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  and  as  far  as  the  course  of  the  proces 
sion  lay  through  the  populous  part  of  the  city.  The  carriages  were 
driven  in  double  line,  preceded  by  the  various  orders  on  foot.  Multi 
tudes  were  assembled  on  both  sides  of  the  avenue  and  along  the  car 
tracks,  and  no  cars  or  other  vehicles  were  allowed  to  cross  the  line  of 
procession. 

At  last  the  procession  reached  Rock  Creek  Church-yard, 
and  here  the  remainder  of  the  Burial  Service  and  the  impres 
sive  military  ritual  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  being 
rendered,  the  mortal  remains  of  General  Logan  were  tem 
porarily  committed  to  the  vaulted  tomb  ;  and  then,  as  the  loud 
and  clear  and  long-sustained  notes  of  the  bugle  rang  out  and 
died  away  again  upon  the  chilly  air  of  the  last  expiring  day  of 
the  year  1886 — sounding  ''Taps"  (lights  out) — the  casket, 
covered  and  surrounded  by  the  beautiful  floral  tributes  of  the 
dead  General's  friends,  was  left  to  the  charge  of  a  military 
guard  furnished  from  the  Veterans  of  the  Soldiers'  Home. 

THE  EFFECT  OF  LOGAN'S  DEATH  UPON  "WASHINGTON  SOCIETY" 
—EMILY  T.  CHARLES'  POEM  ON  "  THE  DEATH  OF  LOGAN." 
The  effect  of  General  Logan's  death  upon  the  social  life 
of  the  National  capital  was  plainly  visible  in  all  of  its  many 
circles,  and  was  fairly  reflected  in  the  Washington  telegraphic 
correspondence  of  the  Inter- Ocean,  December  3Oth,  as  fol 
lows  : 

Nothing  is  talked  of  in  the  city  but  the  dead  Senator  and  his  stricken 
wife.  General  Logan's  sturdy  figure,  bronzed  face,  and  keen  eyes  have 


4;8  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

so  long  been  an  integral  feature  of  Washington's  social  and  political  life 
that  he  is  missed  at  every  turn,  and  his  wife  is  so  popular  in  Washing 
ton  society  that  every  tear  she  sheds  falls  heavy  on  the  homes  wherein 
she  was  always  a  welcome  and  honored  guest.  It  seems  more  than 
strange  to  connect  the  idea  of  mourning  with  Calumet  Place,  for  it  is 
essentially  what  Maurice  Egan  calls  "a  house  of  sunset  tints."  Rich 
crimsons,  warm  yellows,  clarets,  wine-browns,  and  the  brilliant  tracery 
of  wampum  are  the  prevailing  colors  of  the  house,  and  an  artist  would 
fairly  gloat  over  the  Navajo  blankets,  the  "live"  tones  of  the  Indian 
pottery,  and  the  notable  collection  of  native  American  weapons  and 
curios  gathered  in  the  parlors.  Wherever  the  Senator  travelled  on  the 
frontier  he  won  the  good-will  and  affection  of  the  Indians  whose  coun 
try  he  traversed,  and  his  only  rival  in  their  regard  was  his  wife,  whose 
beautiful  olivart  face,  brilliant  eyes,  and  silver-white  hair  stirred  even 
their  dull  breasts  to  admiration.  The  effect  on  society  has  been  marked  ; 
every  entertainment  that  was  planned  for  the  week  has  been  postponed, 
except  one  or  two  private  parties  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury's 
dinner  ;  and  the  holiday-note  that  sounded  so  blithely  is  again  drowned 
by  the  toll  of  the  funeral-bell. 

But  the  mingled  emotions  of  astonishment  and  sorrow  at 
Logan's  sudden  death,  of  admiration  for  the  illustrious  soldier- 
statesman's  remarkable  career,  and  of  love  for  the  noble 
nature  of  the  man,  which  were  felt  throughout  the  National 
capital — especially  among  the  old  Union  soldiers — and  found 
expression  at  every  street-corner,  in  every  car,  on  every  side 
walk,  and  in  every  home  or  other  gathering,  were  perhaps 
better  hinted  at  by  Emily  Thornton  Charles,  than  by  any 
other  writer,  in  the  following  stirring  lines,  given  to  the  public 
in  the  Washington  Republican  of  December  29,  1866: 

DEATH  OF  LOGAN. 

[ORATION.] 

WHAT  !  Logan  dead  !  the  grand,  the  free 

Untrammelled  spirit  of  the  West ; 
He  lying  low,  at  Death's  decree, 

With  folded  hands  across  his  breast  ? 
Alas !  alas  !  that  it  be  said, 
The  soldier-citizen  is  dead. 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH.- 

The  statesman  who,  from  Congress  Hall, 

Nor  waiting  rank  nor  uniform, 
Swift  hastened  at  his  country's  call 

To  meet  the  battle's  lurid  storm  ; 
To  face  the  hurtling  shower  of  lead, 
With  musket  armed,  now  lieth  dead. 

Before  the  fort  of  Donelson, 

Commanding  now  a  regiment, 
For  three  long  days  he  fought  and  won, 

Though  sure  defeat  seemed  imminent. 
Brave  men  were  ranked  among  the  dead — 
To  Logan,  victory  came  instead. 

His  regiments,  like  fiery  wall, 

Yet  firmly — hurling  missiles — stood  ; 

At  length  they  saw  loved  Logan  fall ; 

His  side  was  bathed  with  streams  of  blood. 

Although  a  ghastly  pallor  spread 

Over  his  face,  he  was  not  dead. 

On  glory's  fields  he  won  the  day, 

And  major-general  became  ; 
His  path  he  marked,  and  hewed  the  way  ; 

And  honor's  signet  crowned  his  name. 
The  warrior's  laurels  wreathed  his  head, 
And  now — we  mourn  for  Logan  dead. 

"  Why,  Logan  seemed  invincible," 
I've  heard  the  veteran  soldiers  say  ; 

At  Corinth,  facing  shot  and  shell, 
He  wielded  wondrous,  potent  sway  ; 

"Your  strong  arms  nerve  for  right,"  he  said, 

"  March  bravely  on  " — grand  Logan  dead  ! 

At  Gibson's  Port  and  Bayou  Pierre, 
Still  leading,  General  Logan,  see  ! 

The  fight  at  Raymond,  most  severe, 
He  won  by  dauntless  bravery. 

From  his  assault  the  foemen  fled 

At  Champion  Hills— great  Logan  dead! 


479 


480  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

His  men  at  Vicksburg  bore  the  brunt  ; 

His  heart  beat  high  with  patriot  pride, 
When  his  the  column  at  the  front — 

"The  Old  Commander"  at  his  side- 
That  through  the  conquered  city  led, 
And  raised  the  flag  high  overhead. 

At  Resaca  his  fame  resounds  ; 

At  Dallas,  Logan's  brilliant  corps 
Repulsed  the  charge  with  "  40  Rounds," 

And  then,  if  need  be,  forty  more. 
Where  thick  and  fast  the  bullets  sped 
He  dashed,  with  all  uncovered  head. 

At  Kenesaw  'gainst  rocky  wall, 

He  led,  to  scale  the  mountain  grim  ; 

He  saw  his  gallant  soldiers  fall— 
And  with  great  tears  his  eyes  grew  dim ; 

Such  tears  as  comrades  now  will  shed 

Above  the  bier  of  Logan  dead. 

It  seems  as  only  yesterday — 

I  heard  a  war-scarred  soldier  tell, 

How  grandly,  Logan  led  the  fray, 

On  field  where  brave  McPherson  fell  ; 

Inspired  his  men,  and,  shouting,  said — 

"  Revenge  !     Revenge  McPherson  dead  !  " 

McPherson  !  still  his  battle-cry  ; 

In  front  he  galloped  down  the  field  ; 
With  wind-blown  hair  and  flashing  eye  : 

"Advance  !     Advance  !     Ye  must  not  yield 
"  Revenge,  my  boys,"  brave  Logan  said — 
"  Revenge  !     Revenge  McPherson  dead." 

His  desperate  words,  his  courage  rare, 
Thrilled  every  man  with  energy  ; 

When,  like  a  lion  from  his  lair, 
He  sprang,  and  led  to  victory — 

"  I'll  ne'er  forget,"  the  comrade  said, 

"  Atlanta's  field,  where  Logan  led." 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 

Note  well  the  man  of  firm  intent, 
Whene'er  ye  look  his  record  o'er  ; 

Commanding  either,  regiment, 
Brigade,  division,  army,  corps ; 

His  valiant  force,  with  fearless  tread, 

To  victory  he  always  led. 

He  organized — to  keep  alive 

The  feelings  of  fraternity 
In  breasts  of  those  who  yet  survive— 

"The  Army  of  the  Tennessee." 
They  mourn  above  the  narrow  bed 
Of  Logan,  sleeping  with  the  dead. 

The  people's  ardent,  constant  friend ; 

In  councils  of  the  nation  wise  ; 
Soldier  and  statesman  he  did  blend, 

And  higher  still  his  fame  shall  rise  ; 
Though  earth  no  more  shall  hear  the  tread 
Nor  voice  of  him  who  lieth  dead. 

I  noted  but  the  other  day — 

He  seemed  so  kindly  used  by  time  ; 

That  lightly  touched  his  hair  with  gray, 
And  left  him  in  his  manhood's  prime  ; 

Yet  pain  has  distanced  time's  swift  tread, 

And  touched  his  heart,  and  left  him,  dead. 

Grand  Army  of  Republic,  weep  ! 

Thy  "  three  times  chief  "  hath  passed  away. 
He  with  the  silent  hosts  doth  sleep — 

Who  set  apart  "  Memorial  Day." 
Thy  memories  shall  mark  the  bed, 
Where  lies  the  Chieftain,  cold  and  dead. 

"  He  builded  wiser  than  he  knew," 
Who  reared  th'  enduring  monument 

Of  flowers,  fraternal  hands  e'er  strew, 
For  memory  and  sad  lament. 

Rise,  floral  incense,  o'er  his  head, 

Love's  monument  to  Logan  dead. 
31 


48 1 


482  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Rest,  soldier,  rest  !  for  peace  is  thine  ; 

Rest,  warrior !  for  earth's  strife  is  o'er  ; 
Rest,  statesman  !  Fame's  bright  laurels  twine 

Thy  noble  deeds — the  golden  shore 
For  thee  is  won — while  tears  are  shed 
For  lion-hearted  Logan,  dead. 

HOW  THE    PRESS  AND  PEOPLE  OF    THE  LAND    MOURNED    THE    SAD 

DEATH  OF  LOGAN. 

That  the  sudden  fatal  termination  of  General  Logan's  last 
illness  was  a  serious  shock  to  the  entire  country,  is  proved 
not  only  by  the  avalanche  of  condolences  already  alluded  to 
as  pouring  into  Calumet  Place,  but  by  the  fact  that,  with  hard 
ly  an  exception,  the  thousands  of  journals  published  in  the 
United  States,  without  regard  to  political  complexion,  at 
greater  or  less  length,  referred  to  the  National  bereavement, 
and  dwelt,  with  more  or  less  emphasis,  upon  the  qualities  and 
attributes  of  the  illustrious  soldier  and  statesmen,  whose  loss 
they  were  called  upon  to  chronicle  and  mourn.  A  very  small 
number  of  these  utterances — and  these  only  in  the  very 
briefest  limits — are  here  given,  as  exemplifying  the  wide-spread 
popular  sorrow,  thus  voiced  by  the  press : 

In  Congress,  as  well  as  in  military  campaigns,  he  was  bold  and 
aggressive,  giving  hard  blows,  nor  complaining  when  they  were  re 
turned  in  kind.  He  possessed  a  great  fund  of  practical  knowledge  and 
knew  how  to  make  good  use  of  it.  He  loved  his  country,  and  he  loved 
to  give  her  the  best  service  which  his  large  experience  and  rare  ability 
qualified  him  for  giving.  If  he  was  ambitious — "as  who  of  us  is  not  " 
— his  ambition  was  worthy  of  his  fame,  and  he  sought  to  promote  it  by 
no  unworthy  means. —  Washington  National  Republican  (Rep.). 

The  death  of  any  man  of  large  experience  and  influence  in  statecraft 
is  a  public  calamity.  In  the  case  of  General  Logan  the  calamity  is  the 
greater  because  of  his  character,  his  position,  and  because  of  the  ripen 
ing  possibilities  of  the  future.  He  was  the  best  living  representative 
of  the  spirit  of  the  old  Union  armies  in  political  life.  He  had  more 
steadfast,  ardent  followers  among  the  veterans  of  the  war  than  any 
other  leader  of  his  party,  and  Republican  sentiment  in  the  West  was 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH.  483 

solidifying  about  him  in  a  way  that  marked  him  as  the  chosen  leader  in 
the  next  Presidential  campaign.  To  his  party  the  loss  is  not  only  great, 
but  far-reaching  in  effects.  To  the  country  at  large  the  loss  is  that  of 
one  of  the  most  conspicuous  figures  in  the  war  for  the  Union,  one  of 
the  most  courageous,  most  fearless,  and  most  useful  men  in  public  life. 
General  Logan  was  one  of  the  remarkable  individualities  of  the  times. 
He  was  not  like  Lincoln,  nor  Douglas,  nor  Grant,  nor  Greeley,  nor 
Stimner,  nor  Stanton.  He  was  simply,  straightforwardly,  and  positively 
John  A.  Logan.  He  was  pre-eminently  and  unmistakably  a  positive 
force.  —  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  (Rep.). 

When  General  John  A.  Logan  died  the  Republican  Party  lost  its  most 
aggressive  partisan  and  the  most  picturesque  character  among  its 
prominent  public  men.  ...  As  a  man  of  the  people,  he  had  his 
chief  hold  on  the  people,  and  the  persistence  with  which  he  held  his 
own  against  circumstances  won  him  admiration,  even  from  the  opponents 
whom  his  own  partisanship  embittered  toward  him.  .  .  . — St.  Louis 
Republican  (Dem:). 

General  Logan  was  intensely  American.  Every  fibre  of  his  being 
pulsated  for  the  old  flag,  American  citizenship,  and  loyalty  to  the  party 
which  he  believed  had  saved  the  Nation.  .  .  .  His  death  comes  like 
an  electric  shock  to  the  country,  and  will  cause  wide-spread  grief  and 
universal  mourning.  Verily,  a  great  man  has  passed  away. — Minneapolis 
Tribune  (Rep.). 

General  Logan  was  an  uncompromising  partisan,  but  he  had  a  good 
heart.  There  was  nothing  malevolent  in  his  character.  The  country 
could  far  better  have  spared  some  reputed  saint  or  actual  iceberg  in 
our  politics  than  hot  headed,  ambitious,  volcanic,  but  able,  faithful, 
and  generous  "Black  Jack,"  of  Illinois. — Charleston  News  and  Courier 
(Dem.). 

His  great  popularity,  his  brilliant  participation  in  the  bloody  strug 
gle  between  the  North  and  the  South,  and  his  patriotic  services  in 
the  Senate,  united  to  the  insurmountable  opposition  which  exists  in 
the  bosom  of  a  portion  of  the  Republican  party  against  the  ponder 
ous  sway  of  Mr.  Elaine,  had,  moreover,  settled  upon  General  Logan 
to  fill  a  most  important  role  in  the  future  politics  of  the  country. 
Public  rumor  had,  in  fact,  designated  him  as  the  next  Republican  can 
didate  for  the  Presidency,  and  from  certain  acts  of  Mr.  Elaine  and  his 
friends,  it  would  appear  that  they  beheld  in  him  a  formidable  competi 
tor  for  nomination  as  the  next  Republican  candidate  for  the  Chief 
Magistracy. — New  York  Las  Novedades  (Ind.). 


484  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

General  Logan  did  not  owe  his  commanding  position  to  happy 
accidents.  He  was  the  architect  of  his  own  honorable  and  distinguished 
career.  In  war  a  gallant  soldier,  in  peace  a  forceful  statesmen,  at  all 
times  an  ?.\  ^ent  patriot,  the  key-note  to  his  character  appears  in  the  state 
ment  that  ne  was  one  who  had  the  courage  of  his  convictions  and  whose 
convictions  were  the  outcome  of  hard,  practical  sense. — New  York 
Tribune  (Rep.). 

His  friends  he  grappled  to  him  with  hooks  of  steel ;  his  enemies  he 
inspired  with  wholesome  fear  and  respect.  He  was  easily,  by  virtue  of 
the  length  and  scope  of  his  public  service,  the  most  illustrious  citizen 
of  Illinois,  and  his  death  leaves  a  void  in  the  political  and  social  life  of 
the  State  which  will  not  readily  be  filled,  and  the  memory  of  a  strong, 
rugged,  masterful  character,  unique  in  its  virtues  as  well  as  in  its 
faults,  which  will  not  soon  fade  from  the  public  mind. — Chicago  Times 
(Dem.). 

As  the  memories  of  Grant  and  Lincoln  are  revered  by  millions  of 
loyal  Americans,  so  will  the  fame  of  Logan  be  cherished  by  every 
citizen  whose  love  of  country  and  admiration  of  the  attributes  of  sterling 
manhood  make  him  a  worthy  dweller  under  the  beneficent  institutions 
which  Logan  in  battle  and  debate  fought  unceasingly  to  vindicate  and 
preserve. — Brooklyn  Union  (Rep.). 

Posterity  may  deny  General  Logan  a  high  place  among  the  political 
leaders  of  his  time,  but  it  cannot  take  from  him  the  fame  due  his 
energy,  valor,  and  capacity  as  an  officer  in  the  war  which  won  him  the 
praise  of  General  Grant,  who  pronounced  him  the  best  soldier  and 
officer  the  volunteer  service  had  given  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 
— Chicago  News  (Ind.). 

He  was  a  splendid  if  not  a  great  soldier,  a  remarkable  politician,  if 
not  a  statesman,  a  vigorous  speaker,  if  not  a  learned  or  skilful  orator, 
a  firm  friend,  an  open  enemy,  an  extreme  partisan,  and,  in  an  age  of 
golden-calf  worship  and  trickery,  an  honest  man.  His  political  associ 
ates  will  mourn  for  him  as  a  tower  of  strength  fallen  in  their  principal 
ity.  His  political  enemies  will  uncover  their  heads  in  the  presence  of 
death,  that  has  suddenly  smitten  down  an  intrepid  warrior  and  a 
doughty  civic  leader,  the  individual  like  of  whom  will  not  be  seen  in 
our  day  and  perhaps  for  centuries  to  come.  — Augusta,  Ga.,  Chronicle 
(Dem.). 

When  he  receives  what  is  his  due  he  will  be  credited  with  the  great 
est  and  most  timely  service  which  a  patriot  ever  rendered  his  country, 
because  before  the  war-cloud  burst  upon  the  country  he  went  out  and 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH. 


485 


proclaimed  to  the  Democracy,  with  whom  he  had  influence,  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  hour  to  sustain  Abraham  Lincoln.  But  for  the  timely 
efforts  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  John  A.  Logan,  and  a  few  others,  the  re 
sult  of  the  war  might  have,  yes,  would  have,  been  vastly  different  from 
what  it  was. — Boston  Journal  (Rep.). 

As  a  statesman,  General  Logan  had  few  or  no  superiors  among  his 
contemporaries.  His  statesmanship  was  based  on  common-sense,  his 
native  acute  intelligence,  his  familiar  knowledge  of  the  American  peo 
ple,  based  on  actual  observation  and  repeated  personal  contact  with  all 
classes,  and  on  his  reading  of  politics  and  history,  which  was  both  ex 
tensive  and  thorough.  He  was  a  skilful,  practical  politician,  and  sel 
dom  missed  the  objects  that  his  ambition  coveted. — Chicago  Journal 
(Rep.). 

He  leaves  to  his  family,  his  friends,  and  his  party  a  record  of  which 
all  may  be  proud — a  career  without  blot  or  stain,  and  one  which  the 
young  men  of  the  country  can  be  urged  to  emulate. — Pittsburg  Chron 
icle-Telegraph  (Ind.). 

With  the  death  of  Logan  one  of  the  most  prominent  actors  on  the 
political  proscenium  disappears  from  the  boards. — St.  Louis  Anzeiger  des 
Western  (Dem.). 

He  had  sufficient  command  of  the  English  language  to  enable  him 
to  rank  among  the  ablest  debaters  in  either  house  of  Congress.  He 
was  not  an  orator,  and  yet  such  was  the  energy  of  his  reasoning,  and 
such  the  vigor  of  his  declamation,  that  he  often  rose  to  the  height  of 
eloquence. — Richmond  Whig  (Dem.). 

His  important  service  to  the  Nation  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  will 
always  be  remembered  with  gratitude,  his  almost  constant  employment 
in  the  national  councils  since  the  war  marks  the  high  esteem  in  which 
he  was  held  by  his  State,  and  the  cordial  regard  which  he  had  secured 
from  his  associates  in  public  life  is  a  convincing  tribute  to  his  personal 
traits  of  character. — Boston  Herald  (Ind.). 

Had  General  Logan  devoted  less  attention  to  the  Presidential  ticket 
in  1884,  and  more  to  the  Senatorial  struggle  in  Illinois,  there  would  have 
been  no  doubt  or  trouble  about  his  re-election.  But  with  unselfish  loy 
alty  and  with  true  soldier  spirit  he  went  where  duty  called,  never  heed 
ing,  perhaps  never  caring  how  his  personal  interests  might  suffer.  This 
was  characteristic  of  the  man. — Chicago  Tribune  (Rep.). 

Nature  had  been  generous  to  him,  and  had  endowed  him  with  a  he 
roic  soul,  with  an  independent  judgment,  and  with  a  vigorous  eloquence 


486  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

which  never  failed  to  win  the  attention  and  the  sympathy  of  those  who 
heard  him.  He  was  a  strenuous  but  a  generous  foe,  nor  was  there  in 
all  the  land  any  man  more  faithful  than  he  to  the  friends  he  loved  and 
to  the  cause  he  espoused. — New  York  Star  (Dem.). 

Among  the  Volunteer  officers  of  the  great  conflict  he  holds  the  fore 
most  place  unless  General  Terry  may  be  said  to  dispute  the  palm  with 
him.  This  is  sufficient  for  his  enduring  fame.  Much  less  would  satisfy 
most  of  us.  He  did  not  reach  the  goal  of  his  ambition,  but  there  are 
not  above  half  a  dozen  on  the  list  of  Presidents  of  the  Republic  whose 
place  in  history  any  rational  man  would  prefer  to  his. — New  York 
Evening  Post  (Ind.). 

As  a  leader  in  the  army,  in  the  legislative  halls,  in  all  benevolent  and 
charitable  acts,  as  a  private  citizen  and  as  an  official,  General  Logan  was 
ever  ready  to  perform  his  full  duty. —  Wisconsin  State  Journal  (Rep.). 

He  was  a  patriot  and  a  natural  soldier.  His  career  has  always  been 
marked  by  dash  and  gallantry,  simplicity  and  directness,  and  dauntless 
courage. —  Toledo  Commercial  (Rep.). 

There  have  been,  and  no  doubt  there  are,  greater  men  than  General 
Logan,  but  there  is  not  and  never  was  a  purer  patriot  or  more  sincere 
friend.  .  .  .  Happy  and  powerful  must  be  the  country  that  has  for 
its  citizens,  defenders,  and  protectors,  men  like  John  A.  Logan. — Indian 
apolis  Journal  (Rep.). 

He  was  widely  read  and  deeply  where  occasion  sent  him  to  the  bottom 
of  a  subject.  His  speech  was  neither  the  polished  granite  of  New 
England  nor  the  flowery  exuberance  of  the  South,  but  a  plain,  vigorous 
English,  pointed  with  the  picturesqueness  of  the  West. — Wheeling  In 
telligencer*  (Rep.). 

Too  faithful,  if  anything,  to  his  party,  he  has  stood  forth  in  the  front 
ranks  to  meet  the  missiles  of  political  opponents,  and  nobody  ever  ac 
cused  him  of  dishonesty,  and  it  is  equally  true  that  nobody  ever  accused 
him  of  letting  any  contest  go  by  default. — Lynn,  Mass.,  Bee  (Ind.). 

General  Logan  held  in  the  War  of  Secession,  in  which  he  took  an 
active  part,  the  highly  honorable  distinction  of  the  "Murat  of  the 
Union  army."  ...  By  General  Logan's  death  the  number  of  the 
possible  Republican  candidates  for  the  next  Presidency  is  diminished  by 
a  very  considerable  unit. — Der  Deutsche  Correspondent,  Baltimore  (Dem.). 

The  loss  of  a  wholesome,  vigorous  personality  in  politics  like  Gen 
eral  Logan  is  one  of  the  hardest  blows  that  could  be  delivered  to  Ameri- 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND   DEATH.  487 

can  public  life  at  this  period,  when  insincerity,  deceit,  and  unworthiness 
aspire  to  and  attain  leadership  in  political  thought  only  to  barter  it  for 
personal  gain. — Albany  Evening  Journal  (Rep.). 

He  was  a  strong  partisan  and  was  one  of  the  last  remaining  relics  of 
the  old-time,  thorough-going  Republicans  of  the  war  and  reconstruction 
periods,  who  believed  implicitly  in  their  party  under  all  circumstances 
and  as  implicitly  disbelieved  in  the  Democrats,  individually  and  col 
lectively. — New  York  Commercial  Advertiser  (Rep.). 

He  was  tremendously  in  earnest,  was  incorruptibly  honest  through 
out  temptations  which  seduced  abler  as  well  as  richer  men,  and  was  a 
model  of  conjugal  affection.  Such  a  record  is  a  far  richer  legacy  than 
money  to  bequeath  to  one's  family. — New  York  Graphic  (Dem.). 

Let  the  close  analysts  of  human  motives  and  methods  say  what  they 
may  of  John  A.  Logan  as  a  politician  and  a  statesman,  they  cannot  deny 
him  the  tribute  which  Americans  as  a  nation  are  always  ready  to  pay 
to  the  sincere  patriot,  the  brave  soldier,  and  the  public  man  whose 
hands  and  whose  purse  are  not  afraid  of  the  daylight. —  Washington,  D. 
C.,  Evening  Star  (Ind.). 

His  hold  upon  the  people  was  of  the  strongest.  His  methods  were  as 
effective  as  they  were  crude.  .  .  .  His  sincerity  was  seldom  ques 
tioned.  He  will  be  remembered  as  an  aggressive,  manly,  shrewd,  per 
tinacious  politician — in  many  respects  a  representative  American  of  the 
West.— New  York  Sun  (Dem.). 

Logan  was  a  politician  ere  he  became  a  soldier ;  and  resuming  his 
civic  life,  in  doffing  his  soldier's  uniform,  he  well  knew  how  to  make 
his  political  career  a  brilliant  one. — New  Yorker  Staats  Zeitung  (Ind.). 

The  memory  of  the  veterans  must  ever  be  kept  green,  and  among 
those  whose  manly  qualities  entitle  them  to  the  aifectionate  remembrance 
of  all  Americans  the  name  of  John  A.  Logan  will  not  be  overlooked. — 
Philadelphia  Times,  (Ind  ). 

His  finished  career,  like  that  of  Lincoln,  Grant,  and  Garfield,  illus 
trates  anew  the  possibility  of  great  achievement  in  this  free  land  even 
by  those  whose  conditions  of  early  life  are  most  adverse.  ...  He 
was  a  man  whom  his  country  and  his  commonwealth,  hardly  Jess  than 
his  family,  could  ill  afford  to  lose. — Milwaukee  Wisconsin  (Rep.). 

Especially  will  the  death  of  the  valiant  Union  soldier  be  mourned 
by  the  soldier  element,  with  which  he  enjoyed  an  unusual  popularity. 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

The  Republican  party  loses  in  Logan  one  of  its  truest  and  most  loyal 
adherents.     The  people  of  the  entire  Union  will  lament  the  final  de 
parture  of  a  brave  champion  of  the  Union,  an  honest  and  spotless  poll 
tician,  and  an  upright  man,  whose  memory  they  will  always  hold  in  the 
highest  honor. — Cincinnati  Volksfreund  (Dem.). 

General  Logan  was  a  brave  soldier  and  a  capable  commander — the 
ablest  volunteer  general  of  the  war. — New  York  World  (Dem.). 

Logan  is  one  more  gone  of  a  type  of  vigorous  men  peculiar  to  our 
country.  .  .  .  He  will  appear  to  later  generations  a  characteristic 
personality  in  the  history  of  his  times. — N.  Y.  Morning  Journal  (Dem.). 

Logan  was  a  gallant,  heroic  spirit,  with  a  heart  as  true  as  steel,  and 
it  will  not  be  easy  to  fill  the  void  he  leaves. — Philadelphia  Press  (Rep.). 

Senator  Logan  had  many  qualities  to  admire.  .  .  .  And  he  was 
thoroughly  liked  and  admired  in  private  life  by  his  Congressional  asso 
ciates  of  all  parties.  He  was  incorruptibly  honest,  and  no  shadow  of 
taint  ever  rested  upon  his  good  name,  and  not  even  suspicion  assailed  his 
integrity. — Nashville  American  (Dem.). 

.  .  .  None  of  the  abundant  criticism  invited  by  his  public  acts 
ever  affected  his  patriotism,  public  virtue,  or  personal  integrity.  He  re 
mained  singularly  pure  in  an  era  when  corruption  was  scarcely  excep 
tional,  and  a  loose  construction  of  public  obligations  the  rule. 
He  was  a  leader  of  men  by  the  force  of  his  personal  character  rather 
than  by  any  talent  for  organization.  .  .  .  He  will  remain  a  pictu 
resque  and  commanding  figure  in  the  history  of  his  times. — St.  Paid 
Press  (Rep.). 

Whatever  else  may  be  said  of  his  public  life,  all  will  admit  that  Lo 
gan  was  honest,  and  what  he  was,  he  was.  There  was  never  any  doubt 
as  to  where  he  stood.  Take  him  in  the  two  roles,  both  the  military  and 
the  civil,  as  a  soldier  and  statesman,  he  was  by  far  the  most  conspicuous 
man  of  his  party.  What  he  did,  he  did  with  all  his  might. — Nashville 
Union  (Dem.). 

His  brilliant  career  in  the  War  of  Secession  ended,  General  Logan  re- 
entered  political  life,  uniting  himself  to  the  Republican  party  ;  and  both 
in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  National  Legislature 
was  always  an  influential  and  conspicuous  figure. — New  York  L Eco 
a" Italia  (Ind). 

He  was  a  typical  American.  His  education,  what  there  was  of  it, 
was  good,  and  he  added  to  it  continually  by  his  ready  observation  and 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH.  489 

adaptability.     From  the  first  he  was  prominent  among  his  fellow-men. 
—Baltimore  American  (Rep.). 

No  man  is  destitute  of  weaknesses  and  foibles.  General  Logan  had 
his,  and  at  times  they  were  grave  ones  ;  but  in  the  end  his  bravery  and 
high  sense  of  right  effaced  them  all,  and  leaves  us  a  record  of  achieve 
ment  worthy  of  honor.  —  Boston  Advertiser  (Rep.). 

Logan  was  a  gallant  and  capable  soldier,  but  it  cannot  justly  be  said 
of  him  that  he  was  a  statesman.  But  it  can  and  ought  to  be  said  of  him 
that  he  was  honest  to  the  backbone,  frank  and  outspoken,  and,  if  ambi 
tious,  most  honorably  so.  —  New  York  Herald  (Ind.). 

He  had  his  faults,  but  they  were  of  judgment,  not  intention.  He 
had  his  enemies,  but  they  respected  him.  He  was  often  the  victim  of 
unjust  aspersion  and  malignant  attack,  but  he  bore  himself  manfully 
and  outlived  them  all.  He  had  his  ambitions,  but  they  were  honorable, 
and  it  is  to  his  eternal  glory  that  even  his  ambitions  could  tempt  him  to 
no  dishonorable  act.  —  Cleveland  Plain  Dealer  (Dem.). 

Few  public  men  have  died  in  this  country  and  been  more  sincerely 
mourned,  and  the  amount  of  generous  tributes  which  are  being  paid  to 
Logan  by  political  opponents  is  almost  without  precedent.  —  Baltimore 
Herald 


General  Logan  never  did  anything  by  halves.  He  was  always  a 
strong,  earnest  partisan.  Before  the  war  he  was  an  intense  Democrat. 
During  the  war  he  was  a  fighting  general.  After  the  war  he  was  an 
uncompromising  Republican.  He  was  a  brave,  gallant  man,  in  war  or 
in  politics.  —  Buffalo  Courier  (Dem.). 

Unswerving  in  loyalty  to  his  country,  great  in  the  statesmanship  that 
rescued  it  from  the  perils  succeeding  war,  and  kindly  and  gentle  in  all 
the  relations  of  social  life,  General  Logan  fulfilled  the  ideal  of  the  best 
type  of  American  citizenship.  —  Detroit  Tribune  (Rep.). 

From  the  beginning  to  the  end,  he  was  most  successful  in  winning 
and  keeping  posts  of  honor,  both  in  war  and  peace.  As  a  soldier  he 
was  resolute,  clear-sighted  and  reliable,  and  gallant  to  a  fault  ;  as  a 
Senator,  painstaking,  industrious  and  conscientious.  —  Louisville  Courier- 
Journal  (Dem.). 

What  John  A.  Logan,  impetuous  and  vigorous,  may  have  said  as  a 
Democrat,  goes  for  naught  when  we  consider  what  John  A.  Logan,  as 
a  Republican,  did  for  his  country  during  the  struggle  which  drove  sla 
very  out  of  the  United  States.  —  Wilmington,  Del.,  News  (Rep.). 


490  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Gener.il  Logan  is  worthy  a  place  among  the  strong  men  of  the 
passing  generation  who  have  so  recently  gone  from  life  into  history.— 
Boston  Post  (Dem.). 

John  Alexander  Logan  was  an  able  man,  a  fearless  man,  an  honest 
man.  He  was  a  gallant  soldier,  and  served  his  country  in  its  hour  of 
need.  He  was  a  conscientious,  faithful  legislator.  What  better  record 
needs  an  American  citizen  to  leave  with  his  friends  and  countrymen  ? — 
Boston  Globe  (Dem.). 

It  can  be  said  of  General  Logan  that  he  possessed  in  a  very  high  de 
gree  the  admiration  and  the  confidence  of  the  American  people,  and  no 
one  held  a  higher  place  in  the  affections  of  his  comrades  composing  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. — Pittsburg  Commercial  Gazette  (Rep.). 

It  is  a  great  deal  to  say,  as  can  be  truly  said  of  him,  that  he  was  one  of 
the  bravest  men,  physically  and  morally,  that  ever  lived,  a  brilliant  and 
great  volunteer  soldier,  an  incorruptible  citizen  and  legislator,  and  a 
patriot  of  rare  intensity  and  enthusiasm. — Hartford  Courant  (Rep.). 

He  commanded  the  respect  of  the  best  men  of  his  own  party  and  of 
the  men  of  the  opposition,  whom  he  fought  vigorously  and  courageously. 
He  was  a  fine  development  of  American  institutions.  He  belonged  to 
a  race  cast  in  a  large  mould,  a  race  fast  dying  out. — New  York  Mail  and 
Express  (Rep.). 

Concerning  his  rank  as  a  statesman,  opinions  greatly  differ ;  but  the 
frankness  and  sincerity  of  his  character,  the  strength  and  devotion  of 
his  friendships,  and  the  sturdy  way  in  which  he  stood  up  for  any  cause 
he  espoused,  won  the  admiration  of  his  countrymen. — Eastern  Argus 
(Dem.). 

Altogether  it  has  been  a  strange  career  and  a  great  one.  Force  and 
brilliancy,  courage  and  persistency,  were  his  leading  characteristics.  But 
we  have  had  few  men  who,  living,  were  more  respected  and  loved  ;  and 
we  have  few  dead,  to  whose  memory  the  Nation  turns  with  such  tearful 
grief  and  such  affectionate  reverence. — Cincinnati  Enquirer  (Dem.). 

So  strong  was  the  love  of  the  old-soldier  element  for  this  former 
leader  and  later  champion  that  it  has  desired  him  at  the  head  of  National 
affairs,  and  would  have  demanded  him  in  such  unmistakable  terms  that 
gladly  would  all  the  people  have  hearkened  to  the  mighty  voice  and 
obeyed  its  behest.— Chicago  Mail  (Ind.). 

He  was  an  excellent  soldier  of  two  wars,  and  a  statesman  of  a  quarter 
of  a  century's  active  service.  .  *  k  As  a  man  he  was  upright,  honest, 


LOGAN'S  LAST  DAYS  AND  DEATH.  491 

bold,  frank,  and  sincere  ;  as  a  legislator  incorruptible,  but  generous  ;  as 
a  soldier  brave,  skilful,  and  successful. — New  Orleans  Picayune  (Dem.). 

At  various  times  since  the  great  campaign,  political  and  personal 
enemies  of  our  greatest  citizen  soldier  thoughtlessly  asked,  "  Who  will 
mourn  for  Logan  now  ?  "  .  .  .A  Nation  mourns  for  Logan  now. — 
Youngstown,  O.,  Telegram  (Rep.). 

A  brave  fighter  either  in  the  field  or  forum,  he  stood  for  the  name  and 
glory  of  his  country  as  long  as  he  had  life,  and  his  death  will  raise  a 
monument  to  his  memory  as  lasting  as  the  annals  of  his  time. — New 
Brunswick^  N.  J.,  Fredonian  (Rep.). 

His  influence  over  the  soldier  vote  was  seen  in  1884,  and  has  been 
shown  since  by  the  enthusiasm  he  has  aroused  at  various  encampments 
of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. — Kansas  City  Times  (Dem.). 

Both  as  soldier  and  Senator,  Logan  represented  a  type  of  character 
that  is  not  common  in  this  generation.  But  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
type  that  succeeds  him  will  have  the  ability  to  fight  for  its  ideas  as  well 
as  he  &\&.—Pittsburg  Dispatch  (Ind.). 

In  the  counsels  of  the  Nation  he  was  listened  to  with  uniform  respect, 
and  in  the  affections  and  esteem  of  his  party  he  had  won  such  eminent 
place  as  to  be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  its  honored 
leaders. — Philadelphia  North  American  (Rep.). 

With  the  leaders  as  with  the  rank  and  file  of  his  party,  he  was  strong 
— stronger,  perhaps,  than  any  other  man  his  party's  convention  could 
have  chosen  two  years  ago — stronger,  perhaps,  than  any  other  man  his 
party's  convention  can  choose  two  years  hence.—  Richmond  State  (Dem.). 

His  contest  with  Ohio  Republicans,  and  theirs  with  him,  are  ended. 

.     .  "  But  they  will  never  forget  his  splendid  service  in  the  field,  nor 

the  general  wholesomeness  of   his  public  career,   and  they  will  stand 

among  the  sincerest  mournersat  his  grave. — Cin.  Commercial  Gazette  (Rep.). 

The  features  of  General  Logan's  character  upon  which  it  is  pleasantest 
to  dwell  at  this  time  are  the  fearlessness  with  which  he  gave  utterance 
to  his  convictions,  whatever  they  might  be,  and  his  sterling  integrity. — 
Florida  Times-Union  (Dem.). 

Logan  was  the  soldier's  friend  and  advocate  more  distinctively  than 
any  other  public  character  of  the  period  since  the  war.  The  Republican 
ticket  of  1884  reversed,  and  the  result  would  have  been  in  greater  doubt 


492 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


or  no  doubt  at  all.     His  death  brings  a  shock  to  all. — Milwaukee  Journal 
(Ind.). 

The  country  loses  in  the  departure  of  one  trained  in  the  school  of  so 
many  activities,  and  the  Republican  party  will  greatly  rniss  a  leader  who 
was  instant  in  its  service  and  devoted  to  the  utmost  of  his  nature. — 
Springfield  Republican  (Ind.). 

Senator  Logan  was  a  man  of  marked  individuality,  that  showed  itself 
in  both  the  military  and  civil  sides  of  his  career,  in  both  of  which  he  won 
high  rank. — Montreal  Gazette  (Cons.). 

He  was  a  son  of  Illinois,  born  on  her  soil  and  reared  boy,  youth,  and 
man  among  her  people.  He  was  friend  and  neighbor,  as  well  as  the 
honored  citizen.  He  was  the  best  known,  the  best  loved,  the  first  favor 
ite  in  the  family  of  favorite  sons,  and  his  death  will  be  most  deeply 
mourned. — Illinois  State  Journal  (Rep.). 

He  was  in  the  maturity  of  his  powers,  and  his  long  experience  in  pub 
lic  life  and  native  abilities  made  him  one  of  the  foremost  and  strongest 
men  in  the  Senate. — Concord,  N.  H.,  Monitor  (Rep.). 

We  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  whole  country — North  and 
South — regarded  General  Logan  with  more  respect  and  honor  at  the 
close  of  the  Presidential  canvas  than  when  it  opened. — Petersburg,  Va., 
Index-Appeal  (Dem.). 

From  the  beginning  of  the  war,  when  his  life  came  into  prominence, 
his  character  has  been  uniformly  consistent.  He  was  a  patriot  of  the 
most  intense  nature. — Pittsburg  Press  (Rep.). 

If  not  so  accomplished  and  cultivated  as  some  of  his  political  com 
peers  and  associates,  he  was  a  strong  and  courageous  man,  who  always 
commanded  the  confidence  of  his  friends  and  the  admiration  of  the 
people. — Macon,  Ga.,  Telegraph  (Dem.). 

As  a  commanding  general  in  the  army,  his  record  forms  a  large  and 
enduring  part  of  the  history  of  the  War  for  the  Constitution.     .     . 
In  times  of  corruption  he  was  incorruptible.     In  times  of  public  exi 
gency  he  was  never  timid  or  irresolute. —  Washington,  D.  C.,  Critic  (Ind.). 

The  country  is  never  so  well  supplied  with  worthy  men  that  the  loss 
of  such  a  man  as  Logan  will  not  be  severely  felt. — St.  Louis  Globe-Demo 
crat  (Rep.). 


PART  VII. 


ADDENDA. 

GENERAL    LOGAN'S    INFLUENCE    UPON    OUR    STATUTE-BOOK THE 

IMPRESS    OF    HIS    THOUGHT    ON    ALL    IMPORTANT    LEGISLATION 
ENACTED  SINCE  THE  WAR  OF  THE  REBELLION. 

IT  would  fill  many  pages  to  give  merely  a  list  of  the 
legislative  measures  which  were  originated  or  perfected 
by  General  Logan,  and  are  now  upon  the  statute-book. 
Scarcely  a  measure  of  National  importance  has  been  passed 
by  Congress  during  the  nearly  twenty  years  since  the  sup 
pression  of  the  Rebellion,  whether  upholding  and  strengthen 
ing  the  public  credit  and  touching  finances  generally,  or 
respecting  the  reconstruction  and  rehabilitation  of  the  insur 
rectionary  States,  the  retrenchment  and  reduction  of  govern 
mental  expenses,  the  reform  of  abuses  in  the  machinery  of 
Government,  the  various  appropriation  bills,  measures  look 
ing  to  pensions  and  their  increase,  and  the  equalization  of 
bounties,  the  tariff  or  the  internal  revenue,  the  civil  service, 
army  reform,  currency  and  national  banks,  internal  improve 
ments,  railroad  subsidies,  public  lands,  Indian  affairs,  the 
education  of  the  masses,  that  does  not  bear  the  impress  of 
his  brain  and  hand.  And  this  could  hardly  be  otherwise 
when  we  consider  his  knowledge  of  affairs,  his  fervid  patri 
otism,  the  fertility  and  grasp  of  his  mind,  and  the  restless 
energy  that  always  distinguished  him,  in  connection  with  the 
long  period  of  his  services  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  after 
the  war,  and  the  important  committees  on  which  he  was  ac- 


494 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


tively  engaged.  Thus,  in  the  House,  he  was  on  the  Commit 
tee  of  Ways  and  Means  and  Joint  Committee  on  Ordnance 
from  March,  1867,  to  March,  1869;  from  that  time  until  March, 
1871,  on  the  Pacific  Railroad  Committee,  as  well  as  chair 
man  of  the  Military  Committee.  In  the  Senate,  from  March, 
1871,  to  March  26,  1873,  he  served  on  the  committees  on 
Privileges  and  Election,  Public  Lands,  Mines  and  Mining, 
Pensions,  and  Military  Affairs,  of  which  latter  he  became 
chairman  by  the  resignation  of  Senator  Wilson  (upon  his 
election  to  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States),  be 
sides  being  on  the  Select  Committee  on  the  sale  of  arms  to 
France  during  the  Franco-Germanic  war  ;  his  services  on 
the  Committee  on  Privileges  and  Elections  and  as  chairman 
of  the  Military  Committee  continuing  to  March  3,  1875. 
The  following  two  years,  besides  being  chairman  of  the  Mili 
tary  Committee,  he  was  also  on  the  Finance  Committee  as 
well  as  Privileges  and  Elections,  and  the  Select  Committee 
on  Counting  the  Electoral  Vote.  From  December,  1879,  to 
March,  1881,  he  was  on  the  committees  on  Privileges  and 
Elections,  Military  Affairs,  Indian  Affairs,  the  Territories, 
and  the  Select  Committee  to  examine  the  several  branches 
of  the  Civil  Service.  From  that  time  (except  during  the 
brief  interregnum  between  March  4,  1885,  and  his  re-elec 
tion,)  until  his  death  he  served  as  chairman  of  Military  Af 
fairs,  as  well  as  (most  of  that  time)  on  the  Judiciary  Commit 
tee,  Committee  on  Appropriations,  Indian  Affairs,  the  Select 
Committee  to  examine  into  the  condition  of  the  Sioux  Ind 
ians,  and  the  Select  Committee  on  the  improvement  of  the 
Mississippi  River.  The  pages  of  this  work  give  evidence  of 
the  effectiveness  of  General  Logan's  speeches.  But  if  he 
spoke  well,  he  worked  still  better.  Said  the  Sonoma  (Cal.) 
Index,  December  18,  1880,  of  him : 

He  has  more  than  once  declined  a  foreign  appointment,  as  also  a 
Cabinet  portfolio.  Logan  is  one  of  the  most  useful  men  in  the  United 
States  Senate  ;  he  makes  few  speeches,  but  is  always  working  for  his 


ADDENDA. 

constituents.  Not  only  his  own  State,  but  the  whole  Mississippi  Val 
ley,  receives  the  benefit  of  his  watchful  care  ;  he  has  secured  more  and 
larger  appropriations  for  the  entire  region  drained  by  the  Mississippi 
than  have  any  half-dozen  other  Senators  combined.  No  man  under 
stands  more  fully  the  condition  of  public  affairs,  and  none  is  more 
watchful  of  the  public  welfare. 

SECRET  OF  LOGAN'S  POPULARITY  WITH  THE  FARMER,  THE  LA 
BORER,  THE  SOLDIER,  THE  COLORED  MAN,  AND  THE  IRISH 
VOTER. 

General  Logan's  attitude  on  all  the  burning  questions  of 
the  two  past  decades  were  known  of  all  men.  Hence  his 
great  popularity  with  the  farmer,  with  the  laborer,  with  the 
veteran  soldier,  with  the  colored  man,  with  the  Irish  voter. 
His  strength  with  the  Irish  citizen  grew  out  of  the  fact  that 
he  had  Irish  blood  in  his  veins,  and  had  shown  sympathy  for 
that  race  in  whatever  of  wrong  they  may  have  suffered.  His 
efforts  to  distribute  the  $60,000,000  of  annual  revenue  to  the 
States  and  Territories  in  the  ratio  of  their  population,  in  the 
cause  of  education,  made  him  strong  with  the  laboring  ele 
ment,  which  he  desired  to  benefit  and  exalt.  No  man  stood 
better  with  the  working-classes  than  he.  Said  the  St.  Louis 
Mining  News,  before  his  nomination  for  the  Vice-Presi 
dency:  "  Senator  Logan  expended  $50,000  in  trying  to  de 
velop  coal  in  Illinois.  Though  the  venture  was  unsuccessful, 
the  Senator  did  not  mourn  the  loss  of  the  money,  because 
the  mining  people  got  it.  He  is  the  advocate  of  laws  for  the 
protection  of  the  lives  of  miners  while  underground  ;  and  he 
would  receive  the  miners'  vote,  which  is  a  big  thing  in  this 
country."  Said  the  Springfield  (111.)  Monitor,  August, 
1 88 1  :  "  To  see  John  A.  Logan  (at  Carbondale)  with  a 
wide-brimmed  straw  hat,  blue  woollen  shirt,  and  butternut 
pants  on,  astride  of  his  favorite,  'Dolly,'  going  backward  and 
forward  to  his  wheat-fields,  and  while  there,  taking  a  hand 
'  shocking '  after  his  twine-binders,  is  a  sight  which  every 


496  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

constituency  of  Senators  is  not  permitted  to  witness.  After 
a  hard  day's  work  in  the  field  with  the  boys,  he  lies  on  the 
grass  with  them  in  the  evening,  while  lemonade  is  freely 
passed  around,  and  all  hands  join  in  discussing  the  news  of 
the  day.  This  is  John  A.  Logan  at  home,  and  yet  some 
people  wonder  why  it  is  that  he  has  such  a  hold  on  the 
boys."  A  farmer  himself,  he  knew  what  legislation  the 
farmers  wanted,  and  did  his  best  to  secure  it  for  them, 
whether  through  protection  or  otherwise.  Said  the  Jones- 
boro'  (111.)  Gazette:  "He  is  in  favor  of  improving  the  Mis 
sissippi  and  Ohio  Rivers,  and  making  them  the  great  thor 
oughfares  by  which  our  grain  can  be  sent  to  the  European 
markets.  He  also  favors  a  ship-canal  from  Chicago  to  the 
Mississippi  River."  In  consequence  of  his  attitude  on  these 
questions,  had  he  been  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Republican 
Presidential  ticket,  he  would  have  made  a  great  run  through 
out  the  Mississippi  Valley  States.  That  he  would  also  have 
brought  out  the  colored  vote  everywhere,  cannot  be  doubted. 
Evidences  of  his  broad  views  of  those  rights  of  man  which 
are  at  the  very  root  of  our  liberties  are  to  be  found  every 
where  in  his  speeches  and  votes — from  that  July  day  in  1865, 
when  at  the  court-house  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  he  made  his 
impassioned  and  eloquent  plea  for  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  and  the  consent  of  Kentucky  to  the  Constitutional 
Amendment  prohibiting  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude, 
down  to  his  lamented  death.  Not  only,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  he  the  final  drafter  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  but  ever  since  the  war  he  strenuously  worked 
and  spoke  for  civil  rights  and  their  exercise,  and  he  believed 
in  enforcing  them.  In  one  of  his  speeches  at  Indianapolis  he 
said  :  "  Now  we  have  given  these  people  all  of  these  rights. 
If  we  do  not  intend  to  protect  them  in  the  enjoyment  of 
these  rights  we  should  not  have  given  them.  I  say  to  you 
to-night  that  the  Southern  Democrats  have  got  to  quit 
murdering  Republicans,  no  matter  whether  they  are  white  or 


ADDENDA. 


497 


black."  In  another  of  his  utterances  in  1880,  touching  the 
question  of  "  the  rights  of  citizens  to  protection  in  the  exer 
cise  of  their  political  rights  under  our  form  of  Government," 
after  quoting  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  and  showing  the 
fallacy  of  the  reasoning  of  those  who  hold  that  the  National 
Government  has  ample  power  and  would  exercise  it  to  the 
extent  of  war,  if  need  be,  to  protect  the  American  citizen  on 
foreign  soil,  but  has  no  power  to  protect  the  American  citizen 
on  our  own  soil,  he  said  :  "  It  would  be  quite  as  reasonable 
to  say  you  cannot  protect  your  property  on  your  own  farm, 
but  as  soon  as  it  is  safely  placed  on  your  neighbor's  you  may 
do  so,  even  to  the  shedding  of  blood.  I  think  the  people  of 
this  or  any  other  Government  would  prefer  to  have  protec 
tion  at  home  rather  than  be  compelled  to  go  to  foreign  soil 
for  it.  I  do  not  agree  to  this  latter  doctrine  for  a  moment. 
The  fabric  of  our  Government  is  not  so  weak  as  this.  It  is 
a  Government  clothed  by  the  people  with  sovereign  powers, 
through  which  justice  can  be  administered,  domestic  tran 
quillity  preserved,  the  common  defence  provided  for,  the  gen 
eral  welfare  promoted,  the  blessings  of  liberty  secured  to  all, 
and  its  citizens  at  home  and  abroad  protected  in  all  the  rights 
pertaining  to  them  as  citizens  of  the  Republic  ;  and  unless 
the  authority  shall  be  asserted  under  the  Constitution  and 
laws  to  do  this,  there  is  great  danger  menacing  the  Repub 
lic."  The  colored  people  knew  that  Logan  spoke  as  he 
thought  and  acted  as  he  spoke ;  that  had  the  Providence 
of  God  devolved  upon  him  the  duties  of  Chief  Executive, 
Copiah  assassinations  and  Danville  massacres  would  have 
ceased ;  that  he  would  have  found  a  way  under  the  Con 
stitution  as  it  is  and  the  laws  as  they  are,  to  protect  them 
in  their  political  rights,  of  which  they  have  so  long  been  de 
frauded  by  Southern  Democrats.  As  to  the  soldier  vote,— 
that  vote  which  is  cast,  not  alone  by  the  soldiers  themselves, 
but  by  their  relatives  and  friends  as  well  ;  that  prodigious 
vote,  which  goes  into  the  millions, — without  a  doubt  it  would 


498  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

have  gone  solid  for  the  Presidential  ticket  headed  by  the 
honored  name  of  Logan,  the  soldier's  friend  par  excellence. 
Not  one  of  the  veterans  would  have  forgotten — aside  from 
the  common  glories  which  he  shared  with  them  on  the  battle 
field,  in  the  siege,  or  on  the  dreary  march — how  he  after- 
ward  worked  year  in  and  year  out  for  them  in  both  branches 
of  Congress,  in  the  matter  of  pensions,  arrears  of  pensions, 
and  equalization  of  bounties;  nor  how,  regardless  of  time, 
trouble,  and  expense,  he  corresponded  with  them  and  urged 
their  cases  to  prompt  settlement ;  nor  the  fact  that  no  crip 
pled  soldier  nor  soldier's  widow  nor  orphan  ever  appealed  to 
him  for  help,  so  far  as  it  was  possible  for  him  to  help,  in  vain. 
Letters  by  the  hundreds — not  from  Illinois  alone,  but  from 
all  parts  of  the  Union — came  daily  in  his  mail  from  the  sol 
diers  or  their  survivors,  and  obliged  him  to  keep  several 
clerks  to  attend  to  them.  These  things  would  not  have 
been  forgotten  by  the  old  soldiers. 

And  then  the  people, — aye,  the  people  ! — can  it  be  sup 
posed  for  an  instant  that  they  would  have  forgotten  the  great 
soldier  who  fought  so  gallantly  to  preserve  to  them  the  Na 
tion  and  their  great  heritage  of  freedom  ?  They  had  watched 
General  Logan's  course  with  interest  since  the  war.  They 
knew  that  he  was  an  able  man,  a  courageous  man,  a  sincere 
man,  a  frank  and  honest  and  manly  man,  a  magnetic  leader. 
They  could  not  forget  the  record  of  John  A.  Logan's  useful 
public  life,  nor  that  it  fully  kept  step,  word  for  word,  with 
that  grand  declaration  of  his  belief  in  the  people  and  his  own 
dedication  to  their  service  : 

THE  PEOPLE  ARE  HONEST,  THE  PEOPLE  ARE  BRAVE,  AND 
THE  PEOPLE  ARE  TRUE.  .  .  .  WHILE  I  LIVE  I  WILL  STAND  AS 
THEIR  DEFENDER.  LIVING  OR  DYING,  I  SHALL  DEFEND  THE 
LIBERTIES  OF  THIS  PEOPLE,  MAKING  WAR  AGAINST  DICTATION 
AND  AGAINST  ARISTOCRACY,  AND  IN  FAVOR  OF  REPUBLICANISM. 


ADDENDA. 


THE  CHARGE    THAT    LOGAN  "  MURDERED    THE    KING'S    ENGLISH  " 

DISPOSED  OF HIS    SPEECHES  "  BEDS  OF  PEARLS  " A  RANDOM 

STRING  OF  THEM. 

It  has  often  been  said  by  the  enemies  of  General  Logan 
that  he  "  murdered  the  king's  English," — that  he  could  not 
speak  grammatically, — although  they  long  since  abandoned 
their  other  pet  falsehood,  that  he  did  not  make  his  own 
speeches.  He  knocked  down -too  many  Democrats  in  brill 
iant  impromptu  debate  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  for  any 
of  his  most  inveterate  enemies  to  pretend  to  believe  that  his 
speeches  were  not  his  own.  But  they  still  fell  back  on  the 
other  falsehood,  that  he  could  not  speak  with  nice  grammati 
cal  precision.  Now  the  fact  of  the  matter  is,  that  General 
Logan  as  a  college-graduate  ought  to  have  been,  and  was, 
able  to  write  and  speak  with  as  much  accuracy  as  any  other 
college-bred  man.  It  may  be  that  instances  can  be  found  in 
some  of  his  speeches  where  the  wonderful  rush  of  his  ideas 
slightly  tripped  the  tongue.  What  of  that?  It  has  always 
been  the  same  with  every  great  extempore  speaker  who  has 
not  previously  studied  and  committed  to  memory  his  phrases. 
The  main  difference  between  Logan  and  other  great  speak 
ers  of  the  past  and  present  is,  that  the  latter  have  been  care 
ful  to  correct  their  speeches  after  delivery  and  before  pub 
lication,  while  the  former  cared  solely  for  the  effect  he 
produced  on  his  auditors  at  the  time  of  delivery.  His 
speeches,  like  his  battle-charges,  are  full  of  impetuous  ear 
nestness — full  of  brave  and  weighty  thoughts  uttered  for 
some  noble  and  always  patriotic  object.  If  he'  could  sway 
the  thronging  multitudes  with  the  magnetism  of  his  person 
and  the  magical  force  of  his  reasoning  and  fervid  eloquence, 
what  cared  he  for  the  applause  of  the  scholastic  dilettanti  ? 
In  battle  or  on  the  stump,  where  rough-hewn  Western  forms 
of  expression  are  often  the  most  effective,  in  the  Senate  or  at 
the  bar,  what  mattered  the  battle-cry,  the  storied  illustration, 


5oo 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


the  cogent  logic,  the  compact  argument,  so  long  as  the  enemy 
was  beaten,  the  audience  captivated,  the  legislative  measure 
carried  or  defeated,  the  judge  or  jury  convinced  ?  These 
were  his  objective  points  always  in  every  field  of  effort ;  aim 
ing,  not  at  the  mere  reputation  of  a  precise  regulation-soldier, 
a  carefully  finished  stump-speaker,  a  Senatorial  phrase-orator, 
or  an  ornate  authority  on  jurisprudence,  but  rather  at  times 
with  the  half  contempt  of  a  man  who  had  excelled  on  so 
many  and  such  diverse  fields  of  thought  and  action,  ignoring 
the  studied  graces  of  precise  diction  and  rushing  on  to  vic 
torious  and  valuable  results.  And  yet,  despite  this  constant 
and  torrent-like  sweep  of  his  ideas  that  affected  and  even 
agitated  to  their  very  depths  every  audience  and  every  tribu 
nal  that  he  ever  personally  addressed — a  sweep  of  ideas  so 
powerful  and  varied  and  rapid  that  it  is  surprising  that  his 
tongue  could  fitly  weave  them  into  a  consecutive  entirety- 
there  are  wonderfully  few  slips  of  the  tongue  or  involved 
sentences  in  the  hundreds  of  Logan's  speeches  that  have 
passed  beneath  the  eye  of  the  writer.  Sometimes,  owing  to 
bad  punctuation  of  the  reporter,  sentences  may  have  seemed 
involved  which  were  clear  and  penetrating  as  sunlight  when- 
they  left  the  speaker's  lips.  But  even  these  instances  are  rare. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  writer  can  think  of  no  living  Ameri 
can  in  whose  speeches  can  be  found  more  passages  of  genu 
ine  eloquence  than  are  to  be  found  in  those  of  General 
Logan.  His  comparatively  few  set  speeches  and  orations, 
which  he  has  carefully  studied  and  written  in  advance,  are 
full  of  passages  classically  perfect, — perfect  gems  in  their  way, 
—equal  in  all  respects  to  passages  in  the  proudest  efforts  of 
either  modern  or  ancient  orators.  Take,  for  instance,  por 
tions  of  his  remarkable  speech,  heretofore  quoted  from  in 
this  work,  in  the  Andrew  Johnson  impeachment  case  before 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  Some  of  them  move  along 
in  stately  majesty  as  grandly  as  the  Statement  of  Grievances 
sent  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  to  King  George  the 


ADDENDA.  5OI 

Third,  or  as  the  glorious  Declaration  of  Independence  itself. 
Again,  take  that  part  of  his  speech,  in  answer  to  the  impos 
ing  welcome  with  which  he  was  received  at  Washington  after 
his  re-election  to  the  United  States  Senate,  which  illustrates 
the  value,  to  future  generations,  of  human  life-work,  by  the 
poetical  allusion  to  the  microscopic  remains  of  shell-life  pre 
served  for  eons  in  the  limestones  and  marbles  of  which  the 
Capitol — our  Temple  of  Liberty — is  built,  and  say  then  if  it 
is  not  a  gem  of  beauty.  Take  his  magnificent  Fourth-of-July 
oration  at  Clinton,  in  1874,  with  its  wealth  of  historical  re 
search  and  depth  of  philosophical  patriotic  thought,  and  an 
swer  where  else  can  you  find  as  much  broad  statesmanship, 
or  as  many  grand  thoughts,  in  equally  good  'diction.  In 
some  of  his  speeches,  like  that  at  Morris,  September  i,  1868, 
are  bits  fully  as  dramatic  as  scenes  from  Shakespeare's 
tragedies.  And  what  movement  and  fire  is  there  in  his  vivid 
descriptions  of  the  battles  fought  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  ;  as,  for  instance,  that  of  Atlanta,  when  brave  Mc- 
Pherson  fell !  It  may  be  said  with  literal  truth  of  his  speeches, 
that  they  are,  like  that  grand  plea  for  the  civilization  of  the 
Indian,  or  his  great  oration  upon  Grant,  well-stocked  beds  of 
rhetorical  pearls.  Pearls  of  wit  and  wisdom,  of  philosophy, 
patriotism,  poetry,  and  common-sense  are  to  be  found  among 
them  everywhere — quite  equal  to  the  few  of  them  which  the 
writer  has  hastily  culled  and  here  presents  in  the  precise 
shape  in  which  they  were  uttered,  with  a  view  to  showing 
how  ridiculously  false  is  the  statement  that  John  A.  Logan 
could  not  speak  good  English,  or  spoke  it  without  regard  to 
grammatical  construction  : 

The  smile  of  peace  is  sweet. 

Capital  is  proverbially  timid.  Man  is  easily  persuaded  that  his  es 
tate  is  in  danger. 

If  man  is  unable  to  govern  himself,  he  must  wear  the  chains  of  sla 
very  that  tyrants  forge  for  his  limbs,  and  can  never  be  free. 

Our  Government  is  based  upon  the  proposition  that  governments 


502 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


are  designed  not  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  govern,  but  for  the  benefit 
of  those  governed — "the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number." 

That  man  can  be  neither  a  patriot  nor  a  good  citizen  who  is  willing 
to  accept  a  benefit  that  he  knows  will  inure  to  the  injury  of  his  country. 

Wealth  will  follow  population. 

Private  prosperity  is  public  power. 

The  institution  of  slavery  dwarfs  the  physical  proportions  of  the 
State,  dries  up  the  blood  in  its  veins,  withers  the  flesh  in  its  bones,  and 
wastes  it  gradually  away. 

Leaving  out  of  view  the  moral  question  involved  in  slavery,  you 
may  admit,  for  the  sake  of  the  argument,  that  slavery  is  morally  and 
constitutionally  right.  Even  then  the  question  recurs,  Could  any  man 
be  a  patriot  who  would  perpetuate  an  institution  that  has  shown  itself 
to  be  the  enemy  of  prosperity  in  our  land  ? 

Lycurgus  .  .  .  insisted  that  children  are  the  property  of  the 
State.  There  is  but  one  use  to  which  the  State  can  put  children  ;  that 
is,  to  educate  them. 

Intelligence  is  Heaven's  rarest  gift  to  earth.  It  is  that  attribute 
that  gives  man  a  claim  to  an  affinity  with  angels  ;  and  that  State  is 
false  to  her  most  sacred  trusts,  as  well  as  to  her  most  vital  interests, 
that  fails  to  develop  all  of  her  mental  resources. 

I  feel  that  it  is  the  memory  of  those  who  fought  and  fell  under  our 
flag,  who  charged  rebel  batteries,  carried  rebel  heights,  vanquished  rebel 
legions,  and  finally  crushed  the  rebellion,  that  has  a  claim  upon  our  re 
spect,  care,  and  veneration,  far  above  office-seekers  and  political  partisans. 

Presidents  rarely  owe  their  success  to  their  enemies. 

Paradoxes  do  not  amount  to  phenomena. 

Forgiveness  is  not  so  cheap  a  virtue  that  it  may  be  prodigally 
wasted  upon  the  idle  and  indifferent.  The  forgiveness  that  anticipates 
repentance  will  multiply  crimes  faster  than  it  will  reform  criminals. 

Sickly  sentimentality  is  a  great  crime-breeder. 

Impunity  for  one  crime  provokes  the  perpetration  of  many. 

Whenever  the  sword  has  entered  any  free  and  enlightened  nation  to 
destroy  it,  as  the  nation  suffered  so  has  its  civilization  and  Christianity 
suffered. 

Wherever  rebellion  has  destroyed  governments  liberal  in  their 
forms,  there  civil  and  religious  progress  has  been  blighted. 

Where  liberty  is  destroyed,  Christianity  sinks  into  darkness. 

Civilization  follows  the  Bible  ;  liberty  and  Christianity  go  together. 
If  one  dies,  the  other  dies  also. 

The  man  who  lays  down  his  fortune  and  life  for  his  country  is  a 
happy  man. 


ADDENDA. 


503 


The  man  who  dies  a  patriot  falls,  if  he  falls  a  Christian,  to  rise 
again. 

In  God's  name  let  us  respect  and  love  the  dead  who  have  died  for 
us. 

Remember  that    aristocracy   is  not  morality,  nor   wealth   wisdom. 

Arrogance  is  not  dignity,  nor  ostentation  happiness.     u  In  the  sweat  of 

thy  face  thou  shalt  eat  thy  bread,"  is  a  fiat  of  the  Great  Lawgiver,  and 

upon  the  industry  that  yields    obedience  to   that   irrevocable   decree 

5  Heaven  has  promised  to  smile. 

The  drafts  you  draw  on  your  future  time  cannot  be  liquidated  in 
the  spurious  currency  of  "good  intentions,"  but  must  be  redeemed  in 
the  hard  coin  of  positive  and  continuous  exertion. 

Action  is  indispensable  to  success. 

Obloquy  is  the  price  of  success  ;  exemption  from  it  the  prerogative 
of  failure. 

In  the  path  of  an  indomitable  will,  obstacles  are  but  stepping-stones. 

A  good  education  will  not  come  to  you  like  a  flash  of  sunlight  to 
the  mind.  Energy  and  constant  application  are  necessary.  .These  are 
the  main  approaches  to  the  great  store-house  of  useful  knowledge, 
where,  when  the  bolted  doors  are  broken  down  by  a  succession  of  as 
saults,  a  great  feast  awaits  you. 

We  are  a  nation  of  laborers,  a  community  of  toilers.  We  should 
have  no  class  interests  inimical  to  the  general  good  in  this  free  country. 

All  legitimate  interests  should  be  fostered,  and  labor,  which  is  the 
rock  upon  which  is  built  our  national  wealth  and  power,  should  be 
protected  in  all  the  rights  which  belong  to  it,  and  elevated  to  a  recog 
nized  position  of  honor  and  dignity. 

If  in  our  lives  and  death  we  can  contribute  a  single  atom  to  the 
great  temple  of  human  freedom  and  progress,  we  shall  have  left  foot 
prints  of  our  existence  which  the  march  of  all  the  coming  centuries  will 
not  be  potent  to  obliterate. 

The  human  mind  does  not  revolve,  but  progresses  in  a  straight  line 
toward  the  great  centre  of  ultimate  perfection. 

I  despise  the  narrow  idea  of  locality.  I  know  no  boundary-lines 
except  those  beyond  which  the  title  of  American  citizen  is  lost. 

I  will  go  as  far  as  any  man  properly  can  go  to  accomplish  unity  and 
fraternity  among  the  people  of  the  States,  but  I  will  not  consent  to  the 
crucifying  of  the  National  life  upon  the  stunted  tree  of  State  Sover 
eignty. 

Everything  makes  a  history  and  marks  out  a  path  as  it  passes  down 
the  avenues  of  time.  It  has  been  beautifully  said  that  the  plant  and 
the  pebble  are  both  attended  by  their  own  shadows.  The  drop  of  water 


5°4 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


falling  from  the  clouds  leaves  its  imprint  upon  the  sand,  and  the  stone, 
which  rolls  from  the  mountain-top  scratches  its  course  to  the  very  bot 
tom.  The  mighty  river  as  it  flows  majestically  along,  marks  the  banks 
which  hedge  it  in,  and  leaves  the  imprint  of  its  torrent  upon  the  rocks 
which  intercept  its  course.  In  every  aspect  in  which  we  view  the 
works  of  nature,  we  find  them  leaving  their  own  history  for  the  benefit 
of  the  future. 

It  is  better  to  trust  those  who  are  tried  than  those  who  pretend. 

Our  Government  will  be  destroyed,  if  it  is  ever  destroyed,  by  igno 
rance.  If  the  people  are  educated,  the  Government  will  stand  unshaken 
through  every  trial. 

The  educated  man  will  think,  and  if  his  heart  is  educated  will  feel, 
and  "out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart,  the  mouth  speaketh." 

Below  the  sacred  cross  waves  the  flag  of  freedom,  the  former  forever 
overlooking  the  latter. 

The  people  are  honest,  the  people  are  brave,  the  people  are  true. 
.  .  .  While  I  live  I  will  stand  as  their  defender.  Living  or  dying,  I 
shall  defend  the  liberties  of  this  people,  making  war  against  dictation, 
and  against  aristocracy  and  in  favor  of  Republicanism. 

Our  Government  is  based,  theoretically  and  practically,  upon  a 
proper  compromise  between  perfect  individual  liberty  and  centralized 
power. 

The  nullification  and  disobedience  of  law  is  one  of  the  first  steps  in 
the  direction  of  disintegration  and  dissolution. 

'Tis  true  the  grave  in  its  silence  gives  forth  no  voice,  no  whispers  of 
the  morrow  ;  but  there  is  a  voice  borne  upon  the  lips  of  the  morning 
zephyrs  that  lets  fall  a  whisper  quickening  the  heart  with  a  knowledge 
that  there  is  an  abode  beyond  the  tomb. 

That  evil  will  ever  go  side  by  side  with  good  in  this  world,  experi 
ence  gives  us  no  reason  to  doubt. 

We  have  received  from  our  ancestors  and  from  the  present  genera 
tion  of  philosophic  scientists  a  body  of  knowledge  and  wisdon,  the  worth 
of  which  even  genius  can  scarcely  estimate.  Let  that  be  given  to  every 
child  that  breathes  our  atmosphere,  in  substantially  the  same  spelling- 
book  and  primer,  in  schools  as  good  among  the  snows  of  Aroostook,  as 
in  marts  of  New  York,  Boston,  or  Charleston  ;  as  free  on  the  shores  of 
Puget  Sound  as  on  the  prairies  of  Illinois,  and  as  well-taught  in  the 
rice-fields  of  the  South  as  on  the  hills  of  Connecticut.  Then  we  shall 
be  "  one  and  inseparable,  now  and  forever." 


ADDENDA. 


505 


LOGAN  S     LITERARY     TASTES    AND    TREASURES EXTENT    OF     HIS 

CLASSICAL      AND      OTHER      KNOWLEDGE HOW      HE     PREPARED 

HIS    SPEECHES. 

Congressman  Thomas  of  Illinois  is  reported  in  the  Cleve 
land  Leader  as  saying,  prior  to  the  General's  last  illness  : 

General  Logan  has,  perhaps,  with  one  exception,  the  finest  private 
library  in  Illinois.  He  has  5,000  volumes,  and  among  them  are  many 
old  and  very  rare  books.  You  have  heard  of  the  book  of  Jeshur. 
There  are,  I  understand,  only  three  copies  in  the  country,  and  Logan 
has  one  of  them.  Another  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Lennox  Library 
in  New  York,  and  another  in  the  Crocker  library  in  San  Francisco. 
Logan  was  a  long  time  in  finding  his.  He  had  agents  looking  for  it  in 
different  parts  of  Europe,  but  he  finally  stumbled  across  it  himself  one 
day  while  looking  over  the  stock  of  an  old  second-hand  bookseller  on 
the  Strand  in  London.  He  has  also  many  rare  copies  of  the  Bible,  and 
his  theological  library  is  very  complete.  He  delights  in  theological 
study,  and  has  read  closely  not  only  the  Christian  religion,  but  the 
works  of  Confucius,  the  Koran,  and  the  Hindoo  Bible.  He  likes  to 
discuss  the  doctrinal  points  of  Christianity,  but,  as  I  said  before,  all  of 
his  belief  tends  to  that  of  the  Methodists.  His  wife  is  largely  interested 
in  charity  and  church  work.  John  A.  Logan  has  also  been  a  great 
reader  of  history.  He  has  read  all  of  the  classics  in  translation,  if  not 
in  the  original,  and  has  a  wide  scope  of  general  knowledge.  In  his  prep 
aration  for  his  speeches  he  never  writes  and  commits  what  he  is  going 
to  say,  but  studies  the  subject  well  and  formulates  his  speech  in  his 
mind  before  he  takes  the  floor.  In  other  words  he  makes  up  the  skele 
ton  and  trusts  to  the  inspiration  of  the  moment  to  put  flesh  on  the 
bones. 

WHY  SHERMAN  DISPLACED  LOGAN  FROM  COMMAND  OF  THE  ARMY 
OF  THE  TENNESSEE  AFTER  LOGAN'S  GREAT  VICTORY  OF  AT 
LANTA THE  SHERMAN-LOGAN  CORRESPONDENCE SHERMAN^ 

ORAL    AND     WRITTEN    STATEMENTS    SINCE     LOGAN*S     DEATH— 
HITHERTO  UNPUBLISHED    LETTERS    OF    SHERMAN    TO    HALLECK 

AND  TO  LOGAN    HIMSELF THE  REAL  REASONS  FOR    SHERMAN'S 

INJUSTICE. 

That  General  Logan  keenly  felt  the  injustice  of  Sherman's 
action  in  securing  the  appointment  of  Howard  to  the  perma- 


5o6  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

nent  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  when  Logan 
had  so  signally  demonstrated  his  own  capacity  to  command 
it,  both  at  and  after  the  great  victory  of  Atlanta,  is  known  to- 
all  who  have  ever  talked  with  him  on  the  subject, — the  writer 
among  them ;  and  it  must  be  equally  evident  to  all  who  have 
read  the  various  attempts  since  made  by  General  Sherman 
to  explain  away  his  singular  conduct  in  this  affair,  that  the 
latter  has  always  had  since  then,  and  still  has,  an  unquiet 
consciousness  of  it  himself,  which  is  ever  impelling  him  to 
fresh  attempts  to  justify  it.* 

*  Thus,  no  sooner  was  Logan  dead,  than  Sherman's  unquiet  conscience  forced  him  to* 
address  a  letter  (December  28,  1886)  to  Whitelaw  Reid,  for  publication  in  the  New  York 
Tribune,  (in  which  it  appeared  January  i,  1887,)  wherein,  after  mentioning  some  compli 
mentary  after-dinner  remarks  made  by  Logan  concerning  Sherman  at  a  banquet  given  to  the 
latter  at  Washington,  February  8,  1883,  by  District- Attorney  Corkhill,  in  anticipation  of 
Sherman's  retirement  from  active  command  in  the  army,  he  made  public  a  private  corre 
spondence  which  had  afterward  passed  between  them  as  follows  : 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  SUNDAY,  February  n,  1883. 
"GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN,  U.  S.  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"  DEAR  GENERAL  :  This  is  a  rainy  Sunday,  a  good  day  to  clear  up  old  scores,  and  I 
hope  you  will  receive  what  I  propose  to  write  in  the  same  friendly  spirit  in  which  I  offer  it. 

"  I  was  very  much  touched  by  the.  kind  and  most  complimentary  terms  in  which  you 
spoke  of  me  personally  at  the  recent  Corkhill  banquet,  on  the  anniversary  of  my  sixty-third 
birthday,  and  have  since  learned  that  you  still  feel  a  wish  that  I  should  somewhat  qualify 
the  language  I  used  in  my  Memoirs,  volume  2,  pages  85  and  86,  giving  the  reasons  why 
General  O.  O.  Howard  was  recommended  by  me  to  succeed  McPherson  in  the  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  when  by  the  ordinary  rules  of  the  service  the  choice  should 
have  fallen  to  you.  I  confess  frankly  that  my  ardent  wish  is  to  retire  from  the  command  of 
the  army  with  the  kind  and  respectful  feelings  of  all  men,  especially  of  those  who  were  with 
me  in  the  days  of  the  civil  war,  which  must  give  to  me  and  to  my  family  a  chief  claim  on. 
the  gratitude  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

' '  I  confess  that  I  have  tortured  and  twisted  the  words  used  on  the  pages  referred  to,  so 
as  to  contain  my  meaning  better  without  offending  you,  but  so  far  without  success.  I  hon 
estly  believe  that  no  man  to-day  holds  in  higher  honor  than  myself  the  conduct  and  action 
of  John  A.  Logan  from  the  hour  when  he  realized  that  the  South  meant  war.  Prior  to  the 
war  all  men  had  doubts,  but  the  moment  Fort  Sumter  was  fired  on  from  batteries  in 
Charleston  these  doubts  dissipated  as  a  fog,  and  from  that  hour  thenceforth  your  course  was 
manly,  patriotic,  and  sublime.  Throughout  the  whole  war  I  know  of  no  single  man's  career 
more  complete  than  yours. 

"Now  as  to  the  specific  matter  of  this  letter.  I  left  Vicksburg  in  the  fall  of  1863  by 
order  of  General  Grant  in  person,  with  three  divisions  of  my  own  corps  (I5th)  and  one  of 
McPherson's  (i6th)  to  hasten  to  the  assistance  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  (General 
Rosecrans  commanding)  which  according  to  the  then  belief  had  been  worsted  at  Chicka- 
mauga.  Blair  was  with  us,  you  were  not.  We  marched  through  mud  and  water  four  him- 


ADDENDA. 


507 


In  his  "Memoirs"  (Vol.  II.,  pp.  85-86)  General  Sher 
man  undertakes  to  justify  his  conduct,  and  quiet  his  con 
science,  in  these  words : 

But  it  first  became  necessary  to  settle  the  important  question  of  who 
should  succeed  General  McPherson.  General  Logan  had  taken  com 
mand  of  the  army  of  the  Tennessee  by  virtue  of  his  seniority,  and  had 


dred  miles  from  Memphis,  and  you  joined  me  on  the  march  with  an  order  to  succeed  me  in 
command  of  the  I5th  Corps,  a  Presidential  appointment,  which  Blair  had  exercised  tempo 
rarily.  Blair  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  Congress,  and  was  afterward  named  to  command 
the  i yth  Corps,  and  actually  remained  so  long  in  Washington  that  we  had  got  to  Big  Shanty 
before  he  overtook  us.  Again  after  the  battles  of  Missionary  Ridge  and  Knoxville,  when 
Howard  served  with  me  I  went  back  to  Vicksburg  and  Meridian  leaving  you  in  command  of 
the  I5th  Corps  along  the  railroad  from  Stevenson  to  Decatur.  I  was  gone  three  months,  and 
when  I  got  back  you  complained  to  me  bitterly  against  George  H.  Thomas,  that  he  claimed 
for  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  everything,  and  almost  denied  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
any  use  of  the  railroads.  I  sustained  you,  and  put  all  army  and  corps  commanders  on  an 
equal  footing,  making  their  orders  and  requisitions  of  equal  force  on  the  depot  officers  and 
railroad  officials  in  Nashville.  Thomas  was  extremely  sensitive  on  that  point,  and  as  you  well 
know  had  much  feeling  against  you  personally  which  he  did  not  conceal.  You  also  went  to 
Illinois  more  than  once  to  make  speeches  and  were  so  absent  after  the  capture  of  Atlanta 
at  the  time  we  started  for  Savannah,  and  did  not  join  us  until  we  had  reached  Savannah. 

"Now  I  have  never  questioned  the  right  or  propriety  of  you  and  Blair  holding  fast  to 
your  constituents  by  the  usual  methods  ;  it  was  natural  and  right,  but  it  did  trouble  me  to 
have  my  corps  commanders  serving  two  distinct  causes,  one  military  and  the  other  civil  or 
political ;  and  this  did  influence  me  when  I  was  forced  to  make  choice  of  an  army  com 
mander  to  succeed  McPherson.  This  is  all  I  record  in  my  Memoirs  ;  it  was  so  and  I  can 
not  amend  them.  Never  in  speech,  writing,  or  record,  surely  not  in  the  Memoirs,  do  I  re 
call  applying  to  you  and  Blair,  for  I  always  speak  of  you  together,  the  term  of  '  political 
general.'  If  there  be  such  an  expression  I  cannot  find  it  now,  nor  can  I  recall  its  use.  The 
only  place  wherein  the  word  '  politics '  occurs  is  in  the  pages  which  I  have  referred  to,  and 
wherein  I  explain  my  own  motive  and  reason  for  nominating  Howard  over  you  and  Blair 
for  the  vacant  post.  My  reason  may  have  been  bad,  nevertheless  it  was  the  reason  which 
decided  me  then  and  as  a  man  of  honor  I  was  bound  to  record  it.  At  this  time,  1883, 
Thomas  being  dead,  I  cannot  say  more  than  is  in  the  text,  viz. :  that  he  took  strong  ground 
against  you,  and  I  was  naturally  strongly  influenced  by  his  outspoken  opinion.  Still  I  will 
not  throw  off  on  him,  but  state  to  you  frankly  that  I  then  believed  that  the  advice  I  gave 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  best  practicable.  General  Howard  had  been  with  me  up  to  Knoxville 
and  had  displayed  a  zeal  and  ability  which  then  elicited  my  hearty  approbation,  and  as  I 
trusted  in  a  measure  to  skilful  manoeuvres  rather  than  to  downright  hard-fighting,  I  recom 
mended  him.  My  Memoirs  were  designed  to  give  the  impressions  of  the  hour,  and  not  to- 
pass  judgment  on  the  qualities  of  men  as  exemplified  in  after  life. 

"  If  you  will  point  out  to  me  a  page  or  line  where  I  can  better  portray  your  fighting 
qualities,  your  personal  courage,  and  magnificent  example  in  actual  combat,  I  will  be  most 
happy  to  add  to  or  correct  the  Memoirs,  but  when  I  attempt  to  explain  my  own  motives- 
or  reasons  you  surely  will  be  the  first  man  to  see  that  outside  influence  will  fail. 

"  My  course  is  run,  and  for  better  or  worse  I  cannot  amend  it,  but  if  ever  in  your  future 


5o8 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


done  well  ;  but  I  did  not  consider  him  equal  to  the  command  of  three 
corps.  Between  him  and  General  Blair  there  existed  a  natural  rivalry. 
Both  were  men  of  great  courage  and  talent,  but  were  politicians  by 
nature  and  experience,  and  it  may  be  that  for  this  reason  they  were 
mistrusted  by  regular  officers  like  General  Schofield,  Thomas,  and  my 
self.  It  was  all-important  that  there  should  exist  a  perfect  understand 
ing  among  the  army  commanders,  and  at  a  conference  with  General 


you  want  a  witness  to  your  intense  zeal  and  patriotism,  your  heroic  personal  qualities,  you 
may  safely  call  on  me  as  long  as  I  live.  I  surely  have  watched  with  pride  and  interest  your 
career  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  will  be  your  advocate  if  you  aim  at  higher  honors. 
I  assert  with  emphasis  that  I  never  styled  you  or  Blair  '  political  generals '  and  if  I  used 
the  word  '  politics '  in  an  offensive  sense,  it  was  to  explain  my  own  motives  for  action,  and 
not  as  descriptive. 

' '  Wishing  you  all  honor  and  happiness  on  this  earth,  I  am  as  always  your  friend, 

"W.  T.  SHERMAN." 
"UNITED  STATES  SENATE, 

"Personal.  WASHINGTON,  D.  C, 

"SUNDAY,  February  18,  1883. 
«'  GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  delayed  acknowledging  your  letter  of  the  nth  inst.  up  to  this 
time  for  the  reason  that  I  have  been  so  much  engaged  every  moment  of  time  that  I  could 
not  sooner  do  so  ;  for  your  expression  of  kindly  feelings  toward  me,  I  tender  my  grateful 
acknowledgments. 

"  I  am  inclined,  however,  my  dear  General,  to  the  opinion  that  had  you  fully  under 
stood  the  situation  in  which  I  was  placed  at  the  times  mentioned  by  you,  that  I  returned 
North  from  the  army  for  the  purpose  of  taking  part  in  the  political  contests  then  going  on, 
that  perhaps  your  criticisms  on  my  (then)  course  would  not  have  been  made.  I  did  not  do 
it  for  the  purpose  of  'keeping  a  hold  on  my  people.'  I  refused  a  nomination  in  my  own 
State  for  a  very  high  position  for  the  reason  that  I  would  not  have  anything  to  do  with 
parties  while  the  war  should  last.  In  1863  when  I  went  home  to  canvass  in  Illinois,  and  to 
help  in  Ohio,  General  Grant  was  fully  advised,  and  knows  that  although  I  had  to  make  ap 
plication  for  leave  of  absence,  I  did  not  do  it  of  my  own  volition,  but  at  the  request  of  those 
high  in  authority.  So  when  I  left  on  leave,  after  the  Atlanta  campaign,  to  canvass  for  Mr. 
Lincoln,  I  did  it  at  the  special  and  private  request  of  the  then  President.  This  I  kept  to 
myself,  and  have  never  made  it  public,  nor  do  I  propose  to  do  so  now,  but  feel  that  I  may 
in  confidence  say  this  to  you,  that  you  may  see  what  prompted  my  action  in  the  premises. 
I  have  borne  for  this  reason  whatever  I  may  have  suffered  by  way  of  criticism,  rather  than 
turn  criticism  on  the  dead. 

"  So  far  as  General  Thomas  having  feeling  in  the  matter  you  mention,  I  presume  he 
entertained  the  same  feeling  that  seemed  to  be  general,  that  no  one  without  a  military  edu 
cation  was  to  be  trusted  to  command  an  army  ;  this  I  think  was  the  feeling  then,  and  is 
now,  and  will  ever  be.  I  find  no  fault  with  it  ;  this  as  a  rule  is  probably  correct,  but  the 
experience  of  the  world  has  occasionally  found  exceptions  to  this  rule.  I  certainly  never 
gave  General  Thomas  any  occasion  to  have  strong  feelings  against  me.  I  did  complain  that 
I  was  not  on  an  equality  with  him  while  I  commanded  between  Decatur  and  Stevenson  ; 
that  my  passes  on  the  roads  were  not  recognized,  and  I  have  General  Thomas'  letter  after 
ward,  admitting  the  fact  and  apologizing  to  me  for  the  conduct  of  his  officers  in  this  matter. 


ADDENDA. 


509 


George  H.  Thomas  at  the  headquarters  of  General  Thomas  J.  Woods, 
commanding  a  division  in  the  Fourth  Corps,  he  (Thomas)  remonstrated 
warmly  against  my  recommending  that  General  Logan  should  be 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  by  reason  of 
his  accidental  seniority.  We  discussed  fully  the  merits  and  qualities 
of  every  officer  of  high  rank  in  the  Army,  and  finally  settled  on  Major- 
General  O.  O.  Howard  as  the  best  officer  who  was  present  and  avail 
able  for  the  purpose  ;  on  the  24th  of  July  I  telegraphed  to  General 

I  at  all  times  co-operated  with  him  cordially  and  promptly  during  my  stay  at  Huntsville  and 
at'all  other  times  subsequent.  Certainly  I  did  for  him  afterward  what  few  men  would  have 
done.  When  ordered  to  Nashville  with  a  view  of  superseding  him,  at  Louisville,  when  I 
found  the  situation  of  matters  I  wrote  and  telegraphed  Grant  that  he,  Thomas,  was  doii>g 
all  he  could,  and  asked  to  be  ordered  back  to  my  own  command,  which  was  done.  This  I 
say  to  show  my  kind  feeling  for  him  and  to  say  that  if  I  ever  did  anything  to  cause  him  to 
complain  of  me  I  was  not  aware  of  it. 

"  One  thing,  my  dear  General,  that  I  feel  conscious  of,  and  that  is,  that  no  man  ever 
obeyed  your  orders  more  promptly,  and  but  few  ever  did  you  more  faithful  service  in  carry 
ing  out  your  plans  and  military  movements  than  myself. 

"  I  may  have  done  yourself  and  myself  an  injustice  by  not  disclosing  to  you  the  cause 
of  my  returning  North  at  the  time  I  did,  but  you  have  my  reasons  for  it.  I  felt  in  honor 
that  I  could  rest. 

"This  letter  is  intended  only  for  full  explanation,  and  for  yourself  only.  I  do  not  feel 
aggrieved  as  you  think,  but  will  ever  remain  your  friend. 

"Yours  truly,  JOHN  A.  LOGAN." 

After  giving  these  private  letters  for  publication  in  the  Tribune,  General  Sherman  con 
cluded  his  letter  to  Mr.  Reid  in  these  words  : 

"I  now  with  reverence  for  his  memory,  admiration  for  his  heroism  in  battle,  and  love 
for  the  man,  hereby  ratify  and  confirm  every  word  of  his  letter  of  February  18,  1883. 

"  I  was  fully  conscious  that  General  Logan  felt  deeply  what  he  believed  at  the  time  a 
great  wrong  to  himself,  and  that  he  yet  continued  with  unabated  ardor,  zeal  and  strength 
to  fight  to  the  end  for  the  cause  we  both  held  sacred.  For  the  twenty-one  years  since  the 
war  has  ended,  we  have  been  closely  associated  in  the  many  army  societies  which  treasure 
the  memories  of  the  war,  have  shared  the  same  banquets  and  spoken  to  the  same  audiences. 
Only  recently  at  San  Francisco,  Seattle,  and  Rock  Island  we  were  together,  each  a  rival  to 
give  pleasure  and  do  honor  to  the  other  ;  and  still  later  within  the  past  month  he  was  at  the 
Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  his  rooms  next  to  mine,  and  not  a  night  passed  but  we  were  together 
discussing  old  or  new  events.  Both  of  us  were  men  of  strong  opinions,  sometimes  of  hasty 
expression,  yet  ever  maintaining  the  friendship  which  two  soldiers  should  bear  to  each  other. 
Most  undoubtedly  did  I  expect  him  to  survive  me,  and  I  have  always  expressed  a  wish  that 
he,  the  then  strongest  type  of  the  volunteer  soldier  alive,  might  become  the  President  of  the 
United  States. 

"It  is  ordered  otherwise,  but  as  it  is  he  has  left  to  his  family  a  name  and  fame  which 
could  have  been  little  increased  had  he  lived  to  attain  the  office  for  which  so  many  good 
men  contend  spite  of  the  experience  of  the  past. 

"  When  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  holds  its  next  meeting  in  Detroit  next 
September,  if  living,  I  may  have  more  to  say  on  this  subject. 

"Your  friend,  W.T.SHERMAN." 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Halleck  this  preference  and  it  was  promptly  ratified  by  the  President. 
General  Howard's  place  in  command  of  the  Fourth  Corps  was  filled  by 
General  Stanley,  one  of  his  division  commanders,  on  recommendation 
of  General  Thomas. 

All  these  promotions  happened  to  fall  upon  West  Pointers,  and 
doubtless  Logan  and  Blair  had  some  reason  to  believe  that  we  intended 
to  monopolize  the  higher  honors  of  the  war  for  the  regular  officers.  I 
remember  well  my  own  thoughts  and  feelings  at  the  time,  and  feel  sure 
that  I  was  not  intentionally  partial  to  any  class.  I  wanted  to  succeed 
in  taking  Atlanta,  and  needed  commanders  who  were  purely  and 
technically  soldiers,  men  who  would  obey  orders  and  execute  them 
promptly  and  on  time  ;  for  I  knew  that  we  would  have  to  execute  some 
delicate  manoeuvres,  requiring  the  utmost  skill,  nicety,  and  precision. 
I  believed  that  General  Howard  would  do  all  these  faithfully  and  well, 
and  I  think  the  result  has  justified  my  choice.  I  regarded  both  Gen 
erals  Logan  and  Blair  as  "volunteers,"  that  looked  to  personal  fame 
and  glory  as  auxiliary  and  secondary  to  their  political  ambition,  and 
not  as  professional  soldiers. 

—and  the  attempted  justification  is  helplessly  trivial  on  the 
very  face  of  it.  He  admits  that  "  General  Logan  had  taken 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  by  virtue  of  his 
seniority,  and  had  done  well /  "  *  and  in  the  face  of  that  ad- 

*  It  may  be  well  at  this  time  and  place — especially  as  General  Sherman  saw  fit  to  give 
to  the  public  in  eager  haste,  immediately  after  General  Logan's  death,  some  "personal" 
correspondence  that  had  passed  between  them  on  this  subject, — a  correspondence  which,  as 
a  matter  of  strict  justice  to  both  of  these  illustrious  men,  has  been  placed  before  the  reader 
in  the  preceding  pages, — to  furnish  to  the  public,  for  the  first  time,  certain  other  corre 
spondence  bearing  upon  this  issue.  First,  then,  will  be  given  the  following  letter  from  Sher 
man  to  Logan,  after  the  latter  had  moved  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  from  the  left  of 
Sherman's  long  army-line,  by  the  rear,  to  the  right — subsequent  to  the  glorious  battle  of 
Atlanta.  It  betrays  Sherman's  uneasy  consciousness  of  his  own  injustice  in  displacing 
Logan  from  the  command  of  that  Army  and  giving  it  to  the  West-Pointer,  Howard,  in  the 
following  language  : 

"HEADQUARTERS,  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 

"!N  THE  FIELD,  NEAR  ATLANTA.     July  27,  1864. 
"GEN'L  JNO.  A.  LOGAN. 

"DEAR  GEN'L  ;  Take  a  good  rest,  I  know  you  are  worn  out  with  mental  and  physical 
work.  No  one  could  have  a  higher  appreciation  of  the  responsibility  that  devolved  on  you 
so  unexpectedly  and  the  noble  manner  in  which  you  met  it.  I  fear  you  will  feel  disap 
pointed  at  not  succeeding  permanently  to  the  Command  of  the  Army  and  Dept.  I  assure 
you  in  giving  preference  to  Gen'l  Howard  I  will  not  fail  to  give  you  every  credit  for  having 
done  so  well.  You  have  command  of  a  good  Corps,  a  command  that  I  would  prefer  to  tl.e 
more  complicated  one  of  a  Dept.  And  if  you  will  be  patient  it  will  come  to  you  soon  enough. 


ADDENDA.  5H 

mission  adds  :  "but  I  did  not  consider  him  equal  to  the  com 
mand  of  three  corps  " — a  most  absurd  conclusion,  when  it  is 
understood  that  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  comprised  ex 
actly  "  three  corps,"  and  that  Logan  had  not  only  shown  him 
self  "  equal  to  the  command  "  of  its  "  three  corps,"  but  had 

Be  assured  of  my  entire  confidence.  After  you  have  rested  come  down  to  Gen'l  Davis'  po 
sition  and  then  to  the  new  position  of  your  Corps.  Assume  Command  of  it  and  things  will 
move  along  harmoniously  and  well.  If  I  can  do  anything  to  mark  my  full  sense  of  the  hon 
orable  manner  in  which  you  acted  in  the  Battle  and  since,  name  it  to  me  frankly  and  I  will 
•do  it.  Gen'l  Howard  and  I  will  go  off  to  the  Right  to  survey  the  new  Field  and  prepare 
the  way  for  the  troops.  Yr  friend, 

"W.  T.  SHERMAN  Mj.  Geril." 

Next,  it  may  be  interesting  to  give  Hooker's  letter  to  Logan  on  the  subject  of  Logan's 
displacement,  as  showing  how  other  Army  officers  regarded  it,  and  also  in  contrast  with 
Logan's  own  soldierly  submission  to  his  superiors  in  command.  It  runs  thus  : 

"HEAD-QUARTERS  TWENTIETH  CORPS, 

.  "NEAR  ATLANTA  GA.  ARMY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND.     July  27,  1864. 
"Mj.  GEN'L  LOGAN 

"DEAR  GENERAL  :  On  receiving  news  this  morning  that  Mj.  Gen'l  Howard  had  been 

assigned  to  the  Command  of  your  Army,  I  asked  to  be  relieved  from  duty  with  this  Army 

-it  being  an  insult  to  my  rank  and  services.      Had  you  retained  the  Command  I  could  have 

remained  on  duty  without  the  sacrifice  of  honor  or  of  principle.     As  it  is  God  bless  and 

protect  you.     We  will  meet  when  this  war  is  over 

"  Your  friend  and  servant 

"JOSEPH  HOOKER.    Mj.  Gen1 1. 

"  I  am  ordered  to  report  to  the  Adj't  Gen'l — the  hopper  into  which  all  of  us  have  to  go 
now-a-days  J.  H." 

Next,  an  official  letter  of  Sherman  to  Halleck,  in  which  the  former,  three  weeks  after 
the  unjust  action  had  been  taken  by  him,  and  probably  still,  perturbed  in  conscience,  en 
deavors  in  his  peculiar  way  to  account  to  the  authorities  at  Washington,  and  perhaps, 
through  them,  to  an  inquiring  public,  for  his  wrong-doing,  and  still  feeling  unable  to  give 
satisfactory  reasons  for  it,  proposes  to  leave  his  vindication  "  to  the  test  of  time."  That 
letter  is  as  follows  : 

"HEAD-QUARTERS,  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

"!N  THE  FIELD,  NEAR  ATLANTA,  GA.  August  i6th  1864. 
"  MAJOR  GEN'L  HALLECK. 

"  Chief  of  Staff,  WASHINGTON  D.  C. 

"GENERAL.  It  occurs  to  me  that  preliminary  to  a  future  report  of  the  history  of  this 
Campaign  I  should  record  certain  facts  of  great  personal  interest  to  Officers  of  this  Com 
mand. 

"  Gen'l  McPherson  was  killed  by  the  musketry  fire  at  the  beginning  of  the  Battle  of 
July  22nd.  He  had  in  person  selected  the  ground  for  his  troops  constituting  the  Left  Wing 
of  the  Army  ;  I  being  in  person  with  the  Centre,  Gen'l  Schofield.  The  moment  the  in 
formation  reached  me  I  sent  one  of  my  Staff  to  announce  the  fact  to  Gen'l  Jno.  A.  Logan 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


been  called  to  it  at  a  moment  of  supreme  peril, — when  Mc- 
Pherson  was  dead,  and  his  army  was  fiercely  assailed  in  front, 
flank,  and  rear — and  out  of  the  impending  disaster,  threatened 
through  Sherman's  own  blundering  orders  to  McPherson, 
plucked,  without  Sherman's  aid,  the  glorious  and  bloody  vic- 


the  Senior  Officer  present  with  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  with  General  instructions  ta 
maintain  the  ground  chosen  by  McPherson  if  possible,  but  if  pressed  too  hard  to  refuse  his 
Left  Flank  ;  but  at  all  events  to  hold  the  Railroad  and  main  Decatur  Road  ;  that  I  did  not 
propose  to  move  or  gain  ground  by  that  Flank,  but  rather  by  the  Right ;  and  that  I  wanted 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  to  fight  it  out  unaided.  Gen'l  Logan  admirably  conceived  my 
Orders  and  executed  them,  and  if  he  gave  ground  on  the  Left  of  the  lyth  Corps  it  was 
properly  done  by  my  orders  ;  but  he  held  a  certain  hill  by  the  Right  Division  of  the  lyth 
Corps,  the  only  ground  on  that  line,  the  possession  of  which  by  an  Enemy  would  have  dam 
aged  us  by  giving  a  reverse  fire  on  the  remainder  of  the  troops.  Gen'l  Logan  fought  that 
Battle  out,  as  required  unaided  ;  save  by  a  small  Brigade  sent  by  my  orders  from  Gen'l 
Schofield  to  the  Decatur  Road,  well  to  the  Rear  where  it  was  reported  the  Enemy's  Cav 
alry  had  got  into  the  town  of  Decatur  and  was  approaching  directly  on  the  Rear  of  Logan  ; 
but  that  Brigade  was  not  disturbed,  and  was  replaced  that  night  by  a'part  of  the  I5th 
Corps  next  to  Schofield,  and  Schofields  Brigade  brought  back  so  as  to  be  kept  together  on 
its  own  Line. 

"Gen'l  Logan  managed  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  well  during  his  Command  and 
it  may  be  that  an  unfair  inference  might  be  drawn  to  his  prejudice  because  he  did  not 
succeed  to  the  permanent  command.  I  was  forced  to  choose  a  Commander  not  only 
for  the  Army  in  the  Field  but  of  the  Department  of  the  Tennessee,  covering  a  vast 
extent  of  country,  with  troops  well  dispersed.  It  was  a  delicate  and  difficult  task,  and  I 
gave  preference  to  Major  Gen'l  O.  O.  Howard  then  in  command  of.  the  4th  Army  Corps  in 
the  Dep't  of  the  Cumberland.  Instead  of  giving  my  reasons,  I  prefer  that  the  wisdom  of 
the  choice  be  left  to  the  test  of  time.  The  President  kindly  ratified  my  choice  and  I  am 
willing  to  assume  the  responsibility.  I  meant  no  disrespect  to  any  officer,  and  hereby  de 
clare  that  Gen'l  Logan  submitted  with  the  grace  and  dignity  of  a  Soldier,  Gentleman,  and 
Patriot,  resumed  the  command  of  his  Corps  proper  (I5th)  and  enjoys  the  love  and  respect 
of  his  Army  and  his  Commanders. 

"It  so  happened  that  on  the  28th  of  July  I  had  again  thrown  the  same  Army  to  the 
Extreme  Right,  the  exposed  flank,  when  the  Enemy  repeated  the  same  manouvre,  striking 
in  mass  the  extreme  Corps,  deployed  in  Line  and  refused  as  a  Flank  (the  I5th  Major  Gen'l 
Logan)  and  he  commanded  in  person.  Gen'l  Howard  and  myself  being  near,  and  that 
Corps  as  heretofore  reported,  repulsed  the  Rebel  Army  completely  and  next  day  advanced 
and  occupied  the  ground  fought  over  and  the  Road  the  Enemy  sought  to  cover.  Gen'l 
Howard  who  had  that  very  day  assumed  his  new  command  unequivocally  gives  Gen'l 
Logan  all  the  credit  possible  and  I  also  beg  to  add  my  most  unqualified  admiration  of  the 
bravery,  skill,  and  more  yet,  good  sense  that  influenced  him  to  bear  a  natural  disappoint 
ment  and  do  his  whole  duty  like  a  man.  If  I  could  bestow  on  him  substantial  reward  it 
would  afford  me  unalloyed  satisfaction,  but  I  do  believe  in  the  consciousness  of  acts  done 
from  noble  impulses  and  gracefully  admitted  by  his  superiors  in  authority  he  will  be  con 
tented.  He  already  holds  the  highest  known  commission  in  the  Army,  and  it  is  hard  to 
say  how  we  can  better  manifest  our  applause. 


ADDENDA. 


513 


tory  of  Atlanta  !  Why  is  it  that  Sherman  now  pretends  that 
he  "  did  not  consider  "  Logan  "  equal  to  the  command  of 
three  corps,"  when  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle  of  At 
lanta,  after  mentioning  McPherson's  death,  he  said  :  "  General 
Logan  succeeded  him,  and  commanded  this  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee  through  this  desperate  battle  with  the  same  success  and 
ability  that  had  characterized  him  in  the  command  of  a  corps 

"At  the  time  of  Gen'l  Howards  selection,  Major  Gen'l  Hooker  Commanded  the  2oth 
Army  Corps  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  made  up  for  his  special  accommodation  out 
of  the  old  nth  and  I2th  Corps,  whereby  Major  Gen'l  Slocum  was  deprived  of  his  Corps 
Command.  Both  the  Law  and  Practice  are  and  have  been  to  fill  vacancies  in  the  higher 
Army  commands  by  selection.  Rank  or  dates  of  commission  have  not  controlled,  nor  am 
I  aware  that  any  reflection  can  be  inferred  unless  the  Junior  be  placed  immediately  over 
the  Senior  ;  but  in  this  case  Gen'l  Hookers  command  was  in  no  manner  disturbed.  Gen'l 
Howard  was  not  put  over  him,  but  in  charge  of  a  distinct  and  separate  Army.  No  indig 
nity  was  offered  or  intended  and  I  must  say  that  Gen'l  Hooker  was  not  justified  in  retiring. 
At  all  events  had  he  spoken  or  written  to  me  I  would  have  made  every  explanation  and 
concession  he  could  have  expected,  but  could  not  have  changed  my  course,  because  then  as 
now  I  believed  it  right  and  for  the  good  of  our  Country  and  cause.  As  a  matter  of  Justice, 
Gen'l  Slocum  having  been  displaced  by  the  consolidation  was  deemed  by  Gen'l  Thomas, 
as  entitled  to  the  vacancy  created  by  Gen'l  Hookers  voluntary  withdrawal  and  has  re 
ceived  it. 

"Official  Copy"  \  "With  great  respect 

L.  M.  DAYTON         !•  (Signed)   "W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Aide-de-Camp.  )  " Major  Gen'l  Cotri'dg." 

Lastly,  is  the  following  letter  from  Sherman  to  Logan,  of  same  date,  in  which  he  practi 
cally  half  acknowledges  the  injustice  of  his  conduct  toward  Logan  as  having  been  proved 
by  Logan's  noble  conduct  since  Sherman  had  done  the  wrong  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 

"!N  THE  FIELD,  Aug.  16,  1864. 

"GEN.  LOGAN,  I  made  a  letter  official  to  the  War  Department  explanatory  of  cer 
tain  matter  personal  to  yourself  and  others,  and  instructed  Dayton  to  furnish  you  a  copy, 
he  says  he  has  done  so.  I  intended  to  have  sent  it  you  with  a  private  note,  I  think  my 
official  letter  ought  to  be  satisfactory  to  you,  and  if  so  you  are  at  liberty  to  furnish  a  copy 
of  the  part  relating  to  yourself  to  your  friends  at  home,  and  you  may  even  publish  the  part 
named.  But  keep  the  original  and  be  careful  not  to  give  copy  of  the  part  relating  to 
Hooker  to  any  person. 

"  The  War  Department  has  a  right  to  the  fullest  intelligence  but  it  is  not  well  to  pub 
lish  our  opinions  when  controverted  as  they  lead  to  discussions  which  cannot  do  any  good. 
But  I  do  think  as  between  you  and  Hooker  no  Soldier  or  Gentleman  will  hesitate  to  say, 
that  if  /  did  injustice  to  either  or  both,  you  have  best  vindicated  yourself  by  standing  fast. 
You  will  never  lose  by  such  a  course  and  I  hope  even  now  you  feel  so. 

"Your  friend, 

"W.  T.  SHERMAN." 
33 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

or  a  division  f  "*     Why  also  did  Sherman  at  his  headquar 
ters  on  the  night  of  that  great  battle  inform  General  Logan 
—as  the  latter  has  told  the  writer — that  Logan  had  earned, 
and  should  have,  the  permanent  command  of  that  army  ? 

Further  on,  in  his  attempted  justification,  General  Sher 
man  says  :  "  I  .  .  .  needed  commanders  .  .  .  who 
would  obey  orders  and  execute  them  promptly  and  on  time  ; 
for  I  knew  that  we  would  have  to  execute  some  most  delicate 
manoeuvres,  requiring  the  utmost  skill,  nicety,  and  precision." 
Here  is  a  covert  insinuation  that  Logan  was  not  such  a 
"commander"  as  "would  obey  orders  and  execute  them 
promptly  and  on  time."  Yet  there  was  in  all  the  armies  of 
the  Republic,  West,  or  East,  no  one  commander  more  distin 
guished  for  obedience  to  orders  at  all  critical  times,  and  for 
executing  them  with  promptitude  and  exactness  ;  and  Sher 
man  himself  knows  it,  as  Grant  knew  it,  and  every  other 
general  officer  under  whom  Logan  served.  And  especially 
must  Sherman  have  known  it  at  this  very  time,  for  less  than 
one  month  had  elapsed  since  Logan,  in  obedience  to  Sher- 

*  Similar  language  can  be  found  also  in  Grant's  official  report  of  this  battle,  only  that 
he  extended  this  just  encomium  so  that  it  covered  the  whole  period  "until  he  was  super 
seded  by  Major-Gcneral  Howard  on  the  27th,"  five  days  after.  Grant,  in  his  Personal 
Memoirs,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  353-354,  says: 

"  Logan  felt  very  much  aggrieved  at  the  transfer  of  General  Howard  from  that  portion 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  which  was  then  with  the  Western  Army,  to  the  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  with  which  army  General  Logan  had  served  from  the  battle  of 
Belmont  to  the  fall  of  Atlanta — having  passed  successively  through  all  grades  from  col 
onel  commanding  a  regiment  to  general  commanding  a  brigade,  division,  and  army  corps, 
until  upon  the  death  of  McPherson  the  command  of  the  entire  Army  of  the  Tennessee  de 
volved  upon  him  in  the  midst  of  a  hotly  contested  battle.  He  conceived  that  he  had  done 
his  full  duty  as  commander  in  that  engagement  ;  and  I  can  bear  testimony  from  personal 
observation,  that  he  had  proved  himself  fully  equal  to  all  the  lower  positons  which  he  had 
occupied  as  a  soldier.  I  will  not  pretend  to  question  the  motive  which  actuated  Sherman 
in  taking  an  officer  from  another  army  to  supersede  General  Logan.  I  have  no  doubt, 
whatever,  that  he  did  this  for  what  he  considered  would  be  to  the  good  of  the  service, 
which  was  more  important  than  that  the  personal  feelings  of  any  individual  should  not  be 
aggrieved  ;  though  /  doubt  whether  he  had  an  officer  with  him  who  could  have  filled  the 
place  as  Logan  would  have  done.  Differences  of  opinion  must  exist  between  the  best  of 
friends  as  to  policies  in  war,  and  of  judgment  as  to  men's  fitness.  The  officer  who  has  the 
command  however,  should  be  allowed  to  judge  of  the  fitness  of  the  officers  under  him,  un 
less  he  is  very  manifestly  wrong." 


ADDENDA.  5!5 

man's  orders,  had,  in  the  face  of  almost  certain  death,  ad 
vanced  with  his  heroic  corps  upon  the  impregnable  position 
of  the  enemy  at  Little  Kenesaw  Mountain.  This  was  one  of 
Sherman's  bloodiest  blunders,  but  Logan  never  faltered  an 
instant  in  obediently  executing  his  orders,  although  scarcely 
a  regimental  commander  of  his  storming  column  escaped 
wounds  or  death  in  that  probably  most  heroic  charge  of  the 
whole  war.  And  this  was  but  one  of  many  instances,  unsur 
passed,  if  ever  equalled,  by  any  West  Pointer,  of  Logan's 
"technical"  and  "professional  "  and  "prompt"  obedience  to 
orders.  It  was  the  matchless  valor  of  Logan  and  his  men 
that  in  this  case,  as  in  others,  alone  redeemed  the  sanguinary 
mistakes  of  his  superior  officer ;  and  this,  perhaps,  was  not, 
and  is  not,  a  pleasant  thing  for  Sherman's  peculiar  memory 
to  dwell  upon. 

Again,  Sherman  gives  as  a  further  excuse  for  not  recom 
mending  Logan  for  the  permanent  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  at  that  time,  when  he  had  so  brilliantly  earned 
and  been  thankfully  assured  of  it  by  himself,  that  he  (Sher 
man)  knew  that  "  we  would  have  to  execute  some  most  deli 
cate  manoeuvres,  requiring  the  utmost  skill,  nicety,  and  pre 
cision  ;  "  and  the  implication  is  obvious,  although  he  does 
not  here  say  so,  that  these  "delicate  manoeuvres  requiring 
the  utmost  skill,  nicety,  and  precision  "  were  to  be  performed 
by  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  that  Logan  had  not  that 
remarkable  "  skill,  nicety,  and  precision  "  in  the  handling  of 
so  large  a  body  of  troops,  which  was  essential  to  the  emer 
gency.  That  would  undoubtedly  be  a  strong  point  if  it  were 
true.  But  it  was  not  true — and  nobody  better  knows  it  than 
Sherman  himself!  We  shall  see  directly  if  this  is  not  so  : 

First,  however,  it  may  be  well  to  ascertain  more  definitely 
what  Sherman  means  by  these  "  delicate  manoeuvres  "  to  be 
executed  immediately  after  Logan's  victory  of  Atlanta — and 
whether  they  were  to  be  executed  by  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee,  or  not.  Sherman's  "interview"  with  "  Gath,"  a  few 


516  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

days  after  Logan's  sad  death,*  supplies  the  evidence  from 
Sherman's  own  mouth.  In  that  interview  "  Gath  "  records 
Sherman  thus : 

"  To  have  succeeded  McPherson  would  have  been  a 
proud  feather  in  Logan's  cap.  But,"  said  General  Sherman, 
with  his  tall  head  looking  upon  the  floor  and  his  fingers  at 


*  Published  in  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer,  December  31,  1886,  in  the  following  words: 

NEW  YORK,  December  3oth. 

It  occurred  to  me  that  General  Sherman  had  not  been  reported  at  length  concerning 
the  character  and  services  of  General  Logan,  so  I  sent  him  my  card  on  Wednesday,  and 
whrn  I  went  upstairs  the  General  said  : 

"I  have  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  and  you  can  have  it  all." 

Said  I  :  "I  want  to  get  an  estimate  from  you  about  Logan  and  some  few  points  of  in 
formation." 

"  Haven't  I  said  all  that  ?  "  said  Sherman.  "Well,  Logan  was  as  brave  as  Julius  Caesar 
and  a  first-rate  natural  soldier,  but  when  he  came  into  the  army  he  was  extremely  raw  and 
crude.  He  was  a  very  different  man  by  the  time  he  died  from  the  Jack  Logan  who  was  in 
troduced  to  me  about  Fort  Henry.  He  was  such  an 

AMBITIOUS   AND    RESOLUTE    FELLOW 

that  the  old  army  officers  were  inclined  to  think  harshly  of  him,  that  he  wanted  to  obtain- 
a  great  deal  for  himself.  That  was  the  cause  of  some  friction  which  he  imputed  for  some 
time  after  the  war  to  a  natural  hostility  between  regulars  and  volunteers.  You  see  we  did 
not  know  each  other  at  the  outbreak  of  affairs,  when  the  responsibilities  were  great,  and  the 
old  West  Point  men  naturally  looked  upon  the  politicians  as  having  no  business  to  bring 
their  peculiar  kind  of  ambition  into  the  service.  We  may  have  under-estimated  Logan's 
real  abilities,  but  I  am  speaking  about  the  facts  at  that  time." 

"General,  in  what  did  Logan  make  a  figure  in  command  of  his  regiment,  division,  or 
corps  ?" 

"Why,  he  looked  so  splendid  on  horseback,  and  would  wave  his  hat  and  ride  down  his 
lines  creating  tremendous  enthusiasm  among  his  men.  There  was  hardly  anything  like  it 
in  the  army.  He  was  a  whole-souled  fellow,  and  liked  the  military  occupation.  He  liked 
glory  and  personality.  I  might  say  that  there  was  a  certain  selfishness  of  environment  about 
Logan  which  made  him  see  nothing  but  that  in  which  he  was  visible  and  included.  What 
ever  belonged  to  himself  or  his  career  he  took  in  vividly,  and  did  his  full  part.  He  was  a 
good  deal  like  some  of  the  best  division  commanders  in  the  Southern  Army — a  brave,  fierce 
fighter,  full  of  the  passion  of  war." 

"I  observe,  General  Sherman,  that  you  refer  explicitly  to  the  method  of  disappointing 
Logan  when  he  was  the  Ranking  Officer  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  after  McPherson's 
death?". 

"Yes  ;  and  I  want  to  explain  that  to  you.  When  McPherson  was  killed  our  lines  were 
seven  miles  in  length,  wrapping  Atlanta  about  in  front  and  keeping  the  enemy  from  coming 
out.  We  had  three  armies  there  under  my  command  — the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  under 
General  Thomas  ;  of  the  Ohio,  under  General  Schofield  ;  and  of  the  Tennessee,  then  under 
General  Logan.  Logan  was  the  Ranking  Corps  Commander.  You  know  that  I  had  no 
power  to  make  the  appointment  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  an  army.  That  had  to  be 


ADDENDA, 


517 


his  chin,  "  see  what  we  had  to  do  down  there  at  Atlanta  when 
McPherson  was  killed.  The  first  thing  I  had  to  do  was  to 
withdraw  McPherson  s  army  from  the  left  and  transfer  it  to 
the  right.  Now,  that  is  one  of  the  most  intricate  military 

•done  from  Washington  City  ;  it  was  the  President's  privilege.  Of  course,  at  the  instant  of 
McPherson' s  death,  Logan,  by  seniority  of  the  three  corps  commanders, 

TOOK   THE   COMMAND. 

It  was  very  grateful  to  his  feelings  and  ambition,  and  he  desired  and  perhaps  expected  to  be 
kept  there.  It  would  have  made  of  him  a  distinguished  man  at  home,  and  his  mind,  un 
like  that  of  the  regular  army  officers,  continually  reverted  to  his  beloved  constituency  which 
had  sent  him  to  Congress,  and  where  he  had  recruited  the  flower  of  the  young  men. 

"I  can  understand,"  said  General  Sherman,  "just  how  Logan  felt,  and  it  is  no  more 
than  just  that  other  people  should  understand  how  I  felt.  George  H.  Thomas  commanded 
the  chief  of  the  three  armies  I  had  there  with  me.  The  armies  were  unequal  in  numbers  ; 
Logan's  army  was  in  three  corps,  numbering  about  eighteen  thousand  men.  Schofield  had 
about  thirty-two  thousand  men.  Thomas  had  more  than  any — fifty  thousand  men.  So 
General  Thomas  was  the  most  important  person  for  me  to  consider,  having  about  one-half 
of  my  whole  force,  which  of  course  had  learned  to  respect  and  sympathize  with  him  as  an 
old  and  tried  commander.  Now,  the  three  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  were  all 
commanded  by  civilians — Logan,  Frank  Blair,  jun.,  and  Granville  Dodge.  These  were  all 
ambitious  men,  but  Dodge,  I  concede,  less  intense  in  his  ambition  than  the  other  two,  who 
had  been  all  their  lives  active  politicians.  The  point  was  how  to  put  Logan  at  the  top 
without  making  Blair  and  Dodge  jealous.  You  see  we  were  out  there  in  the  enemy's 
•country,  a  law  unto  ourselves,  and  we  had  to  consider  a  great  many  things.  It  was  to  me, 
as  the  Commander-in-Chief,  no  great  question  as  to  who  commanded  the  smallest  of  my 
armies,  compared  to  the  problem  of  how  to  beat  the  enemy.  To  General  Logan,  who  had 
come  to 

A  SUPREME  PLACE  IN  HIS  CAREER, 

and  seemed  on  the  point  of  commanding  a  whole  army,  the  matter  of  his  promotion  was 
more  important. 

"General  Thomas  came  to  see  me  while  Logan  was  in  temporary  command,  and  he 
held  that  position  for  some  little  while.  He  said  to  me  :  'What  are  you  going  to  do  about 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  ? '  '  Well,'  said  I,  '  there  is  Logan  in  command.  I  do  not  know 
that  it  exactly  suits  me,  but  it  will  make  him  terribly  mad  not  to  give  him  the  situation 
permanently.  What  do  you  think  about  it?'  '  Well,'  said  Thomas,  '  that  is  what  I  came 
to  see  you  about.  I  don't  think  it  is  going  to  do  to  keep  Logan  there.  He  is  brave  enough 
and  a  good  officer,  but  if  he  had  an  army  I  am  afraid  he  would  edge  over  on  both  sides 
and  annoy  Schofield  and  me.  Even  as  a  corps  commander  he  is  given  to  edging  out 
beyond  his  jurisdiction.  You  cannot  do  better,'  said  Thomas,  'than  to  put  Howard  in 
command  of  that  army.  He  is  tractable  and  we  can  get  along  with  him.'  To  this  I  re 
plied  in  general  terms  :  'Thomas,  to  put  Howard  in  command  will  make  a  rumpus  among 
these  volunteers,  I  am  afraid.  He  has  but  recently  come  out  here  from  the  East,  and  you 
know  the  Western  men  put  a  good  deal  of  store  upon  their  achievements  and  natural 
talents.  If  I  take  Howard  and  give  him  that  army  it  may  dampen  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
troops.  On  the  other  hand,  if  I  give  it  to  Logan,  and  I  can't  give  it  to  anybody  else, 


518  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

movements  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  wliich  a  general  is  called 
upon  to  perform.  It  involved  tactics  during  a  general  move 
ment,  and  while  the  enemy  is  liable  to  come  out  and  go  at  you. 
.  .  The  movement  was  to  pass  the  army  by  defile  in  the 
rear  from  left  to  right.  The  way  to  do  it  was  to  draw  the 

since  he  is  the  senior  corps  commander,  there  is  some  doubt  about  our  getting  along  well 
together  here.' 

"  Thomas  remarked  that  he  was  afraid  he  could  not  get  along  with  Logan  if  he  had  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee.  He  liked  Logan  personally,  but  it  was  a  matter  of  temperament. 
'  Well,  Thomas, '  said  I,  '  we  cannot  get  along  here  without  you.  We  must  continue  to 
gether  in  harmony  to  produce  results  commensurate  with  our  post  and  our  expectations. 
If  you  are  decided  in  the  matter  I  will  telegraph  to  Washington  and  suggest  Howard.' 
Thomas  thought  that  was 

THE   BEST  THAT   COULD  BE   DONE." 

Somewhere  about  this  point  General  Sherman  mentioned  a  General  Wood,  of  the  regular 
army,  who  lived,  he  said,  at  present,  at  or  about  Dayton,  Ohio  ;  it  seems  to  me  that  Sher 
man  said  that  General  Wood  also  had  a  hand  in  this  or  some  other  deliberation  as  to  the 
new  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  Whatever  this  remark  was,  General  Sher 
man  finished  by  saying : 

"  I  sent  a  message  to  President  Lincoln,  saying  that,  under  the  circumstances,  I  thought 
that  O.  O.  Howard  would  be  acceptable  to  me  and  my  other  commanders.  Mr.  Lincoln 
promptly  replied,  appointing  Howard  to  the  command. 

"  Logan  went  back  to  his  corps,  but  I  suppose  that  it  was  a  very  sore  matter  with  him. 
There  was  nothing  insubordinate  or  intractable  about  his  conduct  after  that.  It  was  not 
until  the  war  was  over,  when  it  was  apparent  that  he  rather  nursed  a  hostility  to  the  regu 
lar  army  officers,  but  even  this  gave  way  in  time.  He  was  a  magnanimous  fellow,  and  as- 
experience  softened  and  widened  his  character  he  probably  learned  to  put  himself  in  the 
place  of  others  and  subdue  his  indignation." 

"Did  Logan  never  command  an  army  any  more,  General  Sherman  ?  " 

"Oh,  yes.  He  commanded  that  very  Army  of  the  Tennessee  from  about  Savannah  to 
the  City  of  Washington,  and  at  the  grand  procession  when  we  closed  out  the  war  he  rode  at 
the  head  of  that  army  up  Pennsylvania  Avenue  to  the  President's  stand.  I  will  tell  you  how 
that  was,  and  it  may  be  interesting  to  you.  Logan  was  not  with  us  on  the  great  march 
from  Atlanta  to  the  sea.  After  we  got  to  the  sea  he  rejoined  us,  and  took  part  in  the  fight 
ing  through  South  Carolina  and  North  Carolina.  But  he  disappeared  after  we  got  to  At 
lanta.  It  now  appears  that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  President  Lincoln,  asking  him  to 
go  home  to  Illinois  on  furlough  and  help  carry  the  election  in  1864.  But,  you  see,  I  never 
knew  that.  He  did  not  tell  me.  He  merely  went  off,  and  was  gone  during  our  march 
from  Atlanta  to  Savannah. 

"  I  can  see  myself  now  that  he  yielded  to  the  President's  request,  and  it  may  have  been 
a  confidential  one.  Lincoln  unquestionably  was  distressed  about  his  re-election.  He  was 
afraid  that  Illinois  itself,  where,  especially  in  Southern  Illinois,  there  was  a  great  deal  of 
Copperheadism,  might  not  vote  for  him.  Logan  went  there  and  made  a  large  number 
of  speeches,  as  I  understand,  and  then  started  at  once  to  come  and  command  his  corps,  of 
which  he  was  still  the  commander,  though  Osterhaus  had  taken  it  out  of  Atlanta,  as  his. 
proxy.  He  had  a  first-rate  corps  ;  sometimes  I  have  thought  it  was  the  best  corps  in  my 


ADDENDA.  519 

army  to  be  removed  out  to  a  place  in  the  rear  by  detachments 
and  then  move  it  compactly  in  fighting  position  the  whole 
length  of  the  investing  army,  and  transfer  it  to  the  right  so  that 
it  will  come  into  position  in  fighting  order  again,  tactically 
moving  with  reference  to  both  the  army  and  the  transfer." 

army.  The  material  of  it  was  good,  and  his  example  as  a  personal  commander  had  been 
very  useful  to  it. 

"When  Logan  got  to  City  Point,  on  the  James  River,  it  seems  that  General  Grant  had 
become  anxious  about  General  Thomas  in  Tennessee.  Thomas  had  been  detached  from 
my  army,  and  sent  back  to  head  off  Hood,  who  had  broken  into  Tennessee.  A  good  many 
«f  the  officers  thought  that  Thomas 

OUGHT  TO  HAVE  FOUGHT  HOOD 

Without  letting  him  go  far  into  Tennessee.  Hood  had  left  Atlanta,  and  it  was  a  good  way 
back  to  the  Tennessee  line.  The  idea  was  that  that  country  which  we  had  redeemed  ought 
not  to  be  trespassed  upon  again  by  an  army  of  the  enemy  without  giving  him  fight.  Logan 
now  had  another  opportunity  to  command  an  army  and  win  a  victory,  and  his  conduct  at 
this  time  will  meet  the  approbation  of  everybody.  Grant  had  given  him  discretion  whether 
to  take  command  or  not,  it  seems.  Logan  reached  Louisville  and  found  that  General 
Thomas  was  in  front  of  Nashville  waiting  for  the  sleet  to  thaw  off.  Logan,  however,  was 
assured  that  Thomas  had  his  army  in  splendid  condition  and  would  win  a  victory.  He 
therefore  kept  the  order  in  his  pocket  and  allowed  Thomas  to  go  on  and  crown  his  fame 
with  that  fine  performance  at  Nashville.  You  may  remember  that  when  Thomas  fell  back 
to  Nashville  he  threw  Schofiekl  out  in  front  of  him,  and  broke  the  enemy  as  he  was 
coming  forward,  and  then  quietly  waited  and  went  out  of  his  works  for  him  and  destroyed 
him." 

"General  Sherman,  were  Thomas  and  Logan  at  that  time,  or  any  other,  unfriendly?" 

"  Not  at  all.  They  liked  each  other.  Thomas'  condition  about  Logan  commanding 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  had  no  feeling  in  it ;  it  was  merely  forethought.  Logan  liked 
him.  He  appreciated  Logan,  too." 

"General,  have  you  any  regrets  at  the  present  time  about  appointing  Howard,  instead 
of  Logan  ?  " 

"As  to  that,"  said  the  General,  "  the  result  seems  to  me  to  justify  what  we  did  at  that 
time.  There  was  no  trouble  with  Howard.  Our  march  to  the  sea  and  to  the  conclusion  of 
the  war  went  on  without  a  break.  Now,  that  was  what  we  were  employed  for  and  expected 
to  do.  Of  course,  personal  injustice  and  discrimination  appear  constantly  during  warfare, 
as  one  person  is  disappointed  and  another  given  an  opportunity.  I  cannot  say,  even  while 
Logan  lies  dead,  that  I  did  not  do  the  best  I  could,  in  view  of  my  situation  and  that  of  the 
country.  It  turned  out  well.  Perhaps  if  I  had  put  Logan  in  command  of  that  army  it 
would  have  turned  out  equally  well.  It  hardly  could  have  turned  out  any  better." 

LOGAN    AND    M'PHERSON. 

"Did  Logan  get  along  well  with  McPherson  ?    His  superior  in  his  own  army?  " 
"  First-rate.     McPherson  was  a  remarkable  man.      He  could  get  out  of  men  their  best 
services  without  being  aggressive.      Everybody  who  came  in  contact  with  him  had  to  con 
cede  almost  at  once  to  his  military  skill  and  knowledge.      He  was  one  of  the  best  soldiers 
we  ever  had  in  this  country.      Educated  at  the  military  academy,  fond  of  the  profession  of 


5 20  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Just  so.  And  it  was  this  particular  one  "  of  the  most  in 
tricate  "  of  alt "  military  movements  in  the  face  of  the  enemy" 
requiring  the  "  utmost  skill"  nicety,  and  precision,  which 
Sherman  insinuates  in  his  "  Memoirs,"  Logan  was  not  equal 
to! 

If  Sherman  really  thought  Logan  unequal  to  this  su 
premely  difficult  and  delicate  task,  how  is  it  that  on  the 

arms,  quick  to  discern,  substantial  in  judgment,  he  was  a  man  you  never  had  to  tell  any 
thing  twice.  Having  come  out  of  the  West  and  from  plain  life,  he  had  no  trouble  under 
standing  a  man  like  Logan,  and  Logan  was  probably  more  of  a  student  of  war  from  Mc- 
Pherson  than  from  any  other  person.  To  have  succeeded  McPherson  would  have  been  a 
proud  feather  in  Logan's  cap.  But,"  said  General  Sherman,  with  his  tall  head  looking 
upon  the  floor  and  his  ringers  at  his  chin,  "  see  what  we  had  to  do  down  there  at  Atlanta 
when  McPherson  was  killed.  The  first  thing  I  had  to  do  was  to  withdraw  McPherson's 
army  from  the  left  and  transfer  it  to  the  right.  Now,  that  is  one  of  the  most  intricate  mili 
tary  movements  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  which  a  general  is  called  upon  to  perform.  It  in 
volved  tactics  during  a  general  movement,  and  while  the  enemy  is  liable  to  come  out  and 
go  at  you. 

"At  West  Point  they  teach  tactics  in  the  midst  of  strategy,  if  they  teach  anything. 
They  do  get  it  right  into  the  systems  of  the  boys  there.  You  cannot  stop  in  the  enemy's 
face  to  show  how  these  tactics  are  to  be  exercised  on  the  field.  That  was  one  of  the  things 
I  thought  about  when  the  question  of  McPherson's  successor  came  up.  The  movement  was 
to  pass  the  army  by  defile  in  the  rear  from  left  to  right. 

THE   WAY    TO    DO    IT 

was  to  draw  the  army  to  be  removed  out  to  a  place  in  the  rear  by  detachments  and  then 
move  it  compactly  in  fighting  position  the  whole  length  of  the  investing  armj,  and  transfer 
it  to  the  right  so  that  it  will  come  into  position  in  fighting  order  again,  tactically  moving  with 
reference  to  both  the  army  and  the  transfer." 

"What  was  the  occasion  for  transferring  McPherson's  army  in  that  way?" 
"Why,  you  see,  the  death  of  McPherson  was  caused  by  the  enemy  coming  out  of  his 
works  and  encountering  a  movement  of  ours  to  manoeuvre  him  out.  Each  side  was  to  a  de 
gree  surprised.  The  Confederates  had  defended  Atlanta  in  a  very  elaborate  way.  They  had 
high  ramparts,  ditches,  salients,  plenty  of  abatis,  fraises,  and  whatever  would  make  their 
sixty  thousand  men  inside  of  these  works  equal  to  my  one  hundred  thousand  men  on  the 
outside.  Besides,  they  were  a  brave  garrison.  My  business  was  to  see  how  I  could  trick 
them  to  give  up  those  defences  and  fight  me  on  the  outside.  As  soon  as  McPherson  was 
dead  my  mind  came  to  that  problem  :  '  How  am  I  going  to  get  them  out  and  neutralize  their 
advantages  ? '  That  involved  a  shifting  about  of  the  army  in  order  to  make  them  uneasy. 
It  was  one  of  the  things  which  determined  me  to  put  a  trained  officer  in  command  of  the 
army  I  meant  to  transfer." 

"Yet  you  have  no  complaint  to  make  of  Logan  as  a  corps  commander?  " 
"  None  whatever.     As  I  have  said  before,  Logan  could   see  everything  in  his  own  en 
vironment  and  sight  first-rate.      He  could  look  undaunted  at  the  enemy  in  front  and  com 
mand  his  corps  gallantly  and  in  a  way  to  inspirit  them.      With   me  the  problem  was  always 


ADDENDA.  52i 

evening  of  July  25th — three  days  after  the  desperate  battle 
of  Atlanta — he  actually  ordered  him  to  perform  it  ?  *  And 
what  sort  of  a  memory,  or  a  conscience,  can  be  boasted  by 
the  author  of  Sherman's  "  Memoirs  "  to  make  such  an  insinua- 


What  next  ?  How  am  I  going  to  accomplish  that  which  will  anticipate  some  other  delay  or 
•dilemma  ?  " 

"General,  if  Logan  had  been  sent  to  West  Point  when  a  young  lad,  would  he  not,  with 
his  spirit,  have  probably  made  a  great  soldier  ?  " 

"I  think  he  would.      He  was  a  first-rate  soldier  as  it  was.      There  was 

NO   BETTER   VOLUNTEER. 

Of  the  volunteer  commanders,  while  many  were  capable,  only  a  few  rose  to  the  command 
•of  large  bodies  of  men,  without  early  military  training.  You  have  suggested  Sickles  ;  yes, 
he  got  into  large  responsibility.  There  was  Terry  also.  Then  Logan  and  Frank  Blair  come 
next  to  mind.  I  suppose  those  four  are  about  the  widest  representatives  of  the  promotion 
of  the  volunteer.  West  Point  addresses  itself  to  taking  out  of  the  man  his  insubordination, 
his  mere  individuality  ;  it  teaches  him  obedience  in  everything,  so  that  in  his  place  in  the 
army  he  will  be  unquestioning  and  execute  what  is  told  him.  There  can  only  be  one  will  at 
the  actual  seat  of  war.  It  must  be  a  will  which  is  distributed  down  through  the  grades  of 
commanders  until  it  reaches  the  soldiers  themselves.  Of  course,  it  is  much  in  a  man's  fa 
vor  that  he  has  originally  resolution  of  character,  natural  courage.  Therefore,  I  say  that  if 
Logan  had  gone  to  West  Point  he  might  have  made  a  remarkable  soldier,  But  he  was  re 
markable  as  it  was."  GATH. 

*  Sherman's  order  to  Logan  to  perform  this  difficult  task  with  the  Army  of  the  Tennes 
see,  is  in  these  words  : 

SPECIAL  FIELD  ORDERS  )  HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 

No.  42.  )  IN  THE  FIELD,  NEAR  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  25,  1864. 

IV.  .  .  Major  General  Logan  will  tomorrow  send  all  his  trains  and  sick  and  impedi 
ments  to  the  rear  of  General  Thomas,  to  any  point  near  the  mouth  of  Peach  Tree  Creek, 
and  during  the  early  morning,  by  moonlight,  of  the  next  day,  viz.  :  Wednesday,  July  27th, 
withdraw  his  army,  corps  by  corps,  and  move  it  to  the  right,  forming  on  General  Palmer, 
and  advancing  the  right  as  much  as  possible. 

By  order  of  Major  General  W.  T.  Sherman  : 

L.  M.  DAYTON, 

Aide-de-Camp. 

From  Logan's  orders  to  the  corps  commanders  of  his  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  he  had 
evidently  anticipated  this  order,  as  the  following  copy  —  addressed  to  one  of  them  —  will 
show  : 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  AND  ARMY  OF  THE 


AL  N0ELD  °RDERS  TENNESSEE, 

'  °*  ??'  BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  24th,  1864. 

II.   Corps  Commanders  will  direct  their  Trains  to  move  at  once,  and  park  in  rear  ot 
Maj.  Gen'l  Howard's  command,  on  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Clear  Creek. 


522 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


tion  when  he  knows,  and  knew  while  writing  them,  that  he 
not  only  ordered  Logan  to  make  that  exact  movement  with 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee — from  the  left,  by  the  rear  of  the 

Ammunition  trains  and  Ambulances  will  be  kept  in  the  immediate  rear  of  their  respective 
Divisions. 

The  positions  occupied  by  the  Trains  of  the  respective  corps  will  be  reported  to  these 
Hd.  Qrs. 

By  order  of  Major  General  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

WM.  T.  CLARK, 
Assistant -Adjutant  Central. 
Maj.  Gen'l  G.  M.  DODGE, 

Com'd'g  L.  W.  i6th  A.  C. 

And  Logan's  orders  to  all  his  corps-commanders  for  the  entire  movement  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  based  upon  Sherman's  brief  order  "No.  42,"  were  promptly  issued  in  the 
following  shape — this  also  being  the  copy  sent  to  Dodge  : 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  AND  ARMY  OF  THE 

No.  79.  f 


SPECIAL  FIELD  ORDERS  )  TENNESSEE, 


BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  26th,  1864. 

IV.  In  order  to  carry  out  the  instructions  contained  in  Special  Field  Order  No.  42, 
Mil.  Div.  Miss.,  the  following  movements  of  this  Army  will  be  made  : 

1st.  Brig.  Gen'l  Wood,  com'd'g  ist  Div.  I5th  Army  Corps,  will,  at  4  o'c.  this  p.m.,  march 
with  his  command,  and  take  up  his  position  in  the  new  line  of  intrenchments,  his  Right 
resting  near  the  Railroad. 

2nd.  Maj.  Gen'l  Dodge,  com'd'g  L.  W.  i6th  A.  C.,  will  at  12  o'c.  tonight,  draw  out 
his  command,  and  move  by  the  nearest  route  to  the  Main  Road,  running  in  rear  of  Gen'l 
Schofield's  Line,  entering  the  road  immediately  to  the  West  of  the  point  where  the  new  line 
of  intrenchments  crosses  the  Railroad.  Gen'l  Dodge  will  move  to  the  Right  of  Gen'l 
Thomas'  command,  and  take  up  his  position  on  the  right  of  the  corps  of  Gen'l  Palmer. 

3rd.  As  soon  as  the  troops  of  Maj.  Gen'l  Dodge  have  filed  out,  Maj.  Gen'l  Blair  will 
draw  out  his  command,  and  march  by  the  most  practicable  routes  to  the  Main  Road  indi 
cated  above,  following  the  i6th  Corps  on  that  Road,  and  taking  up  a  position  on  the  Right. 

4th.  When  the  troops  of  I7th  Corps  have  filed  past,  Brig. -Gen'l  Morgan  L.  Smith, 
com'd'g  I5th  A.  C.,  will  draw  out  his  command,  following  the  lyth  Corps,  and  moving  last 
the  Division  of  Brig. -Gen'l  Wood.  The  I5th  Corps  will  take  up  a  position  on  the  Right  of 
the  I  yth  Corps,  one  Division  of  the  command  being  held  in  reserve.  The  new  line  to  be 
occupied  on  the  Right  will  be  thrown  foiward  as  far  as  practicable. 

5th.  That  portion  of  the  artillery  which  can  be  drawn  out  during  the  day,  will  be  des 
ignated  by  Capt.  Hickenloper,  Chief  of  Artillery,  and  a  position  assigned  it  in  the  new  line. 
The  remaining  Artillery  will  be  drawn  out  immediately  after  dark,  the  wheels  muffled  with 
grain  sacks,  and  every  precaution  used  to  make  the  movement  as  silently  as  possible. 

6th.  All  the  trains  except  one  wagon,  with  ammunition  for  each  Regiment  and  Battery, 
will  be  sent  to-day  to  a  point  in  rear  of  the  centre  of  the  Army,  and  there  parked. 

7th.  Corps  commanders  will,  under  the  direction  of  Capt.  Reese,  Chief  Engineer,  cause 
good  roads  to  be  constructed  during  the  day  for  their  commands  to  move  out  upon,  and 
Staff-officers  will  make  themselves  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  route  to  be  taken  by  each 
Division. 


ADDENDA. 


523 


other  two  armies,  to  their  right — but  that  Logan  actually  per 
formed  it  with  wonderful  skill  and  success  !  * 

And  what  was  Logan's  reward  for  the  great  victory  he 
had  won,  and  this  equally  remarkable  military  movement  he 
had  subsequently  made  with  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  ? 
Displacement  from  the  high  command  which  had  fallen  to 
him  by  seniority,  and  which,  by  his  wonderful  achievements 
in  the  interim,  he  had  proved  his  eminent  fitness  to  hold  ! 

To  his  dying  day,  General  Sherman  will  never  be  able  to 
excuse  himself  before  the  Nation  for  his  injustice  to  the  Lion 
of  Atlanta,  nor  can  it  ever  be  condoned  until  he  can  reach 
those  heights  of  courage,  to  which  so  few  have  ever  as 
cended,  by  acknowledging,  with  the  magnanimity  possessed 
only  by  really  great  men,  his  own  error  of  judgment. 

West  Point — which  means  the  perhaps  very  natural  de 
sire  of  every  West  Pointer  to  help  in  advancing  other  West 
Pointers  at  the  expense  of  all  other  persons — was  mainly  at 
the  bottom  of  Sherman's  unjust  action  in  this  matter.  Had 
Julius  Caesar  himself  been  in  Logan's  place — and  Sherman 
has,  since  Logan's  death  declared  that  "  Logan  was  as  brave 
as  Julius  Caesar,  and  a  first-rate  natural  soldier  "•—  Sherman 
would  have  put  Howard  in  Julius  Caesar's  place,  because 
Howard  was  a  West  Pointer  and  Julius  Caesar  was  not. 

What  had  Howard  done  that  entitled  him  to  supersede 
Logan  ?  Had  he  done  more  than  anyone  else  to  win  Bel- 
mont  ?  Had  he  won  his  brigadier's  star  at,  and  written  his 
name  in  blood  high  up  on  the  glorious  roll  of  Donelson  ? 
Had  he  distinguished  himself  at  the  siege  of  Corinth  ?  Had 

8th.  All  arrangements  to  accomplish  these  movements  will  be  made  during  the  day,  so 
that  the  troops  can  be  drawn  out  with  celerity  and  without  confusion. 
By  order  of  Maj.  -Gen'l  JOHN  A.  LOGAN. 

WM.  T.  CLARK, 

As st.  Adjt. -General. 
Maj.  -Gen'  1  G.  M.  DODGE, 

Com'd'g  L.  W.  i6th  A.  C. 

*  For  some  better  idea  of  this  remarkable  piece  of  generalship  on  Logan's  part,  see 
pages  70-71. 


524 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


he  achieved  a  Major-Generalship  for  services  through  the  first 
Mississippi  campaign  ?  Had  his  men  conceived  and  suc 
cessfully  carried  out  the  running  of  the  guns  of  Vicksburg, 
which  gave  success  to  Grant's  remarkable  feat  of  cutting 
loose  from  his  base,  and  all  that  followed  ?  Had  he  ever 
fought  and  won  such  a  battle  as  Raymond  Hill  ?  Had  he 
ever  figured  with  such  distinction  as  did  Logan  at  such  a 
battle  as  Champion  Hills  ?  Had  he  ever  shown  such  skill 
and  valor  as  had  Logan  at  Vicksburg  ?  Had  he  ever  taken 
command  of  an  entire  army  of  three  corps  under  such  cir 
cumstances  as  did  Logan,  and  made  such  a  brilliant  record 
with  it  as  Logan  had  done  ?  Had  ke  ever  commanded  such 
an  army  at  all  ?  No.  All  we  hear  of  him  from  Sherman  is 
that  Howard  had  "  served"  with  him  "  at  Missionary  Ridge 
and  Knoxville,"  and  that  he  was — a  West  Pointer. 

Sherman,  however,  declares  that  this  was  not  the  reason 
for  his  act  of  injustice  to  Logan.  What  else  could  it  be  ? 
Sherman  contents  himself  with  various  palpably  insufficient 
excuses  for  his  conduct.  He  will  not  tell.  But  Logan  al 
ways  imputed  it  to  West  Point  favoritism  and  prejudice— 
which  Sherman  denies.  As  the  case  now  stands,  it  looks  as 
though  there  were  some  other  secret  reason  which  Sherman 
dare  not  avow  lest  his  own  reputation  might  suffer  in  the 
avowal.  However  that  may  be,  until  Sherman,  or  some 
other  person  having  knowledge  of  that  suppressed  reason, 
does  avow  it,  the  public  will  settle  down  to  the  conviction 
that  Sherman's  inexcusable  act  of  injustice  to  Logan  was  due 
not  alone  to  West  Point  favoritism  and  West  Point  preju 
dice,  but  to  West  Point  jealousy  as  well. 


ADDENDA. 


525 


LOGAN  "THRICE"  REFUSES  "THE  CROWN/'  IN  1880 — HIS  WON 
DERFUL  FORTITUDE  UNDER  A  REVERSE — SEVERAL  BITS  OF 
HITHERTO  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY. 

A  Chicago  "  special "  to  the  New  York  Tribune,  Janu 
ary  19,  1887,  tells  the  following  story,  which  is,  in  its  main 
features,  substantially  correct  :* 

The  statement  is  made  here,  and  vouched  for  as  authentic,  that 
John  A.  Logan  "refused  the  crown  "  at  the  national  convention  held  in 
Chicago  in  1880,  before  Garfield  was  nominated.  Weary  with  working 
for  Grant,  and  worn  out  with  excitement,  Logan  lay  down  in  his  room 
in  the  Palmer  House  during  the  recess  on  the  last  day  of  the  conven 
tion,  to  rest  and  recuperate  for  the  renewal  of  the  struggle  in  the  after 
noon.  There  was  a  knock  on  the  door.  Mrs.  Logan  answered  it. 
Senators  Frye  and  Hale  stood  outside.  They  requested  an  interview 
with  Logan.  They  were  admitted  and  without  unnecessary  words  an 
nounced  their  mission,  stating  that  Mr.  Elaine  could  not  be  nominated, 
and  that  they  had  come  to  offer  their  support  to  Logan,  winding  up 
their  remarks  by  asserting  that  he  could  be  nominated  immediately 
after  the  recess. 

"  Logan  said  :  *  Gentlemen,  you  are   extremely  kind,  but   I   cannot 

*  In  his  eulogy  of  Senator  Logan,  on  the  floor  of  the  United  States  Senate,  February  9, 
1887,  Senator  Frye  said  : 

"I  have  seen  within  a  few  days  an  item  floating  in  the  press  that  in  that  ever  to  be  re 
membered  convention,  where  it  was  apparent  that  Mr.  Elaine  could  not  be  nominated, 
Senators  Hale  and  Frye  visited  General  Logan  and  tendered  to  him  the  support  of  their 
friends  for  the  nomination  if  he  would  accept  the  candidacy.  Of  course  it  was  a  myth. 
Senators  Hale  and  Frye  both  knew  John  A.  Logan,  and  had  known  him  for  years,  and 
even  if  they  had  been  vested  with  the  authority,  which  they  were  not,  they  never  would 
have  dreamed  of  undertaking  to  bribe  him  from  his  allegiance.  They  knew  that  no  gratifi 
cation  of  personal  ambition  (and  it  is  the  greatest  temptation  to  a  man  on  earth)  would 
move  him  from  his  allegiance  to  Grant  in  that  fight  any  more  than  a  summer  breeze  would 
stir  a  mountain  from  its  base. " 

Senator  Frye' s  denial  of  the  "item" — so  far  as  himself  and  Senator  Hale  were  con 
cerned — is  given  as  a  matter  of  fairness  to  both  senators,  but  the  fact  still  remains  that  the 
proffer  was  made,  and  presumably  by  those  having  authority  to  do  so.  General  Logan 
himself  told  the  writer  of  it.  "  I  could  have  had  the  nomination  myself,"  he  said,  "instead 
of  Garfield,  if  I  would  have  taken  it.  It  was  offered  me."  Before  Senator  Frye's  denial, 
the  writer  was  also  assured,  from  an  authoritative  source,  that  not  only  was  the  proffer  made, 
but  that  it  was  made  by  Messrs.  Hale  and  Frye.  Since  that  denial  the  assurance  has  been 
repeated. 


526 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


accept  your  proposal.     I  have  been  for  Gen.  Grant,  I  am  for  him  now, 
and  he  will  always  have  one  vote   from   Illinois  in   that   convention  so 
long  as  I  am  in  it  and  his  name  is  before  it.     Grant's  name  cannot  be 
withdrawn  with  my  consent  and  he  will  be  voted  for  to  the  last/ 
44  Messrs.  Hale  and  Frye,  finding  him  inflexible,  left  him." 

A  few  words  more  will  suffice  to  complete  the  record  of 
this  incident,  which  is  given  as  a  practical  illustration  of  Lo 
gan's  lofty  spirit  of  self-sacrifice,  unwavering  loyalty  to  his 
friends,  and  power  of  resisting  temptation  even  when  pre 
sented  in  its  most  alluring  form  to  an  American  patriot. 

It  was  the  day  before  Garfield's  nomination,  while  Wash- 
burne  and  others  were  outside,  negotiating  and  trying  to 
make,  in  the  manner  common  to  politicians,  some  "  arrange 
ment  "  which  would  break  the  "  deadlock,"  and  defeat  Grant, 
that  Logan  was  first  approached,  while  on  the  floor  of  the 
convention,  with  the  proposition  above  alluded  to.  He  in 
stantly  and  positively  refused  to  listen  to  it,  declaring  that  he 
was  "for  Grant,  first,  last,  and  all  the  time  "  —or  words  to 
that  effect,  and,  at  once  resumed  the  gallant  fight  for  Grant, 
which  he  and  Conkling  and  Cameron  were  leading  ;  and  the 
writer  has  heard,  from  those  who  were  present,  that  there 
was  no  grander  figure  in  all  that  great  National  convention 
than  that  of  General  Logan,  when,  mounted  on  a  chair,  with 
the  banner  of  Illinois  waving  in  his  strong  hands,  his  eyes 
flashing  with  fierce  energy,  his  clarion  voice  rang  out  clear 
and  distinct  throughout  that  vast  hall,  so  that  all  the  assem 
bled  multitude  could  hear,  the  battle-cry  of  the  "  stalwart " 
Grant  column — the  inflexible  "306." 

After  the  adjournment  that  day, — which  had  been  carried 
by  the  anti-Grant  men  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  "  combina 
tion  "  upon  some  other  man  in  order  to  beat  Grant,  Logan  was 
resting  at  the  Palmer  House,  when  Elaine's  most  conspicu 
ous  friends  and  managers,  to  wit :  Messrs.  Hale,  Frye,  Jer 
ome  B.  Chaffee,  Stephen  B.  Elkins,  William  H.  Chandler, 
and  others,  visited  Logan  and  again  laid  before  him  the 


ADDENDA. 


527 


tempting  proposal  mentioned, — Mrs.  Logan  and  Levi  P. 
Morton  being  in  the  rooms  at  the  time, — which  he  again  re 
fused  to  entertain  for  a  moment. 

The  final  result  was  that,  after  being  engaged  in  anxious 
and  heated  discussion  and  bargaining  most  of  the  night,  the 
anti-Grant  men,  by  three  or  four  o'clock  in  the  morning 
reached  an -agreement.  The  "  combination  "  had  fixed  upon 
Garfield  in  order  to  beat  Grant. 

What  followed  on  the  floor  of  the  convention  that  morn 
ing — so  far  as  the  nomination  of  Garfield  is  concerned— 
is  known  of  all  men  ;  but  it  remained  to  the  Boston  Ad 
vertiser  soon  after  the  General's  death,  to  tell  "  How  Lo 
gan  bore  defeat."*  He  seemed  more  like  victor,  than  van 
quished. 

As  a  part  of  the  hitherto  "  unwritten  history"  of  this 
famous  convention,  it  may  be  interesting  to  mention  that, 
after  consummating  the  bargain  they  had  made,  by  nominat 
ing  Garfield,  the  anti-Grant  men  became  frightened  over 
their  "  victory  !  "  They  determined,  therefore,  to  put  some 


*  It  said  :  General  Logan  had  the  quality  of  fortitude,  or  what  is  sometimes  called  nerve, 
in  an  extraordinary  degree.  This  was  shown  conspicuously  in  the  National  Republican  Con 
vention  of  1880.  He  and  Mr.  Conkling  and  the  Hon.  Don  Cameron  were  the  leading  sup 
porters  of  General  Grant  in  the  great  contest  there  waged.  When  their  hopes  were  destroyed 
by  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield,  Mr.  Conkling  and  Mr.  Cameron  appeared  "all 
broken  up."  It  was  Mr.  Conkling' s  duty  to  make  the  motion  to  make  the  nomination 
unanimous.  The  convention  waited  for  him,  while  he  remained  a  long  time  as  if  glued  to 
his  chair,  his  face  buried  in  his  hands  resting  on  the  chair  in  front  of  him.  Nobody  dis 
turbed  him  until  he  recovered  sufficient  command  of  himself  to  move  out  into  the  aisle  to 
make  the  expected  motion.  He  seemed  like  another  and  different  man  from  the  one  who 
had  led  so  bravely  the  Grant  forces.  His  hair  was  dishevelled,  his  face  was  woful,  a  white 
handkerchief  was  tied  loosely  about  his  neck,  his  voice  was  low  and  quavering,  and  his 
speech  was  plainly  a  perfunctory  courtesy  uttered  with  difficulty. 

General  Logan  seconded  the  motion.  Doubtless  he  was  as  much  disappointed  as  Mr. 
Conkling  but  he  promptly  mounted  a  chair,  stood  for  a  moment  magnificently  erect  and 
calm,  as  if  he  were  the  spokesman  of  the  satisfied  victors  instead  of  the  defeated,  and  when 
he  spoke  his  voice  rang  out  clear  and  strong,  without  a  suggestion  of  weakness.  He 
never  appeared  in  the  Senate  or  on  the  battlefield  more  completely  master  of  his  emotions. 
The  convention  regarded  him  with  universal  admiration.  There  was  not  a  suspicion  of 
weakness,  or  even  of  disappointment,  in  attitude,  manner  or  speech.  It  was  an  exhibition 
of  imperturbable  fortitude  that  under  the  circumstances  was  simply  heroic. 


5 28  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Grant  man  upon  the  Presidential  ticket  with  Garfield.  Their 
spokesman  came  to  Logan  and  begged  him  to  allow  them  to 
nominate  him  for  Vice-Presidency.  Logan  indignantly  re 
fused,  adding  to  his  refusal  substantially  these  words  :  "  If  you 
do  not  at  once  nominate,  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket,  a 
New  York  man,  I  will  myself  put  Oglesby  in  nomination." 
Accordingly,  Chester  Allan  Arthur  of  New  York  was  nom 
inated  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Fate  ordained  that  Logan  should 
"  thrice  refuse  the    crown  "  at  this   National  convention  :— 
once  on  the  floor  of  th'e  convention,  once  again  at  the  Palmer 
House,  and  once  more  when  he  declined  that  Vice-Presiden 
tial   nomination    which  would  have  brought  to  him,  as  it  did 

to    Arthur,    the     succession     to    the 
Presidency  after  Garfield's  sad  death  ! 

LOGAN'S  LAST  CHRISTMAS  SOUVENIR — 
A  POEM. 

It  may  not  be  without  interest  to 
the  reader  to  recall,  for  the  purpose 
of  completing,  the  story  of  the  Christ 
mas  Eve'  incident  already  briefly 
touched  upon  in  these  pages.  It  was 
the  day  before  Christmas,  1886,  that 
the  writer,  having,  as  was  customary 
with  him  at  Christmas-tide,  procured 
a  little  souvenir  of  the  holy  season— 

which,  on  this  occasion,  was  a  card,  somewhat  larger  than 
this  page,  bearing  upon  its  face  wreath-like  sprays  of  grass, 
flowers,  and  shells  from  the  Holy  Land,  partly  encircling 
the  inscription  "  God  guard  you  and  God  guide  you," — for 
presentation  to  General  Logan,  sat  down  in  his  own  parlor 
and  wrote  the  following  lines  *  to  accompany  it  : 


*  Inserted  in  this  volume  at  the  personal  request  of  Mrs.  Logan. 


ADDENDA.  529 

TO   GENERAL   JOHN   A.  LOGAN,  XMAS   EVE,  1886. 

[With  a  card  of  grasses,  flowers,  and  shells  from  the  Holy  Land,  inscribed 
"  God  guard  you  and  God  guide  you."} 

As  on  your  couch  of  suffering  you  lie 

And  feebly  turn — while  dreadful  spasms  of  pain 

Dart  through  your  every  limb — to  look  on  this 

Reminder  of  the  Holy  Christmas-tide, 

I  hear  you  in  my  fancy,  faintly  say  : 

"  What  are  they  ?     Mere  dead  grasses,  flowers,  and  shells  ! " 

And  I,  though  absent,  fain  would  answer  you, 

That  each  of  these,  though  dead,  is  living  yet ; 

And  though  you  see  in  them  no  moving  tongues, 

Yet  each  and  every  one  of  them  can  tell 

A  tale  miraculous  and  wonderful, 

Which,  opening  nineteen  centuries  ago, 

Has  shed  a  glory  on  the  Ages  past, 

And,  vitalizing  Ages  yet  to  come, 

Shall  wax  resplendent  to  the  very  end  ! 

They  come  from  Palestine  ! 

Those  pimpernels, 

Scarlet  and  white,  violet  and  olive-green — 
Symbolic  colors  in  The  Church's  rites, 
Grew  in  the  very  air  the  Christ-child  breathed ! 
That  shell,  perchance,  is  one  that  closely  roofed 
The  home  of  some  old  mollusk,  on  the  beach, 
When  Christ,  the  Lord,  stood  by  the  raging  sea — 
The  sea  of  Galilee — and  stilled  the  storm  ! 
That  spray  of  grass,  or  this,  may  chance  have  grown 
From  the  same  stock  as  that  which  proudly  felt 
At  Olivet,  or  elsewhere,  thereabout, 
The  pressure  of  the  sacred  feet  of  God  ! 
Those  modest  flowers — how  beautiful  are  they ! — 
Boast  for  their  ancestors,  the  very  ones 
Our  blessed  Lord  forever  sanctified, 
When,  touching  on  King  Solomon's  grand  state 
As  having  less  of  glory  than  had  these, 
He  taught  us  that  the  humblest  of  God's  works 
Are  greater  than  the  greatest  of  mankind's. 
Aye,  all  of  these  dead  grasses,  flowers,  and  shells, 
Gathered,  with  care,  in  that  far  Holy  Land, 
Had  birth  and  death,  where  Christ  was  born  and  died  ; 
35 


530  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Some,  from  the  modest  fields  of  Bethany  ; 
Some,  from  the  beaten  paths  near  Bethlehem  ; 
Some,  from  the  sacred  banks  of  Jordan's  stream  ; 
Some,  from  the  hillsides,  near  Jerusalem  ; 
All,  from  some  spot  made  holy  by  the  feet 
And  trailing  garments  of  the  Son  of  God, — 
All  from  the  soil  once  watered  by  His  tears  ! 

"  What  are  they  ! — these  dead  flowers,  grasses,  and  shells  ? " 
Reminders,  teachers,  showing  all  of  us 
That  even  dead  things  may  teach  living  truths. 

Sick  soldier,  lying  on  thy  bed  of  pain, 
What  are  thy  ills,  to  His  who  died  for  thee  ? 
Thy  agonies  are  great,  and  bravely  borne  ; 
O,  may  they  also  be  borne  thankfully  ; 
For  sufferings  bring  thee  nearer  to  thy  God— 
And  make  thee  dearer  to  His  loving  heart,— 
Who,  through  His  Holy  Angels,  guards  thy  couch, 
An',  if  thou  wilt,  shalt  guide  thy  future  paths.  G.  F.  D. 

On  second  thoughts,  however,  the  writer,  fearing  that 
the  reading  of  these  lines  to  the  General  might  have  a  de 
pressing  effect  upon  him,  concluded  to  suppress  them — at 
least  for  awhile.  Proceeding  to  Calumet  Place  in  the  even 
ing  he  found  the  General  suffering  less  acute  pain.  It  had 
left  his  right  arm  and,  Mrs.  Logan — who  was  the  only  other 
person  then  present  at  the  bedside — said,  had  gone  to  the 
left  side,  now  useless.  She  held  the  open  box  containing  the 
card  before  the  General's  eyes  as  the  writer  clasped  his  hand. 
The  General  looked  his  thanks,  uttered  a  few  words,  and 
seemed  to  fall  into  a  half-conscious  doze.  It  was  5.30  P.M., 
when,  as  before  mentioned,  upon  rising  to  leave  him,  the 
General  twice  pressed  the  writer's  hand  warmly,  while  the 
latter  said  :  "  General,  it  would  be  a  mockery  to  wish  you  a 
merry  Christmas,  but  I  do  wish  you  a  quiet  and  peaceful 
one  ; "  and  when  the  General  replied  slowly,  and  as  if  well 
weighing  the  words,  "  No  ;  not  a  merry  Christmas,  but  I 
hope  a  quiet  and  peaceful  one."  Those  were  the  last  words 
the  writer  ever  heard  from  the  lips  of  Logan. 


ADDENDA. 

LOGAN'S    BRAVE    SCOTTISH    ANCESTRY — MEANING    OF    THE     NAME 
—ROBERT,     THE    BRUCfi's,     VOW — SIR     JAMES     DOUGLAS     AND 
THE    BRUCE'S    HEART HEROIC    CHARGE    AGAINST     THE     SARA 
CENS    IN     SPAIN VALOR     OF     SIR     ROBERT    AND    SIR    WALTER 

LOGAN — ESTATES    FORFEITED,    AND    THE    NAME    PROSCRIBED 

THE    LOGAN    ARMORIAL    BEARINGS. 

From  Vol.  II.  of  "  '  Costumes  of  the  Clans,'  by  R.  R. 
Mclvan,  Esq.,  with  accompanying  description  and  historical 
memoranda  of  character,  mode  of  life,  etc.,  by  James  Logan, 
Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Sc.  Cor.  Mem.  Soc.  Ant.,  Normandy,  etc.," 
which  contains  much  other  information  touching  the  Clan- 
Logan  and  its  chiefs,  the  following  extracts  have  been  taken, 
bearing  upon  the  meaning  of  the  name,  and  characteristics  of 
the  remote  ancestry  of  General  Logan.  They  doubtless  will 
prove  interesting  to  all  who  read  them,  especially  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  General  was  directly  descended  from  the 
valiant  crusader,  Sir  Robert  Logan  of  Restalrig,  (or  Lastal- 
rig,)  whose  chivalric  and  romantic  death  is  here  recounted, 
and  was  entitled  to  the  armorial  bearings  described  : 

"  SIOL  LOGANICH — THE  LOGANS.  It  is  accounted  most  honorable  to  be 
distinguished  by  a  local  appellation,  as  it  is  an  indication  that  the  prop 
erty  from  which  it  is  derived  was  in  possession  of  the  founder  of  the 
tribe  or  family.  Logan  and  Lagan  signify  a  low-lying  or  flat  tract  of 
country,  and  these  terms  occur  in  various  parts  of  Scotland,  in  some 
cases  giving  name  to  a  parish,  as  Logan  in  Ayr,  and  Laggan  in  Inver 
ness-shire. 

"  When  an  individual  receives  a  crown-charter,  it  is  evident  that  he 
must  have  been  a  person  of  some  consideration.  It  is  not,  however,  to 
be  supposed  that  he  was  the  first  who  bore  the  appropriate  name,  al 
though,  in  this  manner,  the  erudite  Chalmers,  in  his  elaborate  *  Cale 
donia,'  derives  the  most  distinguished  families  in  Scotland. 

"  Guillim,  the  celebrated  writer  on  English  heraldry,  gives  this  ac 
count  of  the  origin  of  the  name  :  'A  certain  John  Logan,  serving  with 
the  English  forces  in  Ireland,  whom  the  historian  Balfour  calls  one  of 
the  lords  of  that  country,  having,  upon  the  defeat  of  the  army  which  had 
invaded  the  island  under  the  command  of  Edward  Bruce  in  1316,  taken 
prisoner  Sir  Allan  Stewart,  that  nobleman  gave  his  daughter,  with  sev- 


532 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


eral  lands,  to  his  conqueror's  son,  and  from  this  union,  our  genealogist 
says,  crime  the  Logans  of  Scotland,  who  \verethen  represented  by  those 
of  Idbury  in  Oxfordshire  ! '  Unfortunately  for  the  accuracy  of  this  deri 
vation,  \ve  find  various  individuals  of  the  name,  in  Scotland,  witnessing 
royal  grants,  and  giving  charters  themselves,  one  hundred  and  fifty  years 
before  this  period.  In  the  former  capacity  Robertus  de  Logan  appears 
frequently  in  the  time  of  William  the  Lyon,  who  reigned  from  1165  to 
1214.  As  a  Gaelic  cognomen,  Logan  was  found  equally  in  Ireland, 
.  .  .  and  there  seems  good  reason  to  believe  that  these  were  emi 
grants  from  Scotland. 

'*  The  signatures  of  Walter,  Andrew,  Thurbrand,  John,  and  Phillip 
de  Logan  are  found  among  those  attached  to  the  celebrated  "  Ragman's 
Roll,"  a  bond  of  fealty  exacted  by  Edward  I.  of  England,  in  1296.  The 
Scottish  chiefs,  whom  that  crafty  monarch  suspected  of  being  too  much 
imbued  with  the  principles  of  liberty  to  be  safely  trusted  at  home,  he 
compelled  to  serve  during  his  wars  in  Guienne,  and  John  Cumin,  Lord 
of  Badcnach,  and  Allan  Logan,  a  knight  '  manu  et  consilio  prompt  um* 
were  thus  disposed  of. 

"  In  1306,  Dominus  Walterus  Logan,  with  many  others,  having  been 
taken  prisoner,  was  hanged  at  Durham,  in  presence  of  Edward  of  Car 
narvon,  the  king's  son. 

"  In  1329,  a  remarkable  occurrence  took  place  in  Scottish  history. 
Robert  the  Bruce  had  made  a  vow  of  pilgrimage  to  the  city  of  Jeru 
salem  ;  but  the  continued  wars,  and  unsettled  state  of  the  kingdom, 
rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  carry  his  long-cherished  intention  into 
effect,  and,  on  finding  death  approach,  he  willed  that  the  heart  which 
had  so  long  panted  to  view  the  scene  of  his  Saviour's  sufferings  should 
be  taken  there,  and  deposited  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 

"For  this  purpose,  preparations  were  made  on  a  scale  very  magnifi 
cent  for  the  age,  and  a  choice  band  of  the  most  chivalrous  Scottish  no 
bility  was  selected  as  a  becoming  escort  for  the  princely  relic.  To  '  the 
good  Sir  James  Douglas  '  was  assigned  the  command,  and  Sir  Robert  and 
Sir  Walter  Logan  are  particularly  noticed  as  being  among  the  most  dis 
tinguished  of  his  companions  in  the  pious  embassy,  which  was  unhaply 
fated  to  abortion.  Passing  by  Spain,  the  gallant  Scotsmen  learned  that 
the  Saracens  had  devastated  that  country,  and  were  then  employed  in 
the  siege  of  Grenada  ;  when  it  was  at  once  resolved,  that  as  the  Moors 
were  bitter  enemies  of  the  Cross,  the  duty  of  the  expedition  was  to  land 
and  fight  against  them.  In  the  heat  of  the  attack  that  speedily  followed 
the  debarkation,  Douglas,  taking  from  his  breast  the  silver  casket  which 
contained  the  precious  charge,  threw  it  into  the  thickest  rank  of  the  foe, 
exclaiming  :  *  There,  go  thou  valiant  heart  as  them  were  wont  to  lead  us  ! ' 


ADDENDA. 


533 


— when  the  heroic  troop  dashed  after  it  with  a  fury  irresistible.  The 
casket  was  regained,  but  in  attempting  the  rescue  of  their  friend,  Lord 
Sinclair,  both  Sir  Robert  and  Sir  Walter  Logan  were  slain. 

"  The  Logans  of  Lastalrig  \vere  chiefs  of  the  name  in  the  south  of 
Scotland,  and  this  property,  with  other  lands  near  Berwick,  they  held 
prior  to  the  thirteenth  century.  .  .  „ 

"  The  preceptory  of  Saint  Anthony,  the  picturesque  ruins  of  which 
are  to  be  seen  on  a  small  level  in  the  precipitous  ascent  of  Arthur's 
Seat,  beside  Edinburgh,  was  founded,  in  1430,  by  Sir  Robert  Logan  of 
Lastalrig,  and  it  was  the  only  establishment  of  this  order  in  Scotland. 
The  collegiate  church  of  Lastalrig,  a  fine  Gothic  structure,  restored  and 
made  the  parish  kirk  at  South  Leith,  is  mentioned  as  early  as  1170.  If 
it  was  not  founded  by  the  Logans,  whose  castle  was  close  adjoining, 
they  were  great  benefactors  thereto,  and  were  patrons  of  the  valuable 
living. 

"  The  Lairds  of  Lastalrig,  which  has  been  generally  spelt  Restalrig, 
although  always  pronounced  Lasterrick,  were  barons  of  considerable 
note,  most  of  them  having  received  knighthood  for  national  services. 
Some  of  them,  also,  were  sheriffs  of  the  county,  and  others  held  the 
dignity  of  Lord  Provost  of  Edinburgh.  Sir  Robert  Logan  of  Lastalrig 
married  a  daughter  of  King  Robert  II.,  by  his  wife  Euphemia  Ross  ; 
and  a  successor,  of  the  same  name,  was  one  of  the  hostages  given  for  the 
ransom  of  James  I. 

"  Leith  is  the  flourishing  sea-port  of  the  Scottish  metropolis.  The 
land  on  which  it  is  built,  and  the  harbor  itself,  belonged  to  the  Lairds 
of  Lastalrig,  and,  in  1398,  Sir  Robert  Logan  granted  a  charter,  confer 
ring  on  the  city  of  Edinburgh  free  liberty  and  license  for  *  augmenting, 
enlarging,  and  bigging,  the  Harbour  of  Leith.'  .  .  .  In  1413,  he  gave 
an  additional  grant  of  land,  on  which  to  build  a  free  quay,  and  both  of 
these  charters  were  afterward  ratified  and  extended  by  the  crown." 

The  historian  proceeds,  at  some  length,  to  state  substantially  that, 
owing  to  the  close  proximity  of  the  Logan  estates  to  Edinburgh,  and 
the  jealousies  occasioned  thereby,  the  corporation  of  that  city  and  the 
barons  of  Lastalrig  were  on  bad  terms  ;  and  "finally,  that  mysterious 
affair,  the  Gowric  conspiracy,  'afforded  an  opportune  occasion  for  the 
citizens  to  get  rid  of  their  superiors,  and  the  crafty  James  VI.  to 
gratify  his  own  revenge  for  the  raid  of  Ruthven,  and.  reward  his  grasp 
ing  favourites  with  the  forfeited  estates.'  A  series  of  letters  addressed 
to  the  Earl  of  Gowrie  were  produced,  alleged  to  have  been  *  written 
everie  word  and  subscribed  by  '  him  (Logan  of  Lastalrig),  in  which  he 
is  implicated  as  a  zealous  partisan  in  the  alleged  treasonable  plot. 


LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

"  Logan  had  been  dead  nine  years,  but,  as  by  the  Scottish  law  a 
traitor  was  required  to  be  present  at  his  own  trial,  the  mouldering  re 
mains  were  exhumed  and  produced  in  court !  .  .  .  The  Lords  of 
the  Articles  were,  (notwithstanding  the  suborned  evidence  of  an  infa 
mous  witness),  prepared  to  bring  in  a  verdict  of  acquittal,  but  the  Earl  of 
Dunbar,  who  got  most  of  the  Logan's  estates,  'travailed  so  earnestly  to 
overcome  their  hard  opinions  of  the  process,'  that  they  at  last  ac 
knowledged  themselves  convinced  !  The  forfeiture  was  accompanied 
by  proscription,  so  that  it  was  illegal  for  anyone  to  bear  the  name  of 
Logan. 

"The  Logans  of  Lastalrig  had  ample  lands,  either  in  their  own 
possession  or  as  superiors,  in  the  counties  of  Ayr,  Renfrew,  Perth, 
Lanark,  Aberdeen  ;  and  even  so  far  north  as  Moray,  where  they  held 
the  barony  of  Abernethie,  in  Strathspey. 

"  The  armorial  bearings  are  allusive  to  the  expedition  with  The 
Bruce's  heart  to  the  Holy  Land,  being  :  or,  three  passion-nails  conjoined 
in  point,  sable,  piercing  a  man's  heart,  gules.  Crest :  a  heart,  gules, 
pierced  by  a  passion-nail,  proper.  Motto:  ''Hoc  majorum  virtus'  The 
Logans  of  England  have  not  the  piles  conjoined,  nor  the  heart,  but 
carry  a  lion  passant  in  nombril.  After  the  above  mission,  the  piles 
were  conjoined  (in  the  heart),  and  termed  passion-nails,  as  symbolical 
of  the  three  nails  wherewith  the  Saviour's  feet  and  hands  were  nailed 
to  the  Cross.  In  the  manuscript  collections  of  Sir  James  Balfour  is  a 
drawing  of  the  '  Sigillum  Roberti  Logan  de  Restalrick,'  1279,  in  which 
the  piles  are  simply  conjoined  in  base.  The  Douglases  bear,  in  com 
memoration  of  the  mission  of  their  renowned  ancestor,  a  heart  ensan 
guined,  with  an  imperial  crown,  proper." 

LOGAN'S    SWARTHY    COMPLEXION — now    HE    PROBABLY    CAME 

BY  IT. 

We  have  seen  that  General  Logan  was  descended  from  the 
Logans  of  Lastalrig.  No  mention,  however,  is  made  by  the 
chronicler  of  any  marked  swarthiness  of  complexion  among 
these.  But  there  was  another  clan  of  Logans  in  the  north 
of  Scotland,  from  which  most  of  the  Logans  north  of  the 
Grampian  Hills  claim  descent,  that  inhabited  East  Ross,  its 
chiefs  living  at  Ellan-dubh,  or  the  Black  Isle  ;  and  it  appears 


ADDENDA. 


535 


that,  like  "the  Black  Douglas,"  one  of  these  derived  his 
name  from  his  swarthy  skin.  Says  the  chronicle  from  which 
we  have  already  quoted : 

One  of  these  chiefs,  who  was  called  Gilliegorm,  from  his  dark 
complexion,  was  renowned  for  his  warlike  powers.  He  married  a  rela 
tive  of  the  Lord  Lovat,  but  he  fell  into  an  unfortunate  misunderstand 
ing  with  the  Frasers,  arising  from  some  claim  .  .  .  which  he  en 
deavored  to  make  good  by  force  of  arms.  Hugh,  the  second  Lord 
Lovat,  determined  to  settle  the  matter  of  dispute,  summoned  to  his  as 
sistance  twenty-four  gentlemen  of  his  name  from  the  south,  and,  being 
joined  by  some  McRa's  and  others,  he  marched  with  his  clan  from  Aird, 
against  Gilliegorm,  who  had  mustered  his  forces/ and  was  fully  prepared 
to  meet  his  enemies.  ...  A  sanguinary  battle  took  place  on  the 
muir  above  Kessock,  where  Logan  was  slain  with  most  part  of  his  clans 
men.  Lovat  plundered  the  lands  and  carried  off  the  wife  of  Gilliegorm, 
who  was  then  with  child  ;  but  the  barbarous  resolution  was  formed, 
that  if  it  were  a  male  it  should  be  maimed  or  destroyed,  lest,  when 
grown  up,  the  son  might  avenge  the  father's  death.  The  child  proved 
a  male,  but  humanity  prevailed,  and  he  was  suffered  to  live,  there  being 
the  less  to  be  apprehended  from  his  sickly  and  naturally  deformed  ap 
pearance,  from  which  he  received  the  appellation  c<  Crotach,"  or  hump 
backed.  He  was  educated  by  the  monks  of  Beauly,  entered  holy 
orders,  and  travelled  through  the  Highlands,  founding  the  churches  of 
Kilmor  in  Skye,  and  Kilichrinan  in  Glenelg.  He  seems  to  have  had  a 
dispensation  to  marry,  for  he  left  several  children,  one  of  whom,  accord 
ing  to  a  common  practice,  became  a  devotee  of  Finan,  a  popular  High 
land  saint ;  and  hence  he  was  called  Gillie  Fhinan,  his  descendants 
being  MacGillie  Fhinans.  The  Fh  being  aspirated,  the  pronunciation 
is  Ghilli'inan,  which  has  now  become  McLennan. 

Instead,  therefore,  of  the  very  improbable  story  which  has 
recently  been  making  the  rounds  of  the  press,  that  the  Gen 
eral  owed  his  swarthiness  of  complexion  to  some  Indian  half- 
breed  woman  who  was  not  his  mother,  it  is  much  more  likely 
that  it,  together  with  his  genius  for  war,  was  inherited  from 
some  remote  common  ancestor  of  "  Gilliegorm "  and  the 
Logans  of  Lastalrig,  or  from  some  less  remote  ancestor  de 
scended  from  a  later  union  of  those  two  houses,  or  possibly 
from  a  union  of  the  Logans  of  Lastalrig  with  the  family  of  the 
"  Black  Douglas." 


536  LIFE  OF  LOGAN. 

MRS.  GENERAL  LOGAN HER  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE  AND  AN 
CESTRY — THE  STIRRING  EVENTS  OF  HER  VARIED  LIFE — A 
BRAVE,  KIND,  DEVOTED,  SELF-SACRIFICING,  TACTFUL,  WOMANLY 
WOMAN. 

The  life  of  General  Logan  would  scarcely  be  complete 
without  more  than  a  casual  mention  of  his  estimable  wife, 
—now,  alas,  his  inconsolable  widow, — who,  from  the  days  of 
his  earliest  Congressional  career,  proved  herself  a  worthy 
helpmate  of  her  illustrious  husband,  and  besides  being  most 
self-sacrificing  in  her  devotion  to  that  husband's  best  inter 
ests,  was  also  a  most  affable,  charming,  bright,  and  clear 
headed  leader  in  society.  Always  at  ease  herself  and  pos 
sessed  of  great  tact,  she  sets  all  others  in  her  presence  at  ease 
— at  once  a  womanly  woman,  yet  with  those  vivid  and  just 
perceptions  in  and  knowledge  of  public  affairs  befitting  a 
statesman's  wife.  She  was  thus  personally  described — prior 
to  the  General's  death — by  a  recent  writer  : 

In  appearance  and  manners  Mrs.  Logan  does  not  at  all  justify  the 
slighting  newspaper  reports  which  have  appeared  concerning  her.  She 
is  a  trifle  above  the  medium  height,  and  her  figure  may  well  be  de 
scribed  as  stately  ;  her  movements,  too,  are  graceful  and  elegant,  such 
as  become  the  most  polished  society.  But  it  was  her  face,  beaming 
with  smiles  and  reflecting  in  the  play  of  the  features  her  kindness  of 
feeling,  that  revealed  the  secret  of  the  fascination  which  she  possesses 
for  her  friends  and  acquaintances — not  merely  her  intellectual  accom 
plishments,  but  the  amiability  of  her  disposition,  her  apparent  good 
ness  of  heart,  and  those  qualifications  in  general  which  we  are  accus 
tomed  to  regard  as  essentially  womanly. 

Mrs.  Logan's  face,  which  is  round  rather  than  oval,  and 
shows  decision  in  the  chin,  is  very  animated  when  in  conver 
sation.  The  forehead  is  broad  at  the  base,  and  high,  with 
luxuriant  hair,  once  brown,  but  now  a  pearly  gray,  drawn  to 
the  back  of  the  head,  where  it  is  coiled  and  held  by  a  comb. 
The  eyes  are  light  brown,  and,  in  repose,  are  earnest  and 
grave.  While  much  more  attractive-looking,  she  always  re- 


ADDENDA. 


537 


minds  the  writer  of  Lady  Washington.  She  is  very  sympa 
thetic  and  kind-hearted.  Her  father,  Captain  J.  M.  Cunning 
ham,  who  died  in  1873,  and  for  whose  memory  she  entertains 
the  greatest  possible  affection,  was  of  Irish  ancestry,  and 
born  in  Tennessee,  removing  while  a  young  man  to  Peters 
burg,  Boone  County,  Mo.,  where  he  married  a  Miss  Foun- 
taine,  a  lady  of  French  descent,  and  where  his  daughter 
Mary,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  born  August  15,  1838, 
the  eldest  of  thirteen  children.  He  subsequently  with  his 
family  settled  in  Illinois.  He  had  as  a  youth  been  in  the 
Black  Hawk  War,  and  when  the  war  with  Mexico  broke  out, 
served  in  it  as  Captain  of  Company  B,  First  Illinois  Volun 
teer  Infantry.  It  was  during  this  war,  as  we  have  seen,  that 
he  became  intimate  with  John  A.  Logan,  then  a  lieutenant 
in  another  company  of  the  same  regiment.  Upon  his  re 
turn  from  Mexico,  Captain  Cunningham  was  among  the  old 
"  forty-niners  "  who  went  to  California.  Subsequently,  upon 
his  return  to  Illinois,  he  held  the  position  of  Land  Register 
at  Shawneetown.  Besides  this  position,  he  held  others.  He 
was,  at  various  times,  sheriff  of  his  county,  clerk  of  the  court, 
United  States  Marshal  of  the  Southern  District  of  Illinois, 
and  was  a  member  of  the  Illinois  Legislature  in  1845,  at  the 
same  time  that  General  Logan's  father  occupied  a  seat  in 
that  body.  In  fact  he  was  a  prominent  representative  man 
in  his  part  of  the  country,  and  was  honored  and  beloved  by 
all  who  knew  him.  He  was  always  a  devoted  friend  to  Gen 
eral  Logan,  and  did  much  toward  starting  and  helping  him 
in  his  early  career.  His  daughter  Mary  was  carefully  and 
well  educated  at  a  convent  school,  whence  she  graduated  in 
1855,  and  assisted  her  father  as  secretary  in  the  land  office 
at  Shawneetown,  where  the  General  won  and  wedded  her. 
From  her  earliest  childhood,  as  might  be  expected  in  so 
large  a  family,  she  always  had  more  or  less  to  do  with 
"  minding  the  baby,"  and  looking  after  the  other  numerous 
little  ones.  At  the  death  of  her  mother,  in  1866,  five  of  them 


538  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

were  left  to  be  looked  after ;  and  although  what  with  the 
cares  of  her  own  family  and  of  her  husband's  position,  her 
hands  were  already  full  enough,  she  assumed  the  charge  of, 
and  became  a  second  mother,  as  the  General  was  a  second 
father,  to  them,  educating  and  providing  for  them  as  if  they 
were  their  own  children,  until  they  were  all  established. 
After  the  General  was  elected  to  Congress,  Mrs.  Logan 
came  to  Washington.  A  careful  and  well-informed  writer  in 
the  National  Tribune,  some  two  years  since,  sketched  the 
interesting  story  of  her  life  from  this  time  forward  as  fol 
lows  : 

In  1860,  the  General  was  re-elected  to  Congress,  and  Mrs.  Logan 
spent  that  memorable  winter  at  the  capital  with  him.  Scarcely  had 
they  returned  than  the  news  came  of  the  fall  of  Sumter,  and  in  re 
sponse  to  President  Lincoln's  proclamation  convening  the  new  Con 
gress  in  extra  session,  the  General  was  forced  to  hurry  back  to  Wash 
ington.  Mrs.  Logan  remained  at  home  at  Marion,  whither  the  family 
had  removed  from  Benton,  and  her  position  now  became  one  of  extreme 
difficulty. 

The  General's  constituents  were  largely  Southerners  or  persons  of 
Southern  descent  who  had  settled  in  that  part  of  Illinois,  and  were 
thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  Southern  cause,  and  they  were  all  im 
patient  to  know  what  the  General's  course  would  be.  His  speeches  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  had  already  revealed  his  determination  to 
adhere  to  the  Union,  and  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  instead  of  remaining 
at  Washington,  he  had  joined  Colonel  Richardson's  Michigan  Regiment 
and  fought  with  it  all  day.  He  was  in  citizen's  dress,  and  Mrs.  Logan 
tells  me  that  she  still  has  the  suit  he  wore  on  that  historic  day. 

When  it  became  known,  therefore,  after  the  battle,  that  the  General 
was  about  to  return  to  his  district  and  publicly  announce  the  course  he 
intended  to  pursue,  there  was  the  greatest  excitement  among  his  con 
stituents.  People  even  forgot  to  attend  to  their  ordinary  vocations, 
business  was  suspended,  and  the  farmers,  neglecting  their  crops,  came 
pouring  into  Marion — then  a  little  town  of  one  thousand  inhabitants — 
to  await  their  Representative's  return,  and  hear  what  he  had  to  say. 
Mrs.  Logan  foresaw  that  in  the  excited  state  of  the  public  mind  every 
thing  would  depend  upon  the  circumstances  under  which  her  husband 
made  announcement  of  his  intentions  She  could  not  venture  out  of 
doors  without  a  crowd  collecting  about  her  and  questioning  her  con- 


ADDENDA. 


539 


cerning  her  husband,  and  she  felt  that  it  was  of  the  utmost  consequence 
that  he  should  be  able  to  secure  a  fair  audience  and  be  able  to  exert 
his  personal  influence  to  stay  the  threatened  stampede  of  the  secession 
ists.  Many  who  afterwards  were  stanch  supporters  of  the  Union  were 
then  undecided  in  opinion,  and  she  knew  that  the  slightest  untoward 
event  might  turn  the  scales.  It  was  essential,  indeed,  for  him  to  retain 
their  confidence,  and  convince  them  that  his  was  the  only  reasonable 
and  patriotic  course  to  pursue.  Already  resolutions  of  secession  had 
been  passed  at  meetings  in  his  district,  and  Mrs.  Logan,  and  her  hus 
band's  friends,  in  endeavoring  to  restrain  public  opinion  until  their 
Representative  could  personally  appear  and  declare  his  views,  had  a 
most  delicate  and  dangerous  role  to  play. 

On  the  day  set  for  his  arrival,  she  drove  in  a  buggy  all  the  way  to 
Carbondale,  the  nearest  railway  station,  twenty-two  miles  away,  to  meet 
him,  but  learning  there  that  the  train  by  which  he  was  to  have  arrived 
had  "missed  connections,"  immediately  turned  about  and  drove  back 
to  Marion.  It  was  evening  when  she  reached  there,  and  the  streets 
were  still  full  of  people.  They  crowded  in  a  mass  around  her  buggy 
and  demanded  to  know  why  her  husband  had  not  accompanied  her. 
Colonel  White,  then  clerk  of  the  court,  and  her  father,  Captain  Cun 
ningham,  exerted  themselves  to  pacify  the  mob,  but  it  was  not  until  the 
sheriif,  Mr.  Swindell,  stood  up  in  her  buggy  and  urged  the  crowd  to 
disperse,  assuring  it  that  Logan  would  surely  be  there  in  the  morning 
and  address  them,  that  the  clamor  could  be  quelled. 

Once  released  from  her  unpleasant  if  not  perilous  position,  Mrs. 
Logan  turned  her  horse  around,  and  in  the  darkness  pluckily  set  out 
again  on  that  long  ride  to  Carbondale.  It  was  two  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing  when  the  train  which  bore  her  husband  rolled  into  the  depot,  but 
without  waiting  to  rest  and  refresh  themselves,  they  secured  a  fresh 
horse  and  by  daylight  were  once  more  at  Marion.  The  town  was  still 
full  of  people  pacing  the  streets,  but  on  perceiving  that  General  Logan 
had  really  arrived,  and  on  receiving  his  promise  to  address  them  at 
eleven  o'clock,  they  made  no  demonstration. 

What  occurred  afterward,  on  that  memorable  morning  at 
Marion,  when  Logan  commenced  to  raise  his  Thirty-first  Illi 
nois  Regiment,  has  already  been  given  to  the  reader  in  the 
earlier  pages  of  this  work.  But  the  sketch  of  Mrs.  Logan 
continues  thus  : 

During  this  period,  and  while  the  regiment  was  being  organized, 
Mrs.  Logan  acted  as  his  aid-de-camp,  frequently  carrying  his  dispatches 


-40  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

between  Marion  and  Carbondale  and  making  the  long  and  wearisome 
journey  with  no  other  companion  than  a  little  boy  named  Willie  Chew. 

From  what  I  have  said,  you  will  be  prepared  to  believe  that  Mrs. 
Logan  took  every  opportunity  that  offered,  to  be  with  the  General  dur 
ing  his  campaigns.  She  followed  him  to  Cairo,  where  the  troops  ren 
dezvoused,  and  where  his  regiment  suffered  from  an  epidemic  of  measles. 
Five  hundred  of  the  men  were  attacked  by  the  disease,  and  the  pur 
veyor's  office  and  the  medical  branch  of  the  army  were  at  that  time  so 
poorly  organized  that  the  proper  attention  could  not  be  given  them. 
A  hotel  had  been  taken  possession  of  and  converted  into  a  so-called 
hospital,  but  the  boys  were  without  cots  or  beds,  and  compelled  to  lie 
on  the  bare  floor  with  only  their  knapsacks  for  pillows.  The  General 
was  naturally  solicitous  about  their  condition,  and  at  the  first  sugges 
tion  from  him  that  something  ought  to  be  done,  his  wife  took  the  train 
for  Carbondale,  and  soon  had  the  kind-hearted  ladies  of  that  place,  and 
Marion,  busily  engaged  in  preparing  the  necessary  supplies,  so  that 
within  thirty-six  hours  the  bare  and  cheerless  hospital  was  entirely 
revolutionized  in  appearance.  The  General  succeeded  in  obtaining 
some  cots,  and  the  ladies  furnished  bountiful  supplies  of  blankets,  pii- 
luws,  etc.  Up  to  this  time,  eight  or  ten  poor  fellows  had  died  of  the 
disease,  but  after  this  transformation  had  been  effected  in  the  hospital 
not  a  single  life  was  lost.  Of  course  the  blankets  supplied  by  these 
loyal  women  were  of  many  colors  and  patterns,  and  thus  this  infirmary 
came  to  be  known  as  "  the  Striped  Hospital."  General  Logan's  boys 
never  forgot  her  kindness  and  thoughtfulness  on  that  occasion. 

Mrs.  Logan  remained  at  Cairo  until  the  embarkation  of  the  troops, 
and  from  that  city  heard  the  cannonading  at  Belmont  in  November. 
In  January,  1862,  she  returned  to  Marion,  but  after  the  battle  of  Fort 
Donelson,  where  the  General  was  wounded,  she  joined  him  on  board 
the  Uncle  Sam,  then  lying  in  the  Tennessee  River,  and  afterward  had 
him  removed  to  a  neighboring  house  which  had  been  appropriated  for 
hospital  headquarters,  where  she  tenderly  nursed  him  until  he  was  able 
to  rejoin  his  command,  which  he  did  on  April  yth,  reaching  the  field  of 
Shiloh  on  the  evening  of  the  second  day's  battle.  Mrs.  Logan  again 
followed  him,  but  upon  the  movement  of  the  army  on  Corinth  returned 
home.  The  February  following  (1863)  she  saw  him  again  at  Memphis, 
where  she  also  ministered  to  the  sick  and  wounded  in  the  hospital. 
She  was  particular  to  look  after  the  comfort  of  the  boys  of  her  hus 
band's  regiment,  who  were,  as  she  has  often  told  me,  every  one  of  them 
"  fit  to  be  invited  to  any  gentleman's  house."  But  the  time  came  when 
the  troops  were  ordered  off  to  Vicksburg,  and  she  once  more  returned 
to  Marion. 


ADDENDA.  54 ! 

So  bitter  had  become  the  feelings  of  the  Southern  sympathizers 
there  at  that  time,  however,  that  she  decided  to  remove  to  Carbondale, 
where  she  remained  until  the  close  of  the  war.  For  a  long  time  she 
had  no  one  to  help  her  except  a  young  lady  who  has  since  become  the 
wife  of  General  Pearson,  and  these  two,  I  know,  used  to  personally 
take  care  of  the  six  or  seven  head  of  horses  that  she  had  brought  from 
Marion.  At  last  she  picked  up  an  old  colored  man — a  refugee — and 
was  promptly  notified  by  her  rebel  neighbors  that  if  she  did  not  at  once 
dismiss  him  they  would  raid  her  house.  The  old  man  was  badly 
scared,  but  she  told  him  that  if  they  ventured  to  carry  out  their  threat 
they  should  have  the  best  she  had  in  the  shape  of  shot, — she  had  pro 
vided  herself  with  arms  and  ammunition, — and  they  prudently  refrained 
from  molesting  her.  Fortunately,  she  was  kept  well-posted  as  to  what 
was  going  on.  On  one  occasion  she  was  informed  that  one  of  her 
neighbors,  to  whom  she  had  been  particularly  kind  and  obliging,  was 
about  to  lead  a  party  in  a  night  attack  on  her  house  with  a  view  to  capt 
uring  her  colored  servant.  Not  disconcerted  in  the  least,  she  went 
straight  to  the  ringleader  and  told  him  that  if  he  touched  a  hair  of  the 
old  darkey's  head  she  would  see  that  he  was  arrested  and  brought  to 
justice  !  She  was  never  afterward  molested  and  when  her  friends  urged 
her  to  leave  Southern  Illinois  for  a  less  turbulent  section  of  the  country, 
she  always  declared  that  this  was  a  free  country,  and  she  was  deter 
mined,  whatever  came  of  it,  to  stay  where  she  was.  It  required  a  good 
deal  of  genuine  grit  to  maintain  that  position  in  those  troublous  times 
in  Southern  Illinois  ;  and  Mrs.  Logan,  I  know,  cannot  even  yet  think 
of  them  with  composure  ;  yet  she  lived  to  see  the  day  when  the  old 
friendships  were  re-established,  and  she  says  very  truly  that  almost  any 
of  the  people  of  that  section  would  die  for  General  Logan  now,  and 
that  she  retains  the  strongest  affection  for  them. 

It  was  not  until  after  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  that  Mrs.  Logan  again 
saw  the  General.  He  came  North  early  in  August  to  fight  the  enemies 
of  the  Union  at  home,  and  for  a  month  participated  in  the  exciting 
campaign  of  1863,  returning  to  Chattanooga  toward  the  close  of  Sep 
tember,  and  assuming  command  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps.  Then  fol 
lowed  that  brilliant  campaign  which  terminated  in  the  fall  of  Atlanta. 
The  General  had  won  his  brigadier-general's  stars  at  Donelson  and  his 
major-general's  at  Vicksburg,  and  in  the  Atlanta  campaign  he  once 
more  covered  himself  with  glory.  At  its  close,  however,  in  the  autumn 
of  1864,  he  was  needed  at  home  to  rally  our  faint-hearted  citizens  to 
the  support  of  President  Lincoln,  and  husband  and  wife  were  once 
more  united.  When  the  General  again  took  the  field  it  was  to  find  his 
command  at  Savannah,  at  the  conclusion  of  its  famous  "  March  to  the 


542 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Sea."  The  Confederacy  was  then  on  the  eve  of  dissolution,  and  soon 
the  fall  of  Richmond  and  the  surrender  of  Lee  were  followed  by  the 
capitulation  of  Johnston  and  the  general  dispersion  of  the  Confederate 
armies.  Then  came  the  grand  review  at  Washington,  regarding  which 
Mrs.  Logan  has  often  told  me  that  it  is  one  of  the  regrets  of  her  life 
that  she  was  unable  to  witness  that  magnificent  procession  of  returning 
heroes.  At  the  time  she  was  at  her  home  in  Carbondale,  111 ,  and  John 
A.  Logan,  Jr.,  was  only  three  days  old. 

The  war  over,  General  Logan  returned  home  with  the  intention  of 
resuming  the  practice  of  his  profession.  Prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
rebellion  he  had  already  acquired  an  enviable  reputation  at  the  bar, 
and  on  entering  the  service  he  had  paid  over  to  Mrs.  Logan,  as  I  hap 
pen  to  know,  $10,000  in  §20  gold  pieces  as  the  sum  of  his  gains.  But 
he  was  not  allowed  to  carry  out  his  plans.  He  consented  to  accept  the 
nomination  for  Congressman-at-Large,  and  his  public  career  from  that 
date  to  this  is  known  to  everybody.  I  allude  to  it  only  because  it  af 
forded  a  wider  field  for  the  display  of  that  wifely  devotion  in  which 
during  the  trying  times  of  the  war  Mrs.  Logan  had  never  faltered. 

She  has  often  been  the  subject  of  comment  because  she  participated 
in  her  husband's  campaigns  ;  but  the  fact  is  that  she  accompanied  him 
solely  because  of  the  profound  attachment  that  existed  between  the 
two  and  their  mutual  unwillingness  to  be  separated  from  each  other. 
Naturally,  his  friends  became  hers,  and  she  acquired  such  a  familiarity 
•with  his  affairs  as  to  be  able  to  lighten  his  cares  and  share  his  burdens 
with  him.  It  is  so  unusual  to  find  a  woman  of  domestic  tastes  taking 
such  an  intimate  interest  in  her  husband's  public  career  that  it  is  not 
strange  that  she  should  be  thought  masculine  in  temperament  and  dis 
position  ;  but  nothing  could  be  farther  from  the  truth.  Education  and 
experience  have  fitted  her  to  be  in  the  truest  sense  a  helpmate  to  her 
husband,  and  if  she  has  undertaken  at  times  to  conduct  a  part  of  his 
correspondence,  in  addition  to  discharging  those  domestic  and  social 
duties  which  her  position  imposed  upon  her,  it  is  because  it  is  a  labor 
of  love  with  her,  prompted  by  no  unwomanly  ambition,  but  simply  by 
her  affection  for  her  husband. 

A  happier  couple  I  do  not  know,  and  their  happiness  is  in  one  sense 
the  result  of  making  other  people  happy.  Mrs.  Logan,  as  I  have  said, 
was  the  eldest  of  thirteen  children, — seven  girls  and  six  boys, — and  upon 
her  largely  fell  the  burden  of  their  education  and  support.  Lovingly 
she  fulfilled  the  trust,  unselfish  in  that  as  in  everything  else.  Three 
sisters  and  two  brothers  are  still  living,  but  Captain  Cunningham  died  in 
1873  and  her  mother  in  1866.  Mrs.  Logan  has  had  three  children  born 
to  her.  The  first —  a  boy — died  in  infancy  ;  the  second  is  now  the  wife 


ADDENDA. 


543 


of  Paymaster  Tucker  ;  while  the  third,  "  Manning,"  or,  as  he  is  called 
since  taking  the  full  name  of  his  father,  John  A.  Logan,  Jr.,  is  a  cadet 
at  West  Point.  Her  religion  is  that  of  the  Methodist  Church,  of  which 
she  became  a  member  shortly  after  her  marriage,  although  her  family 
were  all  connected  with  the  denomination  known  as  the  "Christian 
Church."  General  Logan  joined  the  Methodist  Church  at  Carbondale 
in  1869. 

It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  that  the  General's  and  Mrs.  Logan's 
attachment  for  the  people  of  Southern  Illinois,  among  whom  their 
youth  was  passed,  has  but  strengthened  with  time.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  General  on  becoming  firmly  established  at  the  bar  was  to 
purchase  the  old  homestead  in  Jackson  County,  where  he  was  born,  and 
he  still  owns  it,  although  his  brother  Tom  is  now  occupying  the  place, 
which  consists  of  about  five  hundred  acres.  The  house,  I  remember, 
was  built  of  logs,  weather-boarded,  and  was  considered  quite  a  preten 
tious  mansion  in  its  day,  but  only  the  ruins  are  now  to  be  seen.  It  was 
burned  to  the  ground  some  three  years  ago. 

But  I  am  at  the  end  of  my  story.  I  only  wanted  you  to  know  what 
Mrs.  Logan's  life  has  really  been — how  full  of  self-sacrifice,  of  womanly 
devotion,  of  brave  actions  and  kindly  deeds. 

Such  is  the  story,  told  by  another,  of  Mrs.  Logan's  stir 
ring  life  from  the  winter  of  1 860-61  down  to  two  years  ago. 
But,  since  then,  how  dramatic  have  been  the  changes  in  it, 
ordained  by  Fate  !  A  comfortable,  spacious,  beautiful  home 
established  at  Calumet  Place,  overlooking  the  National  capi 
tal  ;  the  assurance  of  a  long  period  of  increasing  political 
power  and  social  influence  ;  opportunity  for  lengthy  and  pleas 
ant  sojournings  throughout  the  States  amid  the  joyous  greet 
ings  of  the  people  ;  the  fast  ripening  prospects  of  Presidential 
probabilities ;  and  then,  alas,  all  blighted  and  blackened  by 
the  dread  shadow  of  the  Angel  of  Death  !  Truly,  the  glory 
of  her  life  has  departed. 


APPENDIX. 


PART  I.— SENATE  EULOGIES  UPON  LOGAN. 


TRIBUTES  OF  UNITED  STATES  SENATORS  CULLOM,  MORGAN,  EDMUNDS,  MANDERSON,  HAMP 
TON,  ALLISON,  HAWLEY,  SPOONER,  COCKRELL,  FRYE,  PLUMB,  EVARTS,  SABIN,  PALMER, 
AND  FARWELL,  TO  LOGAN'S  CHARACTER  AND  ACHIEVEMENTS. 

On  February  9,  1887,  ^ie  sixty-first  anniversary  of  Logan's  birth,  immediately  after  the 
reading  of  the  journal,  Senator  Cullom  introduced,  in  the  United  States  Senate,  the  follow 
ing  resolutions  : 

Resolved  by  the  Senate*  That  as  an  additional  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  John  A.  Logan,  long  a 
Senator  from  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  a  distinguished  member  of  this  body,  business  be  now  suspended,  that 
the  friends  and  associates  of  the  deceased  may  pay  fitting  tribute  to  his  public  and  private  virtues. 

Resolved^  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  be  directed  to  communicate  these  resolutions  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  to  furnish  an  engrossed  copy  of  the  same  to  the  family  of  the  deceased  Senator. 

SENATOR    SHI'LBY    M.    CULLOM    [REP.],    OF    ILLINOIS,    THEREUPON    SAID: 

To-day  we  lay  our  tribute  of  love  upon  the  tomb  of  Logan.  Suffering  from  a  sense  of 
personal  loss  too  deep  to  find  expression,  I  despair  of  being  able  to  render  adequate  praise 
to  his  memory.  But  yesterday,  as  it  were,  he  stood  among  us  here  in  the  full  flush  of  ro 
bust  manhood.  A  giant  in  strength  and  endurance,  with  a  will  of  iron,  and  a  constitution 
tough  as  the  sturdy  oak,  he  seemed  to  hold  within  his  grasp  more  than  the  threescore  years 
and  ten  allotted  to  man.  No  one  thought  in  the  same  moment  of  Logan  and  death — two 
conquerors  who  should  come  face  to  face,  and  the  weaker  yield  to  the  stronger.  It  seemed 
as  if  Logan  could  not  die.  Yet,  in  a  moment,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  as  it  were, 
"God's  finger  touched  him,  and  he  slept."  .  .  .  Had  he  lived  until  to-day,  sixty-one 
years — eventful,  glorious  years — would  have  rested  their  burden  as  a  crown  upon  his  head. 
Life  is  a  crucible  into  which  we  are  thrown  to  be  tried.  How  many  but  prove  the  presence 
of  alloy  so  base  that  refining  "  seven  times  "  cannot  purify.  But  here  was  a  life  generous  and 
noble,  an  open  book  from  which  friend  and  foe  alike  might  read  the  character  of  the  man. 
.  .  .  Placing  party  and  platforms  under  his  feet,  he  was  first  of  all  for  the  Union  and 
the  flag,  which  were  dearer  than  all  else  to  him.  With  the  flash  of  the  first  gun  which 
thundered  its  doom  upon  Sumter  he  was  up  and  in  arms.  Consecrating  all  the  energy  of 
his  ardent  nature  to  the  cause  of  the  Union,  he  left  his  seat  in  Congress,  saying  he  could 
best  serve  his  country  in  the  field.  Falling  into  the  ranks  of  the  Union  army  he  took  his 
part  as  a  civilian  volunteer  in  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run.  .  . 

During  the  war  General  Logan  rose  by  regular  promotion  through  every  grade  from 
colonel  to  the  highest  rank,  save  that  of  lieutenant-general,  that  the  nation  could  bestow 
in  recognition  of  his  bravery  and  great  capacity  as  an  officer.  Is  it  enough  to  say  of  Gen 
eral  Logan  that  he  was  the  greatest  volunteer  general  of  the  Union  army?  By  no  means. 
A  quarter  of  a  century  and  more  has  passed  since  that  terrible  struggle,  and  civil  honors 
were  won  by  him  during  that  period  as  rapidly  as  military  ones  were  won  during  the 
war. 

You  will  call  to  mind,  Mr.  President,  General  Logan's  speeches  on  education,  on  the 
needs  of  the  army,  his  defence  of  General  Grant,  and  his  arraignment  of  General  Fitz  John 
Porter.  These  constitute  an  important  part  of  the  records  of  senatorial  debates,  and 
should  be  classed  among  the  ablest  and  most  exhaustive  speeches  ever  made  in  the  Senate. 
As  a  political  leader  General  Logan  was  conspicuously  successful.  He  was  naturally  in  the 
front  rank,  whether  on  the  field  of  battle  or  in  political  contests.  Living  in  an  era  when 


546 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


corruption  was  not  uncommon,  when  strong  men  of  both  parties  sometimes  stood  aghast 
and  saw  their  reputations  blasted  by  public  exposure,  he  remained  throughout  his  long 
public  career  above  suspicion.  Wealth  could  not  tempt  him  to  soil  his  spotless  name.  He 
never  used  the  opportunities  of  his  official  position  as  a  means  of  obtaining  gold.  He  died 
as  he  had  lived,  a  poor  man.  In  the  last  national  campaign,  when  he  bore  aloft  so  valiantly 
the  colors  of  his  party,  there  was  no  ghost  of  dishonor  in  his  past  to  rise  up  and  cry  upon 
him  shame.  May  his  children  "rejoice  and  be  glad  "  in  the  example  of  a  father  of  whom 
the  whole  nation  could  rise  up  and  say,  "There  was  an  honest  man."  .  .  .  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  few  men  in  American  history  have  left  so  positive  an  impress  on  the  public  mind  and 
so  glorious  a  record  to  be  known  and  read  of  all  men  as  has  General  Logan.  The  pen  of 
the  historian  cannot  fail  to  write  the  name  of  Logan  as  one  prominently  identified  with  the 
great  movements  and  measures  which  have  saved  the  Union  and  made  the  nation  free  and 
great  and  glorious  within  the  last  thirty  years.  .  .  . 

SENATOR   JOHN    T.    MORGAN    [DEM.],  OF   ALABAMA,    SAID: 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  .  .  .  John  A.  Logan  was,  more  than  almost  any  man  in  my  remem 
brance,  the  typical  American  of  the  Western  States.  He  was  born  and  reared  in  the  West, 
that  country  of  marvellous  strength,  power,  and  progress.  All  of  his  efforts  were  given  to 
the  service,  first,  of  that  particular  section,  and  afterward  to  the  more  enlarged  service  of  the 
general  country.  But  Logan  seemed  to  be  the  embodiment  of  the  spirit  and  power  of  that 
wonderful  West,  which  has  grown  and  strengthened  in  our  country  as  no  other  section  of 
this  Union  ever  has  within  a  given  time.  The  energy  of  his  nature,  the  fortitude,  the  per 
sistence,  the  industry,  the  courage  with  which  he  encountered  every  question  that  arose, 
seemed  merely  to  exemplify  the  pervading  spirit  of  the  western  part  of  the  United  States, 
and  he  will  go  down  to  posterity,  not  because  we  describe  him  in  our  speeches  here  to-day, 
but  because  he  has  described  himself  in  every  act  of  his  life  as  a  man  perfectly  understood 
and  the  recognized  exemplar  of  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  splendid  types  of  American 
character.  .  .  .  Men  who  thought  and  felt  as  I  have  thought  and  felt  always  gladly 
stretch  forth  the  hand  of  honest  brotherhood  to  men  like  John  A.  Logan.  We  were  never 
afraid  of  such  men  because  they  were  candid  and  true.  No  guile  beset  that  man's  life,  no 
evasion,  no  finesse.  No  merely  political  strategy  ever  characterized  his  conduct  in  public 
life  or  marred  his  honor  in  private  life.  He  was  a  bold,  pronounced,  dignified,  earnest, 
manly,  firm,  generous,  true  man,  and  I  value  the  opportunity  to  express  these  sentiments 
about  such  a  man  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  on  this  solemn  occasion.  ...  I  believe 
that  no  man  has  died  in  this  country  in  half  a  century  for  whom  the  people  of  the  United 
States  at  large  had  a  more  genuine  respect  or  in  whom  they  had  greater  confidence  than  in 
General  Logan.  The  Senate  has  witnessed  on  various  occasions  his  antagonism  even  to  his 
best  friends  when  his  convictions  led  him  to  separate  from  them  upon  political  and  other 
questions  that  have  been  brought  before  the  Senate.  Always  courageous,  always  firm, 
always  true,  you  knew  exactly  where  to  place  him  ;  and  when  his  manly  form  strode  across 
the  Senate  Chamber  and  he  took  his  seat  among  his  brethren  of  this  body  this  country  as 
well  as  this  august  tribunal  felt  that  a  man  had  appeared  of  valor  and  strength  and  real 
ability.  .  .  .  He  was  a  true  husband,  a  true  father,  a  true  friend,  and  when  that  is 
said  of  a  man,  and  you  can  add  to  it  also  that  he  was  a  true  patriot,  a  true  soldier,  and  a 
true  statesman,  I  do  not  know  what  else  could  be  grouped  into  the  human  character  to 
make  it  more  sublime  than  that. 

SENATOR    GEORGE    F.     KDMUNDS    [REP.],   OF   VERMONT,   SAID: 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  I  first  knew  General  Logan  about  twenty  years  ago.  He  was  then  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  I  had  just  come  to  the  Senate.  His  fame  as 
a  soldier,  of  course,  was  well  known  to  me.  His  personal  characteristics  I  then  knew  noth 
ing  of.  I  soon  met  him  in  committees  of  conference  and  otherwise  as  representing  the 
opinions  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  matters  of  difference  with  the  Senate,  and 
I  was  struck,  as  everybody  has  been  who  has  known  him,  with  the  very  extraordinary  char 
acteristics  that  he  possessed.  They  have  been  stated  by  his  colleague  who  first  addressed 
you,  and  by  my  friend  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber — the  characteristic  of  candor,  the 
characteristic  of  simplicity  of  statement,  the  characteristic  of  clearness  of  opinion,  the  char 
acteristic  of  that  Anglo-Saxon  persistence  in  upholding  an  opinion  once  formed  that  has 
made  our  British  ancestors  and  our  own  people  the  strongest  forces  for  civilization  of  which 
we  have  any  account  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

There  was  no  pretence  about  the  man  ;  there  was  no  ambuscade  ;  there  was  no  obscu 
rity.  What  he  was  for,  he  understood  his  reason  for  being  for,  stated  it  briefly  and  clearly, 


APPENDIX. 

and  stuck  to  it ;  and  that,  as  we  all  know,  and  as  it  always  ought  to  be,  means  in  the  great 
majority  of  instances  success,  and  where  success  fails  it  is  an  instance  of  honorable  defeat. 

His  industry,  Mr.  President,  which  I  have  so  long  had  opportunity  to  know,  and  to 
know  intimately,  for  later  when  he  came  to  the  Senate  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  serve  with 
him  in  one  of  the  committees  of  the  Senate  having  a  very  large  amount  of  work  to  do — 
his  industry,  as  well  as  these  other  characteristics  that  I  have  spoken  of,  was  of  the 
greatest.  .  .  . 

His  was  the  gentlest  of  hearts,  the  truest  of  natures,  the  highest  of  spirits,  that  feels  and 
considers  the  weaknesses  of  human  nature  and  who  does  not  let  small  things  stand  in  the 
way  of  his  generous  friendship  and  affection  for  those  with  whom  he  is  thrown.  And  so  in 
the  midst  of  a  career  that  had  been  so  honorable  in  every  branch  of  the  public  service,  and 
with  just  ambitions  and  just  powers  to  a  yet  longer  life  of  great  public  usefulness,  he  disap 
pears  from  among  us — not  dead — promoted,  as  I  think,  leaving  us  to  mourn,  not  his  de 
parture  for  his  sake,  but  that  the  value  of  his  conspicuous  example,  the  strength  of  his  con 
spicuous  experience  in  public  affairs,  and  the  wisdom  of  his  counsels  have  been  withdrawn. 

And  so  I  mourn  him  for  ourselves,  not  for  himself ;  and  so  I  look  upon  an  occasion  like 
this  not  so  much — far  from  it — for  the  regrets  that  belong  to  personal  separations  as  the 
testimonial  that  a  great  body  like  this  should  make  for  ourselves  and  for  our  people  of  a 
recognition  of  the  merits  and  of  the  examples  and  of  the  services  that  are  to  be  not  only  a 
memorial  but  an  inspiration  to  us  all  and  to  all  our  countrymen  as  to  the  just  recognition 
and  worth  of  noble  deeds  and  honest  desires.  And  so  I  lay  my  small  contribution  upon 
his  grave  in  this  way. 

SENATOR   CHARLES  F.    MANDERSON    [REP.],     OF    NEBRASKA,   SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  As  I  stood  a  few  weeks  ago  by  the  vault  that  received  within  its  gloomy 
walls  the  honored  remains  of  John  Alexander  Logan,  .  .  .  the  familiar  bugle-call 
brought  most  vividly  to  my  recollection  the  first  time  I  met  our  friend  and  brother,  nearly 
twenty-five  years  ago.  The  disaster  to  our  arms  on  dread  Chickamauga's  bloody  day — the 
only  battle  approaching  defeat  that  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  had  ever  known — had  been 
redeemed  by  the  glorious  and  substantial  victories  of  Mission  Ridge  and  Lookout  Mountain. 
These  battles  had  been  won  with  the  aid  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  Sherman,  its 
leader,  had  come  to  fight  by  the  side  of  Thomas,  "The  Rock  of  Chickamauga. " 

With  Grant,  the  great  captain,  to  direct  the  movements  of  these  most  able  lieutenants, 
the  victory  was  assured,  and  with  the  capture  of  the  rebel  stronghold  upon  the  frowning 
heights  of  Mission  Ridge  and  lofty  Lookout  the  Georgia  campaign,  that  ended  in  the  capt 
ure  of  Atlanta  and  the  march  to  the  sea,  that  "broke  the  back  of  the  rebellion,"  became 
possibilities.  The  fair  fame  of  our  brethren  of  the  Tennessee  was  familiar  to  us  of  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland.  We  had  fought  by  their  side  at  Shiloh.  We  knew  of  their  high 
emprise  at  Corinth,  Champion  Hills,  and  Vicksburg.  We  had  heard  and  read  of  Sherman, 
McPherson,  and  Logan. 

I  do  not  disparage  the  bright  fame  of  either  of  the  first  two  when  I  say  that  the  chief 
interest  centred  at  that  time  about  the  name  of  the  third  of  these  famous  leaders  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee.  ... 

I  first  saw  Logan  in  front  of  the  Confederate  position  on  Kenesaw  Mountain,  when  his 
corps  made  that  desperate  assault  upon  Little  Kenesaw — so  fruitless  in  results,  so  costly  in 
human  life.  The  sight  was  an  inspiration.  Well  mounted — "he  looked  of  his  horse  a 
part."  His  swarthy  complexion,  long  black  hair,  compact  figure,  stentorian  voice,  and 
eyes  that  seemed  to  blaze  "with  the  light  of  battle,"  made  a  figure  once  seen  never  to  be 
forgotten.  In  action  he  was  the  very  spirit  of  war.  His  magnificent  presence  would  make 
a  coward  fight.  He  seemed  a  resistless  force. 

The  sword 

Of  Michael,  from  the  armory  of  God, 
Was  given  him,  tempered  so  that  neither  keen 
Nor  so'id  might  resist  that  edge. 

The  splendid  record  of  achievements  won  along  the  Mississippi  was  to  remain  unbroken. 
His  name  is  written  upon  every  page  of  the  Georgia  campaign  of  over  one  hundred  days  of 
constant  fighting.  Says  one  of  the  historians  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  :  "As  the 
united  armies  advanced  along  the  battle-line,  where  for  four  months  the  firing  never  wholly 
ceased  by  day  or  by  night,  everybody  came  to  know  Logan.  Brave,  vigilant,  and  aggressive, 
he  won  universal  applause.  Prudent  for  his  men  and  reckless  in  exposing  his  own  person, 
he  excited  general  admiration. 


548 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


When  the  lines  were  close  his  own  headquarters  were  often  scarcely  out  of  sight  of  the 
pickets,  and  he  generally  had  a  hand  in  whatever  deadly  work  might  spring  up  along  his 
front. 

At  Resaca,  at  Dallas,  in  front  of  frowning  Kenesaw,  at  Peach  Tree  Creek  and  New 
Hope  Church  his  corps  under  his  leadership  added  to  its  fame.  When  McPherson  was 
killed  Logan  assumed  temporary  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  "wrested 
victory  from  the  jaws  of  defeat. "  We  of  the  Cumberland  heard  the  noise  of  the  cannon 
and  the  rattle  of  the  musketry  that  told  of  the  severe  assaults  made  by  the  desperate  foe  on 
Logan's  line.  I  visited  the  field  the  next  morning  and  saw  the  terrible  results  of  the  deadly 
struggle. 

The  ground  was  thickly  strewn  with  the  slain,  and  the  face  of  nature  had  been  changed 
by  the  conflict  as  though 

Men  had  fought  upon  the  earth  and  fiends  in  upper  air. 

Logan's  battle  presence  here  is  said  to  have  been  sublime.  The  death  of  his  beloved 
comrade-in-arms  seemed  to  transform  him  into  a  very  Moloch.  Bareheaded  he  rode  his 
lines,  encouraging  his  men  byword  and  deed  his  battle-cry,  "McPherson  and  revenge." 
Sherman's  official  report  of  the  battle  says  : 

The  brave  and  gallant  General  Logan  nobly  sustained  his  reputation  and  that  of  his  veteran  army  and 
avenged  the  death  of  his  comrade  and  commander. 

I  would  fain  speak  of  Ezra  Chapel  and  Jonesborough,  but  lack  of  time  forbids. 

On  September  2d  the  campaign  of  constant  fighting  that  began  May  2d  closed  by  the 
occupation  of  Atlanta,  and  no  one  man  did  more  to  bring  about  the  glorious  result  than  he 
whose  death  we  to-day  deplore.  Of  his  services  during  the  march  from  Savannah  through 
the  Carolinas  I  cannot  take  time  to  speak.  He  rode  at  the  head  of  the  victorious  veterans 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  at  the  Grand  Review.  Long  its  leader,  he  had  at  last  be 
come  its  commander.  No  more  knightly  figure  appeared  in  the  marching  columns.  No 
braver  or  truer  heart  swelled  with  the  lofty  emotions  of  the  hour. 

Through  all  of  General  Logan's  military  career  it  is  evident  that  he  was  far  more  than 
a  mere  soldier.  Although  terribly  at  home  upon  the  field  of  battle  it  was  not  love  of  the 
life  that  took  him  there.  His  sensitive  and  sympathetic  nature  caused  him  many  unhappy 
hours  as  he  saw  the  horrors  war  had  wrought.  He  was  no  mere  seeker  for  "  the  bubble 
reputation."  The  speeches  made  and  letters  written  immediately  before  and  during  the 
great  struggle  for  national  existence  show  him  to  have  been  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  lofti 
est  patriotism. 

The  trait  in  his  character  upon  which  my  thoughts  dwell  with  fondness  and  emotion 
was  his  generous  regard  for  the  rights  of  others.  It  shone  out  conspicuously  in  his  treat 
ment  of  that  noble  soldier  and  true  patriot,  General  George  H.  Thomas,  whom  all  men 
loved.  There  was  impatience  that  Thomas  did  not  move  to  the  attack  of  Hood.  The  fact 
that  the  rain,  which  froze  as  it  fell,  covered  the  earth  with  ice  upon  which  man  or  beast 
could  scarcely  stand  was  really  cause  sufficient  for  delay. 

Logan  was  ordered  to  supersede  the  great  leader  of  the  Cumberland  Army.  He  pro 
ceeded  westward  without  haste,  although  the  command  of  that  splendid  army  of  veterans 
was  something  greatly  to  be  desired.  Reaching  Louisville  and  hearing  that  the  thaw  had 
come  and  Thomas  ready  to  move,  he  delayed  in  that  city.  The  glorious  news  of  the  great 
victory  at  Nashville  soon  came  to  him.  Logan,  with  the  order  assigning  him  to  supreme 
command  in  his  pocket,  telegraphed  the  glad  tidings  to  Washington  and  asked  that  Thomas 
might  remain  at  the  head  of  the  men  who  had  followed  him  for  so  many  years,  and  that  he 
might  return  to  the  inferior  command. 

No  desire  for  self-advancement  could  prompt  him  to  disregard  the  rights  of  a  comrade. 
Without  a  murmur  he  had  before  this  time  seen  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennes 
see  pass  to  another  when  it  seemed  matter  of  right  that  it  should  be  his  as  the  natural  suc 
cessor  of  the  lamented  McPherson.  General  Hooker,  with  less  of  claim,  wanted  it,  and  in 
his  grievous  disappointment  asked  to  be  relieved  from  duty.  Logan  did  not  sulk  an  instant, 
but,  with  unselfish  patriotism,  went  wherever  duly  called. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  speak  of  the  great  dead  in  any  other  capacity  than  that  of  a  sol 
dier.  Let  others  speak  of  him  as  a  citizen,  lawyer,  legislator,  statesman,  and  tell  of  his 
merits  as  citizen,  husband,  father,  and  friend.  I  was  his  recognized  comrade,  .is  was  every 
other  man  who  wore  the  blue.  He  never  forgot  them.  They  will  never  forget  him.  .  .  . 


APPENDIX. 

SENATOR    WADE    HAMPTON    [DEM.J,    OF   SOUTH    CAROLINA,    SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  .  .  .  For  one,  I  join  gladly  in  every  mark  of  respect  paid  to  the 
memory  of  General  Logan.  ...  As  a  Democrat,  a  Southern  man,  and  a  Confederate 
soldier,  I  am  called  on  to  speak  of  him,  as  a  Republican  in  high  and  deserved  honor  with 
his  party,  as  a  Northern  man  who  offered  his  life,  and  gave  his  blood  to  prove  the  sincerity 
of  his  convictions,  and  as  a  Federal  soldier  whose  fame  was  as  wide-spread  as  it  was  fairly 
achieved.  ...  I  may  say,  in  connection  with  his  brilliant  military  service,  and  it  is 
due  to  him  that  I  should  say  it,  that  when  war  was  flagrant,  and  the  passions  of  men  were 
inflamed  to  their  highest  pitch,  we  of  the  South  knew  of  no  act  of  cruelty,  of  barbarity,  or 
of  inhumanity  to  stain  his  record  as  a  brave  and  honorable  soldier.  I  shall  speak  of  him 
as  I  knew  him  here,  as  a  Senator  and  as  a  man  ;  and  while  we  held  opposite  opinions  on 
nearly  all  of  the  great  questions  which  have  divided  parties  in  this  country,  I  hope  that  I 
may  be  able  to  speak  with  impartiality  and  with  truth.  His  ability  commanded  my  admir 
ation  ;  his  many  high  qualities  won  my  personal  regard,  and  every  feeling  of  my  heart 
prompts  me  to  do  full  justice  to  his  merits.  My  acquaintance  with  General  Logan  began 
upon  my  entrance  into  this  body.  ...  I  found  myself  placed  on  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and  over  which  he  subsequently  presided  as 
chairman  for  years,  zealously  and  efficiently. 

Our  service  together  on  that  committee  was  continuous  from  that  time  until  death  freed 
him  from  earthly  labors,  and  my  long  association  with  him  there  taught  me  to  respect  his 
great  ability  and  to  admire  the  many  good  and  generous  traits  which  marked  his  character 
so  strongly. 

The  characteristics  which  gave  him  marked  individuality  as  chairman  of  the  Military 
Committee  were  constantly  illustrated  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  A  strong  adherent  and 
supporter  of  his  party,  he  never  failed  to  assert  his  independence  of  thought  and  of  action 
whenever  he  deemed  that  his  duty  demanded  this.  Frank,  fearless,  and  outspoken,  he 
professed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  courage  which  springs  from  sincere  convictions,  and  he 
had  the  ability  to  defend  these  convictions.  While  doing  this  he  dealt  heavy  blows,  but  they 
were  always  delivered  in  an  open,  straightforward,  manly  manner.  He  never  fought  in  am 
bush  ;  he  asked  only  an  open  field  and  fair  play.  Possessing  as  he  did  so  many  rare  and 
generous  attributes,  it  is  not  strange  that  he  found  warm  friends  even  among  his  political 
opponents,  nor  is  it  surprising  that  he  was  a  tower  of  strength  to  his  own  party. 

His  services,  his  talents,  commanded  the  position  of  a  leader,  and  he  fitted  that  posi 
tion  ably.  The  ancient  Romans,  Mr.  President,  regarded  courage  as  among  the  highest 
virtues,  and  the  word  used  by  them  to  express  this  quality  has  given  to  our  language  its 
beautiful  word  "virtue."  .  .  .  No  braver  man  ever  lived,  and  the  Almighty  Creator 
endowed  him  with  many  other  and  great  virtues.  .  .  . 

SENATOR   WILLIAM   B.   ALLISON    [REP.],    OF   IOWA,   SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  Whosoever  shall  hereafter  faithfully  write  the  annals  of  our  country's 
history  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  will  have  occasion  to  speak  often  and  in  words  of 
high  praise  the  name  of  General  John  A.  Logan.  .  .  . 

Others  have  spoken  of  his  early  history  in  Mexico,  at  the  bar,  and  in  the  State  Legis 
lature,  all  preliminary  to  a  larger  field,  opening  up  to  him  in  the  National  Congress  and  upon 
the  great  theatre  of  war.  He  first  appeared  in  the  National  Capitol  and  took  a  seat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  to  which  he  had  been  elected  from  the  State  of  Illinois  in  De 
cember,  1859.  He  was  elected  as  a  Democrat.  .  .  .  He  arrayed  himself  on  the  side 
of  the  great  leader  of  one  faction  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  in  the  Presidential  struggle 
of  1860,  espoused  the  cause  of  this  great  leader,  with  all  the  zeal  of  his  strong  personality, 
and  in  his  own  State  aimed  heavy  blows  at  the  Republican  party,  and  the  Southern  wing  of 
his  own. 

That  struggle  ended  in  the  election  of  President  Lincoln,  which  was  soon  followed  by 
the  opening  of  a  struggle  of  a  very  different  nature.  This  conflict  of  arms,  though  long 
predicted  by  many,  at  last  came  suddenly  upon  the  country  without  preparation.  .  .  . 
General  Logan  did  not  hesitate,  but  at  once,  with  his  great  leader,  arrayed  himself  on  the 
side  of  his  country.  So  deciding  he  immediately  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress. 

General  Logan  reappeared  in  the  Capitol  as  a  Representative  in  March,  1867,  and  from 
that  time  until  his  death,  except  for  a  period  of  two  years,  he  was  continuously  a  member 
either  of  the  House  or  of  the  Senate.  .  .  . 

The  questions  then  prominent  were  questions  growing  out  of  the  war,  covering  the  en 
tire  range  and  scope  of  the  powers  of  the  General  Government,  the  reorganization  of  the 


550  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Army,  the  management  of  the  public  debt,  the  reduction  of  taxes,  changes  in  our  tariff  and 
internal  revenue  systems,  the  currency,  specie  payments,  the  new  amendments  to  the  Con 
stitution,  and  the  restoration  of  the  States  deprived  of  representation  because  of  the  rebel 
lion.  All  these  questions  and  many  others  were  in  a  brief  space  of  time  forced  upon  Con 
gress  for  its  consideration.  General  Logan  had  decided  views  npon  them  all,  and 
expressed  his  views  fearlessly  and  with  great  force  and  power. 

General  Logan  was  transferred  to  this  Chamber  in  1871.  He  was  then  in  the  full  vigor 
of  his  matured  faculties,  and  brought  with  him  the  valuable  experience  of  a  long  service  in 
the  House,  and  at  once  took  high  rank  in  the  Senate,  which  he  maintained  undiminished  to 
the  end,  always  taking  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  the  great  questions  constantly  ap 
pearing  here  for  action.  His  sympathy  with  his  old  comrades,  and  their  devotion  to  his 
personal  fortunes,  imposed  upon  him  unusual  labor  in  caring  for  their  interests  and  welfare. 

He  was  assiduous  and  constant  in  the  advocacy  of  all  the  measures  which  he  and  thej 
deemed  of  especial  interest  to  them,  whether  respecting  pensions,  bounty,  back  pay,  or  the 
reorganization  of  the  Army  itself,  and  he  became  their  conspicuous  advocate  and  friend. 
So  that  for  all  the  years  following  the  war  whatever  legislation  there  is  upon  our  statute- 
books  upon  these  topics  bears  the  impress  of  his  advocacy.  .  . 

This  brief  retrospect  discloses  that  the  life  of  General  Logan  was  one  of  ceaseless  actir- 
ity  and  exceptional  usefulness  to  his  country.  Few  men  of  this  generation  in  our  country 
have  achieved  a  more  illustrious  career.  Coming  into  active  political  life  at  the  beginning 
of  the  great  Civil  War  he  has  linked  his  name  imperishably  with  the  military  achievements 
that  resulted  in  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  Coming  into  the  councils  of  the  nation  soon 
after  the  close  of  hostilities,  he  bore  an  honorable  part  in  the  legislation  which  then  seemed 
necessary  for  the  perpetuation  of  the  Union. 

When  we  met  in  December  only  six  Senators  appeared  in  their  seats  who  were  in  this 
Chamber  fourteen  years  ago,  when  I  entered  it.  One  of  these  was  General  Logan  ;  and 
of  all  the  men  who  have  come  and  gone  in  these  intervening  years,  none  were  more  con 
spicuous,  and  none  will  be  more  missed  by  the  country  and  by  those  of  us  who  still  remain. 
.  .  .  In  his  death  the  nation  has  lost  one  of  its  ablest  counsellors,  his  comrades  in  the 
army  one  of  their  most  ardent  and  devoted  supporters,  we  in  this  Chamber  a  valued  co- 
worker  and  friend. 

SENATOR   JOSEPH    R.  HAWLEY  [REP.],  OF   CONNECTICUT,   SAID: 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  A  stranger  seeing  General  Logan  for  the  first  time  and  observing  him 
in  these  Halls  a  few  days  ago  would  perhaps  have  said  that  the  most  prominent  feature  of 
his  character  was  his  combativeness.  He  snuffed  the  battle  afar  off  ;  he  never  lagged  in 
the  rear  of  the  column  ;  he  crowded  to  the  front ;  he  never  shirked  the  combat ;  he  went 
out  to  look  for  it.  ...  He  had  a  matchless  courage,  as  everybody  knows,  a  courage 
not  only  upon  the  battlefield,  but  a  high  courage  and  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  in  politics.  He 
had  a  right  to  suppose  from  all  that  was  said  to  him  by  great  multitudes,  that  he  was  a  fair 
and  honorable  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  yet  he  cheerfully  accepted  a  subordinate  posi 
tion  upon  a  Presidential  ticket  in  1884  in  the  belief,  in  which  he  was  strengthened  by  friends, 
that  his  influence  and  his  acquaintance  with  tens  of  thousands  of  soldiers  would  bring  some 
thing  of  strength  to  his  political  party.  .  .  .  He  went  into  the  war.  After  Vickslmrg 
General  Grant  said  that  McPherson  and  Logan  had  demonstrated  their  fitness  to  become 
the  commanders  of  independent  armies.  He  had  a  right  to  suppose,  after  the  gallant 
McPherson  had  fallen,  under  the  very  feet  of  an  advancing  and  temporarily  triumphant 
Confederate  force,  he  had  a  fair  right  to  suppose  that  he  would  succeed  to  that  officer's 
command.  He  was  second  in  rank.  The  soldiers  desired  it.  They  had  seen  his  great 
leadership  on  that  battlefield  as  on  many  others.  Another  took  the  place,  an  honorable 
and  gallant  soldier. 

The  manly  generosity  and  high  courtesy  of  his  bearing  when  he  was  ordered  to  relieve 
the  noble  General  Thomas  have  been  described  to-day.  I  do  not  contrast  General  Logan's 
action  on  that  occasion  with  the  conduct  of  certain  others  in  similar  situations,  though  there 
were  examples  of  wonderful  contrast ;  but  he  was  as  obedient  as  a  child,  faithful  as 
ever.  .  . 

Scandal  spared  General  Logan  from  its  insinuations  of  dishonor  in  private  or  public  life. 
Perhaps  calumnious  mud  was  thrown  at  him,  but  nothing  of  it  is  recorded  or  even  retained 
in  the  memories  of  men. 

He  loved  his  country.  Why,  sir,  that  is  true  of  sixty  millions  of  people,  I  hope  ;  but  he 
loved  it  with  a  devotion  immeasurable  and  unfathomable.  He  believed  in  the  justice,  the 
equality,  and  the  liberty  of  its  Constitution  and  its  laws.  He  had  no  doubt  whatever  of  the 


APPEND.IX.  551 

wisdom  of  this  great  experiment,  universal  suffrage  and  all.  He  was  no  agnostic  ;  he  had 
a  creed  and  a  purpose  always,  in  every  contest.  He  did  not  assume  all  knowledge  ;  but 
what  he  knew,  he  knew  he  knew  ;  and  what  he  believed  he  was  always  ready  to  say.  What 
ever  he  wanted,  he  greatly  wanted  ;  he  was  very  much  in  earnest.  He  trusted  the  great 
jury  of  twelve  million  voters,  and  had  no  doubt  about  the  future  prosperity,  honor,  and 
glory  of  the  great  Republic. 

He  was  an  ambitious  man,  politically  ;  he  had  a  right  to  be,  and  he  won  a  high  place. 
He  was  ambitious  of  a  great  place  among  soldiers,  and  he  won  it. 

He  was  generous,  he  was  frank,  he  was  tender.  Possibly  that  will  sound  strangely  to 
many  people  who  did  not  know  him  as  we  did.  He  had  as  tender  a  heart  as  entered  these 
doors.  He  was  one  of  the  bravest  men  physically  and  morally  that  ever  lived.  He  was  a 
brilliant  and  great  volunteer  soldier.  He  was  an  incorruptible  citizen  and  legislator.  His 
patriotism  was  unsurpassed  in  enthusiasm,  intensity,  and  faith. 

SENATOR   JOHN    C.    SPOONER    [REP.],   OF   WISCONSIN,    SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  The  busy  hand  of  death  beckons  us  again  to  the  side  of  a  new-made 
grave.  Amid  the  tears  and  sobs  of  this  great  people,  to  the  music  of  muffled  drums,  and 
under  the  furled  flag  which  he  loved,  we  tenderly  bore  John  A.  Logan  to  his  rest.  .  .  . 
No  one  need  fear  for  Logan  the  cold  analysis  of  the  historian  yet  to  come.  How  little  de 
pendent  is  this  man's  fame  upon  the  speech  of  his  contemporaries.  It  rests  upon  the  solid 
foundation  of  glorious  deeds  and  splendid  public  service.  .  .  .  It  is  said  that  "his 
tory  is  the  essence  of  innumerable  biographies."  Logan's  life  is  of  the  essence  of  our  his 
tory.  With  him,  love  of  country  was  a  passion,  and  with  him  the  union  of  States  was 
"the  country."  He  could  see,  save  through  the  perpetuity  of  that  Union,  nothing  of  any 
worth  in  the  future  of  the  Republic. 

His  star  shot  into  the  sky  at  Belmont,  to  shine  fixed  and  unobscured  forever. 

It  would  be  idle  for  me  to  recount  the  battles  which  he  fought  and  won,  the  precipitous 
charges  which  he  led,  the  marvellous  personal  magnetism  and  daring  which,  communicating 
itself  to  a  whole  army,  turned,  as  by  the  will-power  of  one  man,  defeat  into  victory.  It  is 
enough  to  say  of  him  as  a  soldier  that  by  common  consent  he  stands  forth  the  ideal  volun 
teer  soldier  of  the  war.  He  was,  among  a  million  brave  men,  original,  picturesque,  and 
unique.  There  was  but  one  John  A.  Logan.  .  .  . 

But,  great  as  he  was  in  war,  he  was  great  also  as  an  orator  of  the  people,  and  in  the 
councils  of  peace.  He  won  as  an  orator  a  reputation  which,  if  he  had  no  other  claim  to  be 
remembered,  would  keep  his  name  alive  and  would  satisfy  any  reasonable  ambition  His 
popularity  as  a  speaker  was  not  ephemeral,  nor  was  it  peculiar  to  any  section.  He  was 
everywhere  welcome.  Listening  thousands  hung  in  rapt  interest  upon  his  words.  It  is  not 
at  all  difficult  to  account  for  his  power  as  a  speaker.  His  evident  sincerity  and  earnestness, 
his  commanding  presence,  the  flash  of  his  eye,  the  like  of  which  I  never  saw  in  any  other 
face,  the  boldness  of  his  utterance,  the  impetuous  flow  of  his  speech,  and  the  trumpet  tones 
of  his  voice,  gave  to  him  as  a  popular  orator  a  charm  indescribable. 

As  the  nominee  of  his  party  for  the  second  great  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  he 
added  greatly  to  his  civic  fame.  The  dignity  of  his  bearing,  the  method  and  manner  of  his 
thought  and  speech,  were  everywhere  a  revelation  to  those  who  then  heard  him  for  the  first 
time. 

He  possessed,  also,  indisputable  claims  to  high  statesmanship.  Look  through  the 
statutes  and  the  records  of  Congress,  and  you  will  find  there  the  strong  impress  of  his  char- 
'acter  and  individuality. 

Though  a  chieftain  of  his  party,  he  was  not  narrow  or  sectional  as  a  legislator.  He  met 
more  than  half-way  those  who  had  but  lately  been  his  adversaries  on  the  field  of  battle. 
No  man  more  desired  the  restoration  of  perfect  harmony  between  the  sections  or  the  up 
building  of  the  waste  places  of  the  South  or  gave  readier  aid  to  that  great  consummation. 
He  demanded  only  in  return  that  every  man  and  woman  and  child,  of  whatever  condition, 
class,  or  degree,  should  enjoy  unobstructed  and  in  the  fullest  measure  every  right  given  by 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  With  less  than  this  he  thought  it  moral  treason  to  be  con 
tent. 

Logan  was  a  leader  by  divine  right.  All  the  elements  combined  to  make  him  such. 
Of  resistless  energy,  iron  will,  knightly  daring,  lofty  moral  courage,  quick  and  acute  intelli 
gence,  fervent  patriotism,  unselfish  loyalty  to  principle  and  friendship,  and  unswerving 
honor,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  him  as  other  than  a  great  leader  in  any  field  of  human 
effort.  .  .  . 

He  will  live,  sir,  in  the  hearts  of  men  until  the  history  of  his  time  shall  have  faded  ut- 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

terly  away.  With  each  returning  May,  wherever  there  is  a  soldier's  grave — and  where  is 
there  not  a  soldier's  grave? — the  people  now  living  and  those  to  come  after  us  will  remember 
the  name  of  Logan,  the  patriot,  soldier,  orator,  and  statesman,  and  will  bring,  in  honor  of 
his  memory,  the  beautiful  flowers  of  the  spring-time  and  the  sweet  incense  of  praise  and 
prayer. 

SENATOR    FRANCIS    M.    COCKRELL    [DEM.],    OF   MISSOURI,    SAID: 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  With  profound  sorrow  and  deep  grief  I  join  in  paying  the  last  official 
tribute  of  respect,  honor,  friendship,  and  love  to  the  memory  of  our  late  distinguished  col 
league,  John  Alexander  Ix>gan.  .  .  . 

However  widely  we  may  have  differed  upon  many  questions,  I  respected,  admired,  hon 
ored,  and  loved  him  for  his  many  noble,  manly,  generous,  magnanimous,  and  chivalrous 
qualities  of  head  and  heart — the  distinguishing  attributes  of  the  true  soldier  and  great  man 
among  all  nations  and  tongues.  .  .  .  Among  all  the  many  great  and  distinguished 
volunteer  officers  during  the  late  war  it  is  no  disparagement  of  any  of  them  to  say  that  Gen 
eral  Logan  was  the  greatest  and  most  distinguished.  Courageous,  fearless,  energetic,  un 
tiring,  generous,  and  dashing,  he  was  the  beau  ideal  of  the  American  volunteer  soldiery. 
For  four  long,  weary  years,  during  the  greatest  military  conflict  the  world  has  ever  beheld, 
General  Logan,  as  a  private  soldier,  a  commander  of  a  regiment,  then  of  a  brigade,  then  of 
a  division,  then  of  an  army  corps,  and  then  of  an  army,  met  and  satisfied  the  highest  ex 
pectations  and  demands  of  the  administration,  the  country,  and  the  people.  No  man  could 
do  more.  As  a  Representative  and  Senator  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  he  was  in 
corruptible,  faithful,  diligent,  and  laborious,  and  was  earnest  in  his  convictions  and  forcible 
and  aggressive  in  their  advocacy. 

The  name,  the  fame,  the  life,  and  the  illustrious  and  successful  achievements  of  General 
Logan  are  now  the  common  heritage  of  our  great  country  and  people,  and  will  be  cherished 
and  remembered  by  the  present  and  coming  generations. 

The  life  and  achievements  of  Logan,  cast  upon  the  bosom  of  the  public  life  in  the 
United  States,  have  started  waves  of  influence  and  power  for  good  which  will  widen  and 
extend  until  they  break  against  the  shores  of  eternity  in  the  resurrection  morning. 

SENATOR   WILLIAM    P.    FRYE    [REP.],    OF   MAINE,    SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT:  Senators  have  brought  to-day,  and  will  bring,  garlands  and  wreaths 
with  which  to  decorate  the  grave  of  our  dead  soldier  and  Senator.  I  shall  content  myself 
with  offering  a  single  flower. 

Logan  was  an  honest  man.  I  do  not  mean  by  that  simply  that  he  would  not  steal,  that 
he  would  not  bear  false  witness,  that  he  had  nut  an  itching  palm  for  a  bribe.  ...  I 
do  not  regard  it  as  eulogistic  of  this  great  man  to  say  that  he  was  honest  in  that  narrow 
sense.  1  do  not  cripple  my  declaration  by  any  such  limitation,  nor  sustain  it  by  any  such 
questionable  testimony.  I  mean  that  General  Logan  had  an  honest  mind,  an  honest  pur 
pose,  an  honest  habit  of  thinking.  I  mean  that  he  never  played  tricks  with  his  mental 
machinery  to  serve  his  own  ends  and  his  own  purposes.  I  mean  that  he  never  attempted 
jugglery  with  it.  I  mean  that  he  permitted  it,  in  spite  of  his  ambitions,  his  prejudices,  his 
jealousies,  and  his  passions,  to  move  straight  forward  in  its  operations  ;  and  that  the  legiti 
mate  results  were  convictions — convictions  followed  always  by  earnest,  determined,  intense 
action.  In  my  opinion  that  largely  constituted  General  Logan's  strength  in  the  Senate,  in 
the  Army,  and  with  the  people.  .  .  . 

War  came  on.  He  believed  that  war  was  a  serious  fact  ;  that  it  was  to  be  waged  for 
the  suppression  of  rebellion  and  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  Hence  in  every  council  of 
war  his  voice  was  always  for  battle,  and  in  every  battle  he  was  ever  at  the  front.  .  . 

When  in  the  midst  of  the  war  preferment  was  offered  him,  aye,  more,  urged  upon  him 
by  his  friends,  he  did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  with  emphasis  declared  to  them  that  he 
had  enlisted  for  the  war,  and  that,  God  helping  him,  he  would  fight  it  out  on  that  line  to 
the  end.  When  he  was  superseded,  as  he  believed  unjustly,  as  has  been  well  said  to-day, 
he  did  not  sulk  in  his  tent  a  single  hour,  but  marched  straight  forward  in  the  line  of  duty. 

When  the  war  was  over,  the  Union  was  restored,  and  peace  was  enthroned,  and  a  grate 
ful  people  showered  upon  him  public  honors  he  exhibited  everywhere  the  same  characteris 
tics.  Take  the  case  which  has  been  alluded  to  here  to-day  of  General  Porter.  Logan  be 
lieved,  whether  justly  or  unjustly  is  not  for  me  to  say,  that  this  man  was  jealous  of  his 
superiors,  that  criticisms  and  complaints  subversive  of  discipline  were  made  by  him,  that  he 
neglected  plain  and  open  duty,  that  he  refused  to  obey  peremptory  orders,  and  that  his 
punishment  was  just.  In  this  Chamber  we  listened  to  his  matchless,  marvellous,  powerful, 


APPENDIX. 

convincing  speech  against  his  restoration  ;  and  when  his  great  captain,  with  a  voice  infin 
itely  more  powerful  with  this  soldier-hero  than  the  glittering  bribes  of  gold  or  fame,  called 
him  to  a  halt  he  did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  with  renewed  vigjr,  with  redoubled  power, 
urged  his  convictions  upon  the  Senate.  .  . 

When  his  great  commander  was  for  a  third  time  urged  by  his  friends  for  the  candidacy 
by  the  Republican  party  for  the  office  of  President,  and  it  was  apparent  to  all  thinking  men 
that  it  was  to  be  a  struggle  fierce,  full  of  intense  bitterness,  Logan  went  to  the  front  in  that 
fight  utterly  regardless  of  any  effect  that  it  might  have  upon  his  own  political  fortunes. 

I  have  seen  within  a  few  days  ago  an  item  floating  in  the  press  that  in  that  ever  to  be 
remembered  convention,  when  it  was  apparent  that  Mr.  Elaine  could  not  be  nominated, 
Senators  HALE  and  FRYE  visited  General  Logan  and  tendered  to  him  the  support  of  their 
friends  for  the  nomination  if  he  would  accept  the  candidacy.  Of  course  it  was  a  myth. 
Senators  HALE  and  FRYE  both  knew  John  A.  Logan,  and  had  known  him  for  years,  and 
even  if  they  had  been  vested  with  the  authority,  which  they  were  not,  they  never  would 
have  dreamed  of  undertaking  to  bribe  him  from  his  allegiance.  They  knew  that  no  grati 
fication  of  personal  ambition  (and  it  is  the  greatest  temptation  to  a  man  on  earth)  would 
move  him  from  his  allegiance  to  Grant  in  that  fight  any  more  than  a  summer  breeze  would 
stir  a  mountain  from  its  base. 

Sir,  when  subsequently  Logan  himself  justly  had  aspirations  for  the  same  nomination  I 
sat  here  in  this  seat, by  the  side  of  that  which  now  is  empty,  a  curious  observer,  and  I  dare 
assert  that  I  never  saw  him  trim  his  sail  in  the  slightest.  I  never  could  perceive  that  the 
fact  made  any  change  in  his  thought  or  word  or  vote.  .  .  . 

Mr.  President,  Logan  was  a  fearlessly  honest  man.  May  our  dear  Lord  give  him  a 
blessed  rest  and  a  glorious  immortality.  [Manifestations  of  applause  in  the  galleries.] 

SENATOR    PRESTON    B.   PLUMB    [REP.],    OF   KANSAS,   SAID  : 

Logan  has  gone  from  among  us  to  return  no  more.  .  .  .  Yet  Logan  will  not  be  fcr- 
gotten.  No  individual,  no  association  of  men  is  proof  against  the  salutary  teachings  of  ex 
ample.  .  .  .  His  zeal  was  restless,  his  energy  intense,  his  industry  tireless,  his  intellect 
clear  and  incisive,  his  courage  unshaken  in  any  and  every  circumstance,  his  loyalty  to  truth 
and  duty  undoubted,  and  his  fidelity  to  friendships,  in  these  days  of  self-seeking,  almost 
phenomenal. 

He  was  a  zealous  friend  and  a  sturdy  opponent.  His  blows  were  delivered  in  honorable 
fashion,  and  those  he  received  in  like  manly  controversy  were  accepted  in  a  chivalrous 
spirit. 

It  was  the  crowning  felicity  of  his  association  with  us  that,  as  the  most  conspicuous  of 
our  volunteer  soldiery  during  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  he  became  the  special  champion  of 
the  interests  of  not  only  his  immediate  comrades  in  the  field,  but  of  all  who  had  helped  to 
bear  the  flag  of  the  Union  through  trials  and  discouragement  to  final  victory.  With  what 
fidelity  and  energy  this  sacred  trust  was  discharged, the  Senate  and  the  country  alike  bear 
witness. 

It  is  given  to  but  few  to  so  happily  unite  in  their  own  experience  heroic  martial  achieve 
ments  with  eminent  civic  successes.  Yet  he  bore  his  accumulated  honors  mildly,  and 
delighted  more  in  the  calm  content  of  his  home  and  fireside  than  in  the  loud  acclaim  of 
men.  .  .  . 

Logan  fought  his  own  way,  won  his  own  victories,  made  his  own  fame  secure. 

Scrutinizing  the  list  of  those  who,  emerging  from  comparative  obscurity,  have  contrib 
uted  the  noblest  service  to  the  Republic  and  made  themselves  a  record  for  immortality,  the 
name  of  Logan  will  be  found  written  not  far  beljw  those  of  Lincoln  and  of  Grant. 

SENATOR   WILLIAM    M.   EVARTS    [REP.],    OF  NEW  YORK,   SAID: 

.  .  .  It  cannot,  I  believe,  be  doubted  that  at  every  stage  of  General  Logan's  life  he 
was  a  capital  figure.  .  .  . 

If  in  the  first  few  months  of  the  opening  struggle,  after  he  had  taken  his  position  in  an 
imating,  arousing,  confirming  the  movement  of  this  people  to  sustain  the  Government,  if  in 
the  first  battle  bullets  had  taken  away  his  life,  Logan  would  have  been  a  capital  figure  in 
the  memory  of  that  great  scene  and  on  that  great  theatre.  If  in  his  military  career,  com 
memorated  and  insisted  upon  so  well,  at  any  pause  in  his  advance  he  had  fallen  in  this 
battle  or  that  battle,  he  would  have  been  a  capital  figure  in  that  scene  and  on  that  theatre. 
And  at  the  end  of  the  war,  when  the  roll  was  made  up  of  the  heroes,  and  had  he  not  moved 
before  this  great  people  in  any  subsequent  career,  if  the  angel  of  death  had  then  taken 
away  his  life,  he  would  have  been  a  capital  figure  in  the  whole  honor  of  that  war. 


554 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


And,  Mr.  President,  in  the  great  civic  labors  and  dangers  that  attended  tl  e  rearrange 
ment  of  our  political  and  social  condition  in  this  country  subsequent  to  the  war,  if  that 
share  and  if  that  part  of  his  career  had  been  the  only  one  to  be  commemorated,  he  would 
have  been  a  capital  figure  in  that.  And  if,  when  these  strifes  were  composed  and  the  country 
was  knit  together  in  allegiance  and  loyalty  to  the  Government  he  loved  and  served,  he 
thenceforward  in  this  Chamber  had  presented  for  the  record  of  his  life  only  what  should 
have  been  manifested  and  known  and  observed  here,  he  would  have  been  a  capital  figure  in 
that  single  scene  and  theatre. 

\Ve  therefore  must  agree  in  what  in  his  lifetime  and  so  recently  now  after  his  death 
meets  a  universal  concurrence,  that  he  was  of  the  citizen-soldiers  of  this  great  nation  the 
greatest,  and  that  of  that  class  of  citizen-soldiers  that  were  numbered  among  statesmen  he 
was  the  greatest  of  statesmen,  and  we  must  confess  that  on  this  larger  area  he  still  remains 
a  capital  figure  which  could  be  missed  from  no  narrative  of  any  portion  of  the  story  of  his 
life.  .  .  . 

In  every  form  of  popular  influence  on  the  largest  scale,  near  to  the  topmost  of  the  cul 
minating  crown  of  a  people's  glory  to  the  fame  of  one  of  their  citizens,  he  was  before  us  in 
the  most  recent  contest  for  the  Presidency.  He,  at  the  moment  that  he  died,  was  held,  in 
the  judgment  of  his  countrymen,  among  the  very  foremost  for  the  future  contest.  And  this 
illustration  of  his  distinction  knows  no  detraction,  no  disparagement,  no  flaw  touching  the 
very  heart  and  manhood  of  his  life  and  character.  .  . 

The  loom  of  Time  is  never  idle  and  the  busy  fingers  of  the  Fates  are  ever  weaving  as  in  a 
tapestry  the  many  threads  and  colors  that  make  up  our  several  lives,  and  when  these  are 
exposed  to  critics  and  to  admirers  there  shall  be  found  few  of  brighter  colors  or  of  nobler 
pattern  than  this  life  of  General  Logan. 

SENATOR  DWIGHT  M.  SABIN  [REP.],    OF  MINNESOTA,  SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  .  .  .  This  session  of  the  Senate  has  been  dedicated  to  the  offer 
ing  of  a  tribute  to  him  who  but  recently  sat  with  us  in  council,  and  who,  it  is  entirely  within 
the  limits  of  moderation  to  say,  has  left  a  stamp  upon  the  public  affairs  of  our  country 
during  the  period  of  his  life  which  time  will  not  efface  while  the  Republic  endures.  The 
name  of  General  John  A.  Logan  is  at  once  a  glory  to  the  American  people  and  a  natural 
heritage  to  future  generations.  He  was  a  Colossus  among  the  giants  of  American  history. 
The  impress  of  his  individuality  and  genius  must  remain  upon  the  institutions  for  the  per 
petuity  and  perfecting  of  which  the  lives  of  Washington,  of  Hamilton,  of  Jefferson,  of  Sum- 
ner,  of  Lincoln,  and  of  Grant  were  dedicated.  .  .  .  For  over  twenty  years  the  untiring 
industry  and  the  genius  of  General  Logan  as  a  statesman  is  to  be  found  on  almost  every 
page  of  the  records  of  the  House  of  Representatives  or  of  this  Senate  ;  and  it  is  a  fact  per 
haps  not  generally  known  that  General  Logan  originated  and  introduced  more  public  meas 
ures  than  any  other  member  ;  and  we,  his  colleagues  upon  this  floor,  are  familiar  with  that 
record,  which  is  destined  to  grow  brighter  and  more  legible  with  the  lapse  of  time.  .  .  . 
More  fitting  words  cannot  be  said  of  our  dear  friend  and  lamented  associate  than  his 
own  touching  and  eloquent  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  immortal  Lincoln  : 

Yes,  his  sun  has  set  forever  ;  loyalty's  gentle  voice  can  no  longer  wake  thrills  of  joy  along  the  tuneless  chords 
of  his  mouldering  heart  ;  yet  patriots  and  lovers  of  liberty  who  still  linger  on  the  shores  of  time  rise  and  bless 
his  memory  :  and  millions  yet  unborn  will  in  after-time  rise  to  deplore  his  death  and  cherish  as  a  household 
word  his  deathless  name. 

SENATOR   THOMAS   W.   PALMER    [REP.],    OF   MICHIGAN,    SAID: 

When  the  news  reached  me,  many  thousand  miles  from  here,  that  General  Logan  was 
dead,  I  felt  that  something  more  than  a  great  man  had  passed  away.  I  felt  that  a  great 
impelling  force — a  bulwark  whose  resistance  had  never  been  overcome — a  cohesive  power 
which  bound  together  many  atoms  which  otherwise  would  have  been  unrelated  had  been 
eclipsed. 

Among  the  many  prominent  characters  that  have  come  before  the  public  gnze  in  the  last 
twenty-five  years  he  can  be  assigned  no  secondary  place.  Horn  in  the  then  far  West,  where 
advantages  were  few,  he  had  developed  from  withiiT.  He  had  evolved  what  was  involved. 
All  that  he  appeared  to  be  he  was.  His  nature  could  not  tolerate  meretricious  aids  if 
proffered.  If  he  had  been  caught  in  the  eddies  and  cyclones  of  the  French  Revolution  he 
would  have  been  Danton's  coadjutor,  if  not  Danton  himself  ;  Danton  the  furious,  the  gen 
erous,  the  unrestrainable,  the  untamed.  His  motto  would  have  been,  as  was  that  of  his 
prototype,  to  dare,  and  by  that  sign  he  would  have  saved  his  country  if  human  power  could 


APPENDIX. 

have  availed.  Placed  in  another  environment,  inspired  by  other  traditions,  his  daring  was 
none  the  less  conspicuous,  and  he  was  none  the  less  a  factor  in  that  memorable  conflict  which 
unified  his  native  land. 

Born  in  Switzerland  he  would  have  been  a  Winkelried  or  an  Hofer,  had  the  exigencies 
of  the  times  demanded. 

If  there  is  to  be  a  type  of  the  Caucasian  race  to  be  known  distinctively  as  the  American, 
it  will  have  as  its  substructure  spiritually  the  pronounced  traits  which  have  made  the  name 
of  Logan  famous — directness  of  aim,  intrepidity  of  spirit,  honesty  of  purpose,  generosity  for 
the  vanquished,  tenderness  for  the  weak,  and  catholicity  of  feeling  for  all.  Some  of  these 
qualities  were  at  times  obscured  in  him  because  of  the  intensity  of  his  nature,  which  sub 
ordinated  all  things  to  the  demands  of  the  time  and  occasion. 

He  detested  pretence.  He  denuded  shams.  He  projected  himself  with  such  force  that 
to  me  he  seemed  to  have  the  dual  nature  of  the  catapult  and  the  missile  which  it  throws. 

I  was  thrown  with  him  during  the  last  Presidential  contest  for  a  season  in  my  own  State. 
The  canvass  was  bitter  and  exhausting.  His  capacity  for  work  then  illustrated  was  marvel 
lous.  The  methods  by  which  he  reached  the  hearts  of  the  people  were  spontaneous,  subtle, 
and  effective.  His  progress  was  an  ovation.  He  never  appeared  without  evoking  the  most 
rapturous  applause,  and  he  never  disappointed  expectation.  He  carried  about  him  an  at 
mosphere  that  attracted  and  cemented  men  to  him.  The  secret  was  he  was  en  rapport 
with  the  heart  of  humanity.  No  man  so  low  but  felt  he  was  a  brother,  no  man  so  high  but 
felt  he  was  his  peer. 

In  the  Senate  he  united  the  valor  of  the  soldier  and  the  temper  of  the  legislator  to  the 
tenderness  of  the  child  with  its  quick  resentments  quickly  set  aside.  .  .  . 

If  in  another  age,  under  other  conditions,  he  had  died  like  Danton,  on  a  scaffold  raised 
by  those  whom  he  had  helped  to  save  (I  can  fancy),  he  would  have  said,  as  Danton  said  to 
his  friend  when  the  mob  were  howling  for  his  blood,  "  Heed  not  that  vile  canaille^  my 
friend  ;  "  and  again,  as  he  stepped  upon  the  scaffold,  "  O  my  wife,  my  well-beloved  ;"  and 
I  believe  the  historian  would  have  said  of  him  as  of  Danton,  "  No  hollow  formalist,  decep 
tive  and  self-deceptive,  ghastly  to  the  natural  sense,  was  this  ;  but  a  man — with  all  his 
dross  he  was  a  man,  fiery  real,  from  the  great  fire  bosom  of  nature  herself." 

If,  like  Sidney,  wounded  and  dying,  he  had  lain  upon  the  battlefield  he  would  have 
been  equal  to  the  re-enactment  of  the  story  which  has  made  Sidney's  name  a  sweet  savour 
unto  Christendom. 

But  Providence  had  reserved  him  for  a  kindlier  fate.  The  hand  of  affection  cooled  his 
brow,  and  his  eye  had  lost  its  speculation  and  the  ear  its  sensibility  before  the  tears  and 
moans  of  those  he  loved  attested  to  others  that  the  strong  man  had  at  last  met  a  power  that 
was  silently,  speedily,  surely  bearing  him  to  the  dark  house  and  the  long  sleep. 

Amid  the  many  heroic  figures  which  stand  out  on  the  luminous  background  of  the  past 
quarter  of  a  century  none  will  be  regarded  with  more  affection  and  interest  than  that  sturdy 
and  intrepid  form  portrayed  in  silhouette,  clear  cut  and  pronounced  in  its  outlines  as  in  its 
mental  traits. 

Happy  the  State  which  has  born  such  a  citizen.  Thrice  happy  the  people  who,  appre 
ciating  his  virtues,  shall  give  him  a  place  in  the  Valhalla  of  her  heroes  for  the  encouragement 
and  inspiration  of  the  youth  of  the  future. 

SENATOR  CHARLES  B.   FARWELL  [REP.],   OF   ILLINOIS,   SAID  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  After  the  many  eloquent  words  which  have  been  said  upon  this  mourn 
ful  occasion,  I  feel  that  any  word  which  I  could  say  would  be  idle  and  vain.  General 
Logan  was  the  bravest  of  soldiers,  an  able  statesman,  and  an  honest  man.  No  higher  trib 
ute  can  be  paid  to  man  than  this,  and  this  is  the  offering  which  I  bring.  The  late  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  General  Grant,  said  to  me  that  he  could  never  forget  General 
Logan's  great  services  to  his  country.  In  battle  always  brave,  never  faltering,  always 
ready.  He  is  greatest  who  serves  his  country  best.  And  shall  we  not  class  him  as  one  of 
these  ? 

Mr.  President,  I  second  the  resolutions  of  my  colleague. 

The  resolutions  were  then  agreed  to  unanimously,  and  "as  a  further  mark  of  respect  to 
the  memory  of  General  Logan"  the  Senate  adjourned. 


556 


LIFE   OF  LOG  A  If. 


PART  II.— HOUSE  EULOGIES  UPON  LOGAN. 

TRIBUTES  PAID  TO  LOGAN'S  MEMORY,  IN  THE  U.  S.  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  BY  REP 
RESENTATIVES  THOMAS,  THOMAS  H.  HENDERSON,  M  KINLEY,  RANDALL.  CANNON,  BUT- 
TERWORTH,  DAVID  B.  HENDERSON,  HOLMAN.  SPRINGER,  GEORGE  E.  ADAMS,  ROGERS, 
ROVVELL,  DANIEL,  M'COMAS.  A.  J.  WEAVER  CUTCHEON,  WILSON,  RICE,  CASWELL, 
O'HARA,  GOFF  OSBORNE  PAYSON,  BRADY,  HITT.  SYMES.  LAWLER,  PERKINS,  PETTIBONE, 
HAYNES,  BUCHANAN,  J.  H.  WARD,  GALLINGER,  PLUMB,  JACKSON,  AND  C.  M.  ANDERSON. 

On  February  16,  1887,  in  the  United  States  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Thomas, 
the  Representative  from  Logan's  old  Congressional  District  in  Illinois,  called  up  the  reso 
lutions  of  respect  for  the  memory  of  Logan,  passed  by  the  Senate  and  transmitted  to  the 
House,  and  submitted  for  the  consideration  of  the  House  the  following  : 

Resolved,  That  this  House  has  heard  with  profound  sorrow  of  the  death  of  John  A.  Logan,  late  a  Senator 
from  the  Slate  of  Illinois. 

Resolved,  That  the  business  of  this  House  be  suspended  that  appropriate  honors  may  be  paid  to  the 
memory  of  the  deceased. 

Resolved^  That  the  Clerk  of  the  House  be  directed  to  transmit  to  the  family  of  the  deceased  a  copy  of  these 
resolutions. 

Resolved,  That  as  an  additional  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  the  deceased  this  House  do  now  adjourn. 

REPRESENTATIVE   JOHN    R.    THOMAS    [REP.],   OF  ILLINOIS,   THEREUPON    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  Logan  was  a  born  warrior,  full  to  overflowing  with  military 
genius,  spirit,  courage,  and  dash.  His  military  record  in  the  Mexican  War  was  creditable  and 
honorable  for  one  of  his  years,  but  it  was  during  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  that  his  military 
ardor  and  genius  blazed  forth  in  peerless  splendor  and  glory.  As  colonel  of  the  Thirty- 
first  Illinois  Regiment,  he  was  almost  worshipped  by  his  officers  and  men  ;  as  the  com 
mander  of  a  brigade,  division,  corps,  and  army,  he  was  the  central  sun  of  all  his  command, 
and  stood  in  their  estimation  as  the  invincible  commander,  the  irresistible  leader. 

At  the  battles  of  Fort  Donelson,  Champion  Hills,  Vicksburg,  Raymond,  Resaca,  Kene- 
saw  Mountain,  Peach  Tree  Creek,  Decatur,  Atlanta,  and  Jonesboro'  he  led  his  forces  always 
to  victory.  He  was  the  most  magnetic,  romantically  dashing  soldier  I  ever  saw  upon  the 
battlefield.  Who  of  those  who  witnessed  it  can  ever  forget  the  picturesque  splendor  of  his 
appearance  and  bearing  as  he  dashed  down  the  line  as  the  new  commander  of  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  just  after  McPherson  fell  on  that  terrible  22d  day  of  July,  1864. 

The  impetuous  Hood  had  launched  his  forces  upon  our  lines  with  the  fury  and  power  of 
an  Alpine  avalanche  ;  McPherson  the  chivalrous  had  fallen  ;  a  half-defined  panic  seized  our 
men,  and  they  began  falling  back,  steadily,  almost  doggedly,  at  first ;  but  with  fast-expiring 
courage,  and  rapidly  increasing  speed  they  shrunk  before  the  eager  onslaught  of  the  enemy. 
Just  then  Logan  came  tearing  down  the  line  at  full  speed.  He  was  superbly  mounted  upon 
a  powerful  black  stallion,  a  genuine  charger,  a  war-horse  indeed  ;  his  long  black  hair  floated 
out  like  a  banner,  his  fearless  eagle  eyes  were  two  flaming  orbs,  his  face  was  as  dark  as  the 
front  of  a  storm-cloud,  and  his  voice  was  like  the  battle-blast  of  a  bugle.  Instantly  the  re 
treating  half  panic-stricken  soldiers  changed  front,  re-formed  their  line  of  battle,  fixed  bay 
onets,  and  followed  Logan  in  an  irresistible  charge  against  the  enemy,  driving  them  in  con 
fusion  from  the  field. 

At  the  battle  of  Raymond  it  became  necessary  to  change  the  position  of  a  battery  of 
artillery  on  the  field.  In  moving  to  the  new  position  the  battery  had  to  pass  over  a  portion 
of  the  field  where  quite  a  number  of  the  dead  of  both  armies  lay.  Logan  halted  the  battery, 
and  while  in  full  sight  of  the  enemy  and  under  fire,  dismounted,  and  helped  with  his  own 
hands  to  tenderly  remove  the  dead  bodies,  both  Federal  and  Confederate,  from  the  road 
where  the  cannon  had  to  pass.  .  .  ,. 

Logan  was  a  born  leader  in  civil,  as  well  as  in  military  life.  As  a  nisi  pr ins  lawyer  he 
stood  in  the  front  rank  of  the  profession,  even  before  he  entered  Congress  the  first  time. 
As  a  member  of  the  Illinois  Legislature  he  was  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the 
House. 

In  Congress,  both  in  the  House  and  Senate,  his  position  and  works  hava  been  so  impor- 


APPENDIX. 

tant  and  conspicuous  for  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century  that  the  country  and  the  whole  civil 
ized  world  must  be  familiar  with  them.  .  . 

Few  men  have  held  so  many  hearts  in  the  hollow  of  their  hand  as  did  John  A.  Logan. 
He  was  the  most  conspicuous  political  figure  in  the  West,  if  not  in  the  country  ;  and  in  Illi 
nois  the  vacancy  caused  by  his  death  can  never  be  filled. 

REPRESENTATIVE    THOMAS   J.    HENDERSON    [REP.],    OF   ILLINOIS,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  My  first  acquaintance  with  John  A.  Logan  began  in  1840, 

when  we  were  yet  but  boys.  His  father,  Dr.  John  Logan,  whom  I  well  remember,  and 
mine,  were  in  that  year  members  of  our  State  Legislature,  and  we  accompanied  them  to 
Springfield,  the  then  new  capital  of  our  State,  where  we  first  met  and  formed  an  acquaint 
ance  which  a  little  later  became  intimate,  and  finally  ripened  into  a  friendship  which  con 
tinued  uninterrupted  and  unbroken  to  the  day  of  his  death.  .  . 

In  1853  he  must  have  been,  if  not  the  youngest,  among  the  youngest  members  of  the 
State  Legislature,  and  yet  he  was  a  leading,  prominent  member  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  ;  took  an  active  part  in  all  the  proceedings,  and  exhibited  at  that  early  day  the  same 
characteristics  which  in  the  last  twenty-six  or  seven  years  of  his  life  made  him  one  among 
the  most  conspicuous  figures  in  our  national  affairs  ;  that  is,  he  was  earnest,  enthusiastic, 
fearless.  He  had  opinions  and  the  courage  of  his  convictions,  and  he  maintained  them 
with  an  ability  which  I  know  made  his  then  political  friends  regard  him  as  one  of  the  most 
promising  young  men  of  the  State. 

Logan  was  a  member  of  the  Thirty-sixth  and  also  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress.  But 
in  1861,  before  the  expiration  of  his  second  term,  he  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress,  went 
home  to  Illinois,  raised  a  regiment,  and  entered  into  the  military  service  of  his  country  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Union.  He  served  in  the  Thirty-sixth  and  in  the  Thirty-seventh 
Congress  with  ability  and  distinction. 

I  shall  not  attempt  on  this  occasion  to  follow  General  Logan  at  length  in  all  his  brilliant 
and  wonderful  career  after  he  entered  the  Union  Army  in  1861.  Nor  is  it  necessary  for  me 
to  do  so,  for  his  military  service  at  least  is  well  known  to  all  persons  who  admire  great 
deeds  and  love  and  honor  the  glory  of  their  countrymen.  The  story  of  the  many  memorable 
inarches,  battles,  and  campaigns  in  which  Logan  participated  and  won  a  glorious  distinction 
and  a  name  that  will  live  forever,  fills  the  brightest  pages  of  1  is  country's  history,  and  will 
be  repeated  by  tlje  children  of  the  Republic,  I  trust,  when  all  who  now  live  shall  have 
passed  away.  .  .  .  Everywhere,  wherever  this  brave,  gallant,  patriotic  soldier  went  at  the 
head  of  his  command,  he  upheld  and  defended  the  flag  of  his  country,  with  a  heroism  and 
a  patriotism  absolutely  sublime. 

But  it  is  not  for  the  military  service  of  General  Logan  alone,  glorious  as  that  has  been, 
that  we  should  honor  his  name.  I  have  spoken  of  his  service  in  civil  life  before  the  war. 
But  since  the  war  he  has  represented  the  State  of  Illinois  in  Congress,  either  as  a  member 
of  the  House  or  the  Senate,  continuously  from  1866  to  the  day  of  his  death,  with  an  inter 
mission  of  two  years,  and  always  with  great  ability  and  fidelity.  No  man  has  ever  been 
more  faithful  to  public  duty  than  John  A.  Logan.  He  has  been  true  to  every  trust  confided 
to  him,  and  is  entitled  to  quite  as  much  distinction  for  his  energy  and  industry,  his  integrity 
and  ability  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  since  the  war  as  he  was  for  his  heroic  courage,  his 
gallantry,  and  his  patriotism  in  the  military  service  during  the  war.  John  A.  Logan  was 
one  of  the  most  untiring,  energetic,  industrious,  fearless  men  I  have  ever  known  in  public 
life.  I  have  often  wondered  how  he  accomplished  so  much  work  as  he  did,  for  but  few,  if 
any,  of  our  public  men  have  taken  a  more  active  part  in  all  our  important  national  legisla 
tion  in  the  last  twenty  years  than  Logan.  .  .  . 

But  he  has  left  us.  This  man  of  wonderful  activity,  of  untiring  energy  and  industry,  of 
earnest  patriotism,  of  heroic  courage  and  distinguished  ability — this  illustrious  citizen,  sol 
dier,  and  Senator  has  gone  out  from  among  us  to  return  no  more  forever.  He  has  left  us, 
as  many  of  us  who  knew  him  best  and  loved  him  most  believed,  before  he  had  reached  the 
zenith  of  his  usefulness,  and  when  we  hoped  higher  honors  were  yet  in  store  for  him. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  stood  at  the  bedside  of  John  A.  Logan  when  he  was  dying,  and  saw  him 
pass  peacefully  away.  And  the  scene,  one  of  the  most  affecting  and  I  may  say  deeply  dis 
tressing  I  ever  witnessed,  can  never  be  obliterated  from  my  memory.  .  .  .  General 
Logan  has  been  greatly  beloved  and  honored  by  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  in  return  he  has 
shed  honor  and  renown  upon  the  State  by  faithful  and  honorable  service,  and  by  the  lustre 
of  his  great  deeds.  And  to-day  we  deplore  his  death  and  mourn  his  loss  as  a  calamity  to 
the  State  and  to  the  entire  country.  But  he  leaves  behind  him  a  brilliant  record,  a  noble 
example,  and  a  name  and  a  fame  which  will  live  forever. 


55* 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


REPRESENTATIVE   WILLIAM    M'KINLEY,    JR.     [REP.],    OF   OHIO,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  General  Logan  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  war,  and  scarcely 

less  conspicuous  in  peace.  Whether  on  the  field  of  arms  or  in  the  forum  where  ideas  clash, 
General  Logan  was  ever  at  the  front.  .  .  . 

Great  and  commanding,  however,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  were  his  services  in  war  .  .  .  his 
patriotic  words  penetrated  the  hearts  and  the  homes  of  the  people  of  twenty-two  States. 
They  increased  enlistment.  They  swelled  the  muster-rolls  of  States.  They  moved  the 
indifferent  to  prompt  action.  They  drew  the  doubting  into  the  ranks  of  the  country's  de 
fenders. 

His  first  election  to  Congress  was  in  the  year  made  memorable  by  the  debate  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas.  In  the  Presidential  contest  of  1860  following  he  was  the  enthusiastic 
friend  and  supporter  of  Douglas.  But  the  moment  secession  was  initiated  and  the  Union 
threatened  he  was  among  the  first  to  tender  his  sword  and  his  services  to  Abraham  Lincoln, 
and  to  throw  the  weight  of  his  great  character  and  resolute  soul  on  the  side  represented  by 
the  political  rival  of  his  old  friend.  .  .  . 

His  service  in  this  House  and  in  the  Senate,  almost  uninterruptedly  since  1867,  was 
marked  by  great  industry,  by  rugged  honesty,  by  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  country, 
to  the  rights  of  the  citizen,  and  especially  by  a  devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  late  comrades- 
in-arms. 

He  was  a  strong  and  forcible  debater.  He  was  a  most  thorough  master  of  the  subjects 
he  discussed,  and  an  intense  believer  in  the  policy  and  principles  he  advocated.  In  popu 
lar  discussion  upon  the  hustings  he  had  no  superiors,  and  but  few  equals.  He  seized  the 
hearts  and  the  consciences  of  men,  and  moved  great  multitudes  with  that  fury  of  enthusiasm 
with  which  he  had  moved  his  soldiers  in  the  field. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  high  tribute  to  any  man,  it  is  high  tribute  to  John  A.  Logan,  to  say 
that  in  the  House  of  Representatives  where  sat  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Robert  C.  Schenck, 
James  G.  Elaine,  and  James  A.  Garfield,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  and  William  D.  Kelley,  he 
stood  equal  in  favor  and  in  power  in  party  control.  And  it  is  equally  high  tribute  to  him 
to  say  that  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  where  sat  Charles  Sumner  and  Oliver  P. 
Morton,  Hannibal  Hamlin  and  Zachariah  Chandler,  John  Sherman  and  George  F.  Ed 
munds,  Roscoe  Conkling  and  Justin  Morrill,  he  fairly  divided  with  them  the  power  and 
responsibility  of  Republican  leadership.  No  higher  eulogy  can  be  giv«n  to  any  man,  no 
more  honorable  distinction  could  be  coveted. 

It  has  been  said  here  to-day,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  John  A.  Logan  was  a  partisan,  that  he 
was  a  party  man.  So  he  was.  He  believed  in  the  Republican  Party  ;  but  while  he  believed 
in  the  Republican  Party,  its  purposes  and  aspirations,  he  was  no  blind  follower  of  party  cau 
cuses  or  of  partisan  administrations.  .  .  .  He  was  not  only  quick  to  defend  Charles 
Sumner,  but  he  was  as  prompt  to  defend  his  old  comrade  and  leader,  General  Grant,  when 
a  little  later  he  was  unjustly  (as  Logan  believed)  attacked  in  the  Senate,  and  the  warp  and 
woof  of  the  thought  of  his  defence,  both  of  Sumner  and  of  Grant,  is  exactly  the  same.  He 
puts  the  defence  of  both  upon  the  ground  of  what  they  have  done  for  their  country.  .  .  . 

General  Logan's  military  career,  standing  alone,  would  have  given  him  a  high  place  in 
history  and  a  secure  one  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  General  Logan's  legislative  career, 
standing  alone,  would  have  given  him  an  enduring  reputation,  associating  his  name  with 
some  of  the  most  important  legislation  of  the  time  and  the  century.  But  united,  they  pre 
sent  a  combination  of  forces  and  of  qualities,  they  present  a  success  in  both  careers  almost 
unrivalled  in  the  history  of  men.  He  lived  during  a  period  of  very  great  activities  and 
forces,  and  he  impressed  himself  upon  his  age  and  time.  To  me  the  dominant  and  con 
trolling  force  in  his  life  was  his  intense  patriotism. 

It  stamped  all  of  his  acts  and  utterances  and  was  the  chief  inspiration  of  the  great  work 
he  wrought.  His  book,  recently  published,  is  a  masterful  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the 
people.  His  death,  so  sudden  and  unlooked  for,  was  a  shock  to  his  countrymen  and 
caused  universal  sorrow  among  all  classes  in  every  part  of  the  Union.  .  .  . 

He  was  the  idol  of  the  army  in  which  he  served — the  ideal  citizen  volunteer  of  the  Re 
public,  the  pride  of  all  the  armies,  and  affectionately  beloved  by  all  who  loved  the  Union. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  old  soldiers  will  miss  him.  The  old  oak  around  whom  their  hearts 
were  twined,  to  which  their  hopes  clung,  has  fallen.  The  old  veterans  have  lost  their 
steady  friend.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  lost  one  of  its  ablest  councillors,  the 
Republican  Party  one  of  its  confessed  leaders,  the  country  one  of  its  noble  defenders. 


APPENDIX.  559 

REPRESENTATIVE    SAMUEL   J.    RANDALL    [DEM.],   OF    PENNSYLVANIA,   SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  I  sincerely  sympathize  with  the  State  of  Illinois  and  the  entire  country 
in  the  loss  to  the  public  councils  of  General  John  A.  Logan,  whose  valor  and  skill  upon  the 
battle-field  were  supplemented  and  rounded  out  by  a  career  of  great  usefulness  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

He  was  a  child  of  the  people,  and  he  received  at  their  hands  almost  every  honor  that 
could  be  appropriately  bestowed.  He  was  a  fair  and  complete  illustration  of  the  justice  and 
the  resulting  strength  of  our  form  of  government,  in  this,  that  it  gives  to  the  worthy  and  in 
dustrious  citizen  an  opportunity  to  reach  the  highest  positions  known  to  the  laws. 

The  records  of  our  public  men  are  the  indications  of  the  destiny  of  our  country,  either 
for  weal  or  woe.  They  represent  the  moral  height  to  which  the  people  grew  in  their  time. 
They  are  examples  for  the  study  of  the  generations  which  are  to  follow  them. 

Therefore,  when  a  man  like  John  A.  Logan  passes  off  the  scene,  it  is  our  grateful  duty 
to  recall  every  act  of  his  which,  whether  in  the  field  or  in  the  forum,  was  characterized  by 
deep  conviction  and  by  undoubted  moral  and  personal  courage. 

The  full  story  of  his  life  will  be  told  in  truthful  and  loving  words  by  the  members  of  the 
Illinois  delegation  and  by  his  political  friends  on  this  floor  ;  but  I  cannot  refrain  from  ex 
pressing  this  brief  tribute  of  my  respect  to  the  memory  of  a  public  man  who  deserved  so 
well  of  his  country. 

REPRESENTATIVE   JOSEPH    G.    CANNON    [REP.],    OF   ILLINOIS,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  whoever  pays  a  proper  tribute  to  the  memory  of  General  Logan  must  write 
the  history  of  the  country  during  the  late  war  and  the  years  succeeding. 

With  Lincoln,  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Thomas  he  was  a  factor — and  not  the  least — in  the 
settlement  of  those  questions  which  determine  the  fate  of  a  nation,  ay,  of  a  civiliza 
tion.  .  . 

The  greatest  popular  leader  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party  for  a  generation  imme 
diately  preceding  the  war  was  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Logan  was  his  admirer,  supporter,  and 
trusted  friend.  .  .  .  When  Douglas  died  Logan  took  his  place  as  a  leader,  entered 
the  army,  and  did  not  lay  down  his  arms  until  the  war  closed.  At  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  through  the  efforts  of  Douglas  and  Logan,  the  North  was  saved  from  the  ravages 
of  civil  warfare  within  its  borders. 

Logan  is  universally  acknowledged  to  have  been  the  greatest  volunteer  general  of  the  late 
war.  In  effectiveness  of  service  to  the  Republic  history  will  accord  him  an  equal  meed  of 
praise  with  any  officer,  either  regular  or  volunteer,  in  the  late  war.  . 

Logan  not  only  proved  a  great  general  in  the  field,  but  by  placing  his  fingers  upon  his 
own  pulse  was  enabled  to  count  the  heart-beats  of  the  whole  people.  The  people  recog 
nized  that  he  was  one  of  them.  They  gave  him  their  confidence  ;  to  confidence  they  added 
respect,  and  to  respect  love.  These  he  retained  until  his  death.  He  was  a  friend  of  the 
people,  and  the  people  were  his  friends.  .  .  . 

His-  death  is  the  nation's  loss.  His  record  is  the  nation's  inheritance.  He  moulded 
events  in  great  crises.  His  achievements  are  examples  of  the  value  of  ability  when  coupled 
with  convictions.  Whatever  he  did  he  did  with  all  his  might.  His  life  will  be  a  healthy 
incentive  to  action  to  the  millions  who  are  to  follow  after  him.  Logan  dead  will  be  a  potent 
factor  for  good  when  those  people  who  drift  without  convictions,  priding  themselves  upon 
their  culture  in  lieu  thereof,  are  dead  and  forgotten. 

REPRESENTATIVE  BENJAMIN    BUTTERWORTH    [REP.],    OF   OHIO,    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  .  .  .  John  A.  Logan  sleeps  with  his  fathers.  The  final  audit  of  his 
life's  account  has  been  made  up.  .  .  . 

What  made  this  man  a  leader  of  men  ?  What  gave  him  influential  prominence  through 
out  the  country  ?  It  was,  I  submit,  due  in  the  main  to  the  inherent  qualities  of  heart  he 
possessed  ;  his  uncompromising  devotion  to  what  he  conceived  to  be  duty.  With  him,  be 
tween  right  and  wrong  there  was  no  middle  ground.  Between  right  and  wrong  there  could 
not  consistently  with  the  high  obligations  of  duty  be  any  compromise.  In  him  there  was 
found  coupled  with  the  unselfish  and  unequalled  zeal  of  a  Covenanter  Calvinist,  if  you 
please,  the  chivalric  bearing  of  a  Cavalier. 

He  was  of  the  material  of  which  martyrs  are  made.  If  a  sense  of  duty  required,  he 
would  have  suffered  at  the  stake  with  John  Rogers.  And  by  the  same  token  he  might  not 
have  been  seriously  troubled  at  the  taking  off  of  Servetus.  John  A.  Logan's  highest  ambi 
tion  was  to  be  right.  .  .  ^ 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

Up  to  1861  he  was  a  Democrat  in  the  strictest  partisan  sense.  The  Democratic  Party 
was  the  agency  through  which  all  great  good  to  our  country  was  to  be  worked  out  The 
party  horizon  came  down  all  around  him — he  could  not  or  did  not  appear  to  see  beyond  it. 
Then  came  a  time  when  that  too  narrow  range  of  vision  was  extended.  The  veil  that  ob 
scured  the  more  enlarged  view  of  portentous  events  was  lifted  by  the  conflict  of  1 86 1. 

Logan  stood  for  the  first  time  to  contemplate  what  stubborn  adherence  to  party  lines 
meant.  He  saw  portending  in  the  near  future  a  Constitution  overthrown  and  defied,  the 
Union  dismembered,  a  Government  disrupted  and  destroyed.  From  that  moment  love  of 
party  was  swallowed  up  in  love  of  country.  His  duty  to  him  at  least  was  clear.  The  integ 
rity  of  the  Union,  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  the  acknowledged  sovereignty  of  the 
flag  were  henceforth  to  him  above  all  else.  With  what  uncompromising  zeal,  unselfish  de 
votion,  and  undaunted  heroism  he  served  the  cause  of  his  country  in  the  field  and  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation  is  known  to  all  his  countrymen.  .  .  . 

The  Calvinistic  faith  of  his  mother,  the  stern  integrity  of  his  father,  blending  in  the  son 
fitted  him  for  a  leader,  and  made  him  a  man  whose  influence  could  not  but  be  healthful. 
He  would  have  been  Moreau  at  Hohenlinden,  but  was  incapable  of  being  Moreau  at  Dres 
den.  He  would  have  led  at  Malvern  Hill,  and  marched  toward  the  sound  of  the  cannon 
and  the  rising  dust  of  battle  at  Bull  Run.  He  was  ambitious  to  be  President,  but  in  the 
pursuit  of  that  worthy  ambition  he  never  practised  the  small  arts  of  the  demagogue  nor  re 
sorted  to  the  tricks  which  mere  political  expediency  suggest.  .  .  . 

These,  in  my  judgment,  are  the  crowning  glories  of  Logan's  character  :  That  in  all  his 
course  he  sought  "to  walk  in  the  light."  Inflexible  adherence  to  duty,  as  that  duty  was 
revealed  to  him.  Incorruptible  integrity  in  every  field  of  action,  and  in  every  employment. 
Unselfish  devotion  to  country  and  friends.  These  attributes  of  his  character  shine  more  re 
splendent  now  that  he  walks  no  more  among  us. 

REPRESENTATIVE   DAVID    B.   HENDERSON   [REP.],    OF    IOWA,   SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  The  nation  lingers  by  the  grave  of  Logan  !  .  .  Weeks  have  passed 
since  the  bells  of  the  nation  tolled  him  to  rest  and  yet  the  people  remain  uncovered.  It  is 
no  common  man  whose  fall  shocks  sixty  millions  of  people.  I  come  to  the  sad  duty  of  this 
hour  not  to  speak  for  others,  but  to  render  the  heart-offerings  of  a  comrade  and  a  friend. 

We  first  naturally  think  of  General  Logan  as  a  soldier.  So  strong  was  he  at  every  post 
of  duty  that  history  must  hesitate  to  pronounce  upon  him  as  the  greater  soldier  or  the 
greater  statesman.  Though  not  trained  to  arms,  he  was  a  great  soldier.  The  volunteers 
with  one  voice  claim  this.  The  leading  generals  of  the  country,  those  schooled  for  war, 
admit  it.  He  fought  as  one  who  ever  kept  in  mind  the  great  cause  that  called  him  to  the 
field.  If  true  of  any  man,  it  can  be  said  that  danger  and  death  had  no  terrors  for  Logan. 
Restless  when  the  enemy  was  afar,  he  became  eager  and  fired  by  the  approach  of  battle  and 
a  consuming  whirlwind  when  the  charge  was  sounded.  His  presence  drove  fear  from  the 
hearts  of  the  soldiery.  lie  was  inspiring,  fearless,  conquering.  The  tumult  of  battle  and 
the  roar  of  cannon  made  him  the  imperial  personification  of  a  great  fighter.  In  thinking 
of  Logan  as  a  soldier,  forget  not  his  greatest  attribute.  Not  for  ambition  did  he  draw  his 
sword,  but  for  his  country  and  all  his  countrymen. 

But  few  men  combine  the  qualities  of  a  great  soldier  and  a  great  statesman — Logan  was 
both.  The  courage  and  wisdom  needed  for  a  great  statesman  are  of  a  higher  order  than  the 
courage  and  wisdom  needed  by  a  great  commander.  It  requires  a  higher,  mightier  courage 
to  face  and  control  a  sweeping  Niagara  of  popular  thought  than  it  does  to  face  death  or 
command  an  army  of  men.  Logan  was  one  of  the  few  men  of  his  time  who  combined  both 
essentials  for  these  high  trusts.  Most  statesmen,  like  some  generals,  follow  their  forces. 
The  great  statesman,  like  the  great  general,  must  lead.  On  any  field  Logan  was  "  a  born 
leader  of  men."  On  both  fields  he  kept  close  to  the  people.  .  .  . 

He  was  a  man  of  the  people  in  an  eminent  degree.  His  devotion  to  them  was  as  sincere 
as  was  their  love  for  him.  .  .  .  Seldom  did  wealth  support  the  career  of  Logan.  It 
was  the  people  who  followed  him  from  obscurity  to  the  Senate.  But  few  men  come  out  of 
the  trying,  cruel,  searching  conflict  of  a  national  campaign  stronger  than  when  they  enter  it. 
This  John  A.  Logan  did  in  1884.  When  nominated,  his  party  knew  him  to  be  strong  with 
the  people,  but  the  great  strength  and  popularity  that  he  developed  was  a  surprise  to  his 
party.  In  the  moment  of  his  defeat  he  was  greater  than  he  who  wore  "the"  laurel.  It 
was  in  the  country  at  large  as  in  my  own  State  in  1884.  His  passage  through  Iowa  was  a 
triumphal  march,  and  his  pathway  could  be  traced  by  the  surging,  shouting  masses  of  the 
people.  The  historians  will  tell  of  General  Logan  and  of  Senator  Logan,  but  the  living  will 


APPENDIX. 


561 


remember  him  as  the  "  Black  Eagle,"  "Black  Jack,"  and  "Honest  John."  He  was  an 
open,  honest,  brave,  powerful  tribune  of  the  people.  He  was  one  of  the  great  commoners 
of  his  time. 

As  a  powerful,  kind,  untiring  friend  of  his  old  comrades  he  had  no  equal,  and  no  man 
can  wear  his  mantle.  You  need  not  seek  a  burial-spot  for  John  A.  Logan.  He  is  buried 
in  and  cannot  be  removed  from  the  warm,  loving  hearts  of  his  old  comrades  in  arms. 

REPRESENTATIVE    WILLIAM    S.   HOLMAN    [DEM.],   OF  INDIANA,   SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  the  pen  of  history  can  only  do  justice  to  so  great  a  record  as  that  which 
John  A.  Logan  has  bequeathed  to  his  country.  We  can  pay  on  an  occasion  like  this  only  a 
brief  tribute  to  his  memory.  .  .  . 

John  A.  Logan  came  into  this  Hall  as  a  member  of  the  House  at  one  of  the  most 
anxious  periods  of  our  history,  the  beginning  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress.  While  not 
taking  an  active  part  in  current  business  of  the  House,  he  displayed  from  the  beginning 
qualities  and  powers  that  gave  promise  of  the  great  career  in  civil  and  military  life  which  he 
was  destined  to  complete.  The  State  of  Illinois  was  then  represented  in  the  House  and 
Senate  by  an  unusually  able  body  of  men.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Lyman  Trumbull 
were  Senators  ;  Washburne,  afterward  so  distinguished  in  this  House  and  later  as  our  min- 
Kster  to  France  during  the  war  between  France  and  Germany  ;  Lovejoy,  the  greatest  of  the 
anti-slavery  leaders  ;  Farnsworth,  Fouke,  Kellogg,  McClernand,  Morris,  and  Robinson,  of 
the  Northwest,  were  the  colleagues  in  the  House,  of  John  A.  Logan — a  very  strong  body  of 
men.  All  of  them  were  either  then  men  of  national  reputation  or  afterward  achieved  dis 
tinction  in  civil  or  military  life.  McClernand,  Farnsworth,  and  Fouke  won  distinction  in 
the  Union  army  ;  and  yet  witli  such  colleagues  John  A.  Logan  was  a  striking  and  promi 
nent  feature  of  the  House  from  the  time  he  took  the  seat  where  my  friend  [Mr.  Eden]  now 
sits.  His  manly  deportment,  the  fire  and  vigor  of  his  occasional  remarks,  the  resoluteness 
of  his  purpose  as  expressed  in  every  gesture  of  his  hand  and  tone  of  voice,  commanded  at 
tention  and  gave  promise  of  a  great  career  if  the  occasion  should  arise,  and  of  honorable 
distinction  under  any  conditions  of  human  life. 

He  was  the  highest  type  of  a  strong,  positive,  rugged,  fearless  man,  whose  opinions 
were  absolute  convictions,  controlling  and  mastering.  As  a  politician  and  partisan  he 
neither  gave  nor  asked  quarter. 

He  never  hesitated  in  the  expression  of  his  opinions,  and  they  were  not  modified  during 
his  service  in  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress  or  the  short  called  session  of  the  Thirty-seventh 
Congress,  which  met  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1861.  .  .  .  He  would  have  preserved  the 
Union  by  compromise,  by  concessions.  .  .  .  But  I  am  satisfied  that  General  Logan  did 
not  at  any  time  hesitate  in  his  devotion  to  the  Union,  hostile  as  he  was  to  the  principles  of 
the  great  party  which  obtained  control  of  the  Government  in  1860.  No  matter  what  party 
was  in  power,  he  was  for  the  Union.  .  . 

When  he  became  convinced  that  the  Union  could  not  be  restored  with  African  slavery, 
that  its  continued  existence  would  be  ultimately  fatal  to  our  free  institutions,  he  freely 
avowed  his  opinions.  .  .  .  General  Logan  was  a  man  in  many  respects  of  the  same 
type  with  Mr.  Douglas  ;  both  were  devoted  friends  of  their  country,  firm,  confident,  and 
fearless  when  war  was  inevitable  ;  the  declaration  of  Mr.  Douglas  of  his  purpose  to  stand 
by  the  Union  at  every  hazard  thrilled  the  country  and  animated  his -friends.  General  Logan 
and  most  of  his  immediate  associates  adopted  at  an  early  moment  the  same  patriotic  pol 
icy.  .  .  . 

There  were  qualities  of  greatness  about  General  Logan  that  necessarily  made  him  a  great 
character  in  our  history.  The  rugged,  fearless  positiveness  of  his  character,  his  indomita 
ble  strength  of  will,  his  manly  integrity,  made  him  a  great  man.  He  had  the  qualities  that 
gather  large  bodies  of  men  around  men.  His  friendships  were  strong  and  warm.  He  did 
not  shrink  from  his  enemies.  No  man  ever  had  more  devoted  friends,  or  those  who  would 
make  greater  sacrifices  to  advance  his  interests. 

In  the  judgment  of  the  present  generation  General  Logan  has  made  a  great  record  both 
in  civil  and  military  life,  in  statesmanship  as  well  as  in  the  field;  that  judgment,  we  may  con 
fidently  believe,  will  be  confirmed  by  impartial  history.  He  will  occupy  a  large  space  in 
the  history  of  our  country.  To  the  generations  that  are  coming  he  will  be  a  grand  type  of: 
American  manhood.  His  name,  a  synonym  of  patriotism  and  honor — 

One  of  the  few,  the  immortal  names, 
That  were  not  born  to  die 

36 


562 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


REPRESENTATIVE   WILLIAM    M.    SPRINGER  [DEM.],  OF   ILLINOIS,  SAID 
MR.  SPEAKER  :   In  the  language  of  the  resolution  now  pending  the  ordinary  business  of 
legislation  is  suspended  that  the  friends  and  associates  of  the  deceased  Senator,  John  A. 
Logan,  may  pay  fitting  tribute  to  his  public  and  private  virtues.     .     .     . 

I  saw  him  for  the  first  time  in  January,  1857,  just  thirty  years  ago.  He  was  then  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  I  was  a  student  at  Illi 
nois  College,  at  Jacksonville.  I  had  visited  Springfield  to  witness  the  inauguration  of  Gov 
ernor  William  H.  Bissell.  When  I  entered  the  legislative  hall,  the  youthful  and  impetuous 
Logan  was  speaking.  He  at  once  arrested  my  attention.  I  have  never  forgotten  the  scene. 
There  was  great  interest  manifested,  and  party  spirit  ran  high.  He  seemed  to  move  upon 
his  political  foes  as  if  charging  an  enemy  upon  a  field  of  battle.  His  speech  occupied  two 
days  in  delivery,  and  in  severity  of  language  and  vehemence  of  manner  excelled,  perhaps, 
all  other  efforts  of  his  life.  He  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  Leg 
islature  and  had  been  selected  by  his  friends  as  the  orator  for  the  occasion. 

Governor  Bissell  had  been  a  prominent  Democrat,  but  had  differed  with  his  party  on  the 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  bills,  and  became  the  candidate  of  the  Republicans  for  governor,  and 
was  elected.  He  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  and  his  candidacy  had  resulted  in  a  political 
campaign  of  unprecedented  acrimony  and  bitter  invectives.  The  heated  discussions  before 
the  people  were  carried  into  the  Legislature.  When  the  motion  was  made  to  print  20,000 
copies  of  Governor  Bissell' s  message,  Logan  moved  to  amend  so  as  to  provide  for  printing 
but  half  the  usual  number.  The  debate  lasted  more  than  a  week,  and  was  one  of  the  most 
memorable  ever  witnessed  in  the  State,  which  is  noted  for  great  political  contests. 

The  body  was  Democratic,  and  Logan's  motion  prevailed.  From  that  time  forward  his 
reputation  as  a  party  leader  was  established.  During  the  thirty  years  which  have  elapsed 
he  has  occupied  a  prominent  position  in  State  and  National  affairs.  He  passed  at  once  from 
the  arena  of  State  politics  to  the  councils  of  the  nation.  .  .  .  He  resigned  his  seat  in 
Congress  in  1861,  and  entered  the  army  as  colonel  of  an  Illinois  regiment. 

By  regular  promotions  for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  he  readied  the  rank  of  major- 
general.  His  military  record  is  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  the  late  war.  Had  he  been 
educated  at  West  Point  and  thus  relieved  from  the  prejudice  which  existed  in  the  regular 
army  against  volunteer  generals,  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  would  have  risen  to  the  chief 
command  of  the  army. 

When  General  Sherman  denied  him  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  before 
Atlanta,  a  position  which  his  skill  and  bravery  had  won  for  him,  he  cheerfully  submitted 
and  urged  his  friends  to  make  no  complaints  or  protests.  I  cannot  follow  him  in  all  his 
battles  during  the  long  and  eventful  war.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  shrank  from  no  hard 
ship,  he  feared  no  danger,  he  faltered  in  nothing.  Beloved  by  his  men,  and  respected  by 
his  fellow-officers,  he  won  the  admiration  of  the  people,  and  his  memory  will  be  cherished 
by  his  countrymen  for  all  time  to  come. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  again  re-elected  as  a  Representative  in  Congress,  serv 
ing  in  the  Fortieth  and  Forty-first  Congresses.  He  was  three  times  elected  a  United  States 
Senator  from  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  had  served  not  quite  two  years  of  his  last  term  when 
he  died.  His  career  as  a  statesman  is  scarcely  less  brilliant  than  that  as  a  soldier. 

The  soldiers  of  the  late  war  had  in  Senator  Logan  a  most  faithful  and  devoted  friend. 
They  never  appealed  to  him  in  vain.  They  seemed  to  look  to  him  for  all  general  and  spe 
cial  legislation  in  their  "behalf.  In  his  death  they  lost  their  ablest  advocate  and  truest 
friend. 

Mr.  Speaker,  nothing  can  be  said  to  add  to  the  fame  or  greatness  of  our  departed  friend. 
His  work  is  done.  His  race  is  run.  lie  sleeps  the  sleep  that  knows  no  waking.  But  his 
deeds  shall  live  after  him.  Adown  the  pathway  of  time  coming  generations  will  read  of  his 
deeds  of  courage,  of  his  devotion  to  the  public  weal,  of  his  love  for  his  mother,  his  wife, 
his  children,  and  country,  and  wonder  as  the  years  glide  by  whether  they  will  ever  behold 
his  like  again. 

REPRESENTATIVE   GEORGE   E.    ADAMS   [REP.],    OF  ILLINOIS,    SAID: 
MR.  SPEAKER  :     .     .  Logan  will  be  regarded  as  the  most  striking  figure  of  our  civil 

war.      He  was  the  greatest  of  the  Union  volunteers.     As  such  he  will  stand  in  history. 
.     .     .     Macaulay,  speaking  of  the  famous  army  of  the  Long  Parliament,  says  : 

These  persons,  sober,  moral,  diligent,  and  accustomed  to  reflect,  had  been  induced  to  take  up  arms,  not  by 
the  pressure  of  want,  not  by  the  love  of  novelty  and  license,  not  by  the  arts  of  recruiting  officers,  hut  by  religious 
and  political  zeal,  mingled  with  the  desire  of  distinction  and  promotion.  The  boast  of  the  soldiers  was,  as  w« 


APPENDIX. 


563 


find  it  recorded  in  their  solemn  resolutions,  that  they  had  not  been  forced  into  the  service,  nor  had  enlisted 
chiefly  for  the  sake  of  lucre  ;  that  they  were  no  janizaries,  but  free-born  Englishmen,  who  had,  of  their  own  ac 
cord,  put  their  lives  in  jeopardy  for  the  liberty  and  religion  of  England,  and  whose  right  and  duty  it  was  to  watch 
over  the  welfare  of  the  nation  which  they  had  saved. 

Such,  in  the  main,  were  the  volunteers  of  our  civil  war,  and  such,  in  a  high  degree,  were 
the  regiments  of  the  Northwestern  States,  who  made  up  the  famous  Fifteenth  Corps.  They 
were  more  effective,  perhaps,  as  a  military  force  under  the  command  of  Logan  than  they 
would  have  been  under  a  merely  professional  soldier.  They  recognized  in  him  not  merely  an 
accomplished  commander,  but  a  fellow-citizen  and  a  friend,  whose  hopes,  feelings,  and  pur 
poses  accorded  with  their  own.  As  they  knew  that  he  would  spare  neither  them  nor  himself 
in  the  service  of  the  Union,  so  they  knew  that  he  would  expose  them  to  no  unnecessary  danger, 
or  sacrifice  their  lives  to  his  own  military  ambition.  Therefore  it  was  that  after  his  troops 
had  come  to  understand  his  character  as  a  commander,  a  regiment  under  his  lead  seemed 
sometimes  to  become  a  brigade,  a  brigade  seemed  to  have  the  strength  of  a  division,  and 
wheresoever  Logan  thought  it  his  duty  to  lead,  fifteen  thousand  thinking  bayonets  were 
ready  to  follow. 

History  will  take  no  leaf  from  the  laurels  which  Logan  won  in  the  civil  war,  because  he 
was  reluctant  to  believe  that  civil  war  was  necessary.  .  .  .  But  the  time  came  when 
Logan's  attitude  toward  the  administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  war  policy  changed  as  if 
in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye.  It  was  by  no  elaborate  course  of  reasoning  ;  it  was  by  a  sudden 
flash  of  insight  that  he  saw  that  the  war  was  inevitable,  and  that  the  North  was  resolved. 
He  saw,  he  understood,  he  obeyed,  as  unhesitatingly  as  did  the  apostle  to  the  Gentiles 
when  he  beheld  the  great  light  that  shone  on  the  way  to  Damascus  and  heard  the  voice 
crying  "Saul!  Saul!"  .  .  .  He  saw  his  own  duty  also.  He  could  thank  God,  as 
Wendell  Phillips  had,  for  every  word  he  had  spoken  counselling  peace,  but  his  heart  told 
him  that  henceforth  the  only  place  of  honor  and  duty  for  him,  the  only  place  where  his 
spirit  could  be  at  peace  with  itself,  would  be  in  the  camp,  or  on  the  march,  or  in  the  line  of 
battle  with  the  volunteers  of  Illinois.  .  .  . 

He  went  into  his  district.  Pie  made  as  brave  a  charge  upon  the  prejudices  of  Southern 
Illinois  as  he  ever  made  upon  the  Confederate  lines.  He  made  his  people  see  what  he  had 
seen  on  that  July  morning  in  Washington,  that  the  safety  of  the  great  Republic,  the  freedom 
and  happiness  of  millions  yet  unborn,  in  the  South  as  well  as  in  the  North,  must  be  sought 
by  the  dreadful  path  of  civil  war.  Thus  the  first  service  which  Logan  rendered  in  the 
war  for  the  Union  was  a  victory  won  by  his  eloquent  tongue  before  he  had  drawn  his 
sword.  .  .  . 

I  shall  not  try  to  recount  Logan's  military  services  in  the  Union  cause  during  the  next 
four  years.  There  are  many  others  in  this  House  more  competent  than  I  to  recall  the  his 
tory  of  those  stirring  events,  of  which  they  were  themselves  a  part. 

'  One  trait  of  Logan's  character  has  attracted  the  attention  of  all  who  met  him  in  public 
or  private  life.  He  was  a  sincere  and  devoted  friend  of  his  friends,  and  he  was  not  the 
secret  enemy  of  any  man.  Open,  straightforward  sincerity  in  word  and  action  was  such  a 
prominent  characteristic  of  his  demeanor  toward  friend  and  enemy  alike  that  we  may  not 
unfairly  apply  to  him  the  description  which  Clarendon  gives  of  the  great  Duke  of  Bucking 
ham  : 

His  kindness  and  affection  to  his  friends  was  so  vehement  that  it  was  as  so  many  marriages  for  better  and 
worse,  and  so  many  leagues  offensive  and  defensive,  as  if  he  thought  himself  obliged  to  love  all  his  friends  and 
to  make  war  upon  all  they  were  angry  with,  let  the  cause  be  what  it  would.  And  it  cannot  bt  denied  that  he 
was  an  enemy  in  the  same  excess,  and  prosecuted  those  he  looked  upon  as  his  enemies  with  the  utmost  rigor 
and  animosity,  and  was  not  easily  induced  to  a  reconciliation.  And  yet  there  are  some  examples  of  his  reced 
ing  in  that  particular  And  in  the  highest  passion  he  was  so  far  from  stooping  to  any  dissimulation  whereby  his 
displeasure  might  be  concealed  and  covered  till  he  had  attained  his  revenge  (the  low  method  of  courts),  that  he 
never  endeavored  to  do  any  man  an  ill  office  before  he  first  told  him  what  he  was  to  expect  from  him,  and  re 
proached  him  with  the  injuries  he  had  done,  with  so  much  generosity,  that  the  person  found  it  in  his  power  to 
receive  further  satisfaction  in  the  way  he  would  choose  for  himself. 

When  a  great  man  dies  in  the  maturity  of  his  intellectual  powers,  before  he  has  even 
reached  the  threshold  of  old  age,  we  are  apt  to  deplore  not  merely  our  loss,  but  his  own. 
.  .  .  Logan's  death  is  our  loss  rather  than  his  own.  Better,  perhaps,  for  this  keen, 
ambitious  spirit  to  pass  from  life  in  the  full  maturity  of  his  mental  powers  ;  his  career  not 
yet  completed  ;  the  last  'and  brightest  goal  of  his  ambition  still  before  his  eyes  and  almost 
within  his  reach. 


564 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


REPRESENTATIVE   JOHN    H.   ROGERS   [DEM.],    OF  ARKANSAS,    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  integrity  is  the  basic  principle  of  all  moral  character— integrity  in  its 
broadest  sense,  integrity  of  thought,  integrity  of  word,  integrity  of  deed.  Laborious  indus 
try  is  the  indispensable  condition  of  all  success  which  is  honestly  achieved.  No  less  an  im 
portant  element  in  human  greatness  is  courage. 

My  personal  relations  with  General  Logan  were  limited  to  a  passing  acquaintance  and  a 
few  meetings  on  matters  of  public  business.  But  I  am  persuaded  from  all  I  knew  of  him 
that  he  possessed  all  the  qualities  I  have  mentioned  and  to  a  pre-eminent  degree. 

At  a  time  when  others  holding  similar  positions  of  honor  and  trust  lived  sumptuously 
and  grew  rich  General  Logan  kept  his  frugal  and  simple  ways,  and  finally  died  compara 
tively  poor. 

That  he  was  indefatigably  industrious,  zealous,  and  scrupulously  faithful  in  the  discharge 
of  every  public  duty  those  who  knew  him  best  cheerfully  attest,  and  this  I  believe  to  have 
been  the  key  to  his  great  success. 

Few  men  are  born  great.  The  truest,  the  safest,  the  wisest  are  the  plodders.  I  do 
not  believe  General  Logan  was  either  brilliant  or  in  any  sense  what  the  world  calls  a 
genius.  But  he  was  more  ;  he  was  a  great  worker,  an  honest  thinker,  and  a  courageous 
actor.  .  . 

He  was  by  nature  self-reliant,  but  circumstances  had  wrought  no  small  work  in  the  for 
mation  of  his  character.  He  had  grown  up  and  lived  his  whole  life  in  the  great  West. 
.  .  .  That  great  section  of  our  country  gives  to  history  no  better  specimen  of  its  pro 
ductions  than  General  Logan.  Open,  frank,  without  finesse,  his  methods  were  direct,  and 
his  purposes  unconcealed.  He  was  ambitious,  but  it  was  a  laudable  ambition  guided  by 
patriotism  and  inspired  by  a  desire  to  benefit  his  fellow-men  and  promote  the  welfare  of  his 
country. 

I  have  ventured  to  speak  only  of  his  personal  characteristics  and  his  private  and  public 
worth.  All  understand  his  public  services,  extending  through  a  long,  eventful,  and  honor 
able  public  life.  These  belong  to  history  and  are  the  proud  heritage  of  his  country  which 
he  served  and  honored  and  which  in  turn  honored  him. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  his  greatest  achievements  were  in  war  or  in  peace. 
They  were  great  in  both.  His  long  and  honorable  career  is  a  tribute  to  our  institutions  and 
an  honor  to  our  marvellous  civilization.  His  life  furnishes  a  bright  example  for  the  ambi 
tious  youth  of  the  Republic.  He  went  out  from  among  us  in  the  prime  of  his  usefulness 
and  in  the  zenith  of  his  influence  and  power.  f 

In  the  great  State  of  Illinois  his  place  will  not  be  easily  filled.  In  the  councils  of  his 
party  he  will  be  missed.  In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  he  will  be  long  remembered. 
In  the  hearts  of  the  citizen  soldiery  of  the  Union  he  is  already  enshrined. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  esteem  it  a  privilege,  as  a  pleasure,  to  unite  in  paying  this  last  tribute  of 
respect  to  his  memory. 

REPRESENTATIVE  JONATHAN  H.  ROWELL  [REP.],  OF  ILLINOIS,  SAID  : 
MR.  SPEAKER,  with  no  hope  of  adding  anything  to  what  has  already  been  said  in  the 
way  of  correctly  delineating  the  character  of  General  Logan,  I  am  still  unwilling  to  let  this 
occasion  pass  without  paying  my  tribute  to  his  memory.  It  was  my  fortune  to  serve  under 
him  during  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  for  more  than  a  year,  and  in  the  same  army — the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee — for  a  mucli  longer  period.  .  . 

Since  the  return  of  peace  I  have  been  one  of  those  who  believed  in  him  as  a  political  leader 
— as  safe  in  council  as  he  was  heroic  in  war.  .  .  .  I  have  felt  that  the  annals  of  Illinois  and 
her  connection  with  the  grandest  and  saddest  periods  of  our  national  history  would  not  be 
complete  until  the  greatest  of  our  volunteer  soldiers  should  be  called  to  the  chief  magistracy 
of  the  nation,  and  so  complete  in  that  great  office  the  triumvirate,  Lincoln,  Grant,  Logan — 
each  with  his  own  peculiar  greatness — Illinois'  contribution  to  the  world's  great  names 
"  that  were  not  born  to  die."  It  has  seemed  to  me  that  the  grand  army  of  volunteers  would 
never  be  fully  honored  and  rewarded  until  the  whole  nation  should  do  them  homage  by  elect 
ing  to  the  Presidency  their  recognized  chieftain.  But  Providence  has  ordered  otherwise,  and 
we  bow  in  humble  submission,  still  protesting  that  one  page  of  our  history  remains  incom 
plete  and  must  ever  so  remain.  .  .  . 

The  death  of  General  Logan  is  especially  mourned  by  Western  soldiers.  The  young 
men  of  the  great  West  who  sprung  to  arms  at  the  first  note  of  impending  war  formed  the 
nucleus  of  that  great  division  of  the  Army  known  as  "  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee."  That 
army  was  almost  exclusively  composed  of  the  men  of '61  and  '62  from  the  West  and  North- 


APPENDIX. 


565 


•west.  It  was  the  army  that  won  the  victories  which  made  Grant  commander  .in-chief  and 
Sherman  his  chief  lieutenant.  With  that  army  the  knightly  McPherson  won  his  triumphs 
and  rode  to  his  death.  With  that  army  was  all  of  General  Logan's  service  from  the  be 
ginning  to  the  end  of  the  war.  The  injustice  which  kept  him  from  being  its  commander 
after  McPherson  fell  gave  him  also  the  opportunity  of  showing  to  the  country  how  great  he 
could  be  in  unselfish  patriotism.  At  Belmont  and  at  Fort  Donelson  he  gave  token  of  the 
future  great  commander.  But  it  was  in  that  remarkable  campaign  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg, 
when  Grant  cut  loose  from  his  base,  and  by  a  series  of  brilliant  battles  and  victories,  equal 
to  any  Napoleon  ever  wort,  forced  Pemberton  within  the  works  at  Vicksburg  and  finally 
compelled  his  surrender,  that  General  Logan  became  the  idol  of  his  men  and  proved  himself 
worthy  to  stand  with  Sherman  and  McPherson,  safe  on  any  field  and  equal  to  great  occa 
sions.  Thenceforth  where  Logan  led,  his  soldiers  followed  with  implicit  faith.  Remember 
ing  Raymond  and  Champion  Hills,  from  that  time  on  they  followed  Logan  into  battle  with 
full  faith  in  a  victorious  ending.  The  war  over,  he  remained  their  leader  still.  I  speak  as 
a  member  of  that  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee — glorying  in  its  volunteer  hero  ;  rejoicing  in 
all  his  successes  in  the  field,  at  home,  in  this  House,  and  in  yonder  Senate  Chamber;  mourn 
ing  his  too  early  death.  .  .  . 

Pure  in  public  and  private  life,  honest  in  thought  as  well  as  deed,  he  has  left  to  mankind 
an  example  worthy  of  emulation  j  to  the  nation,  his  untarnished  name  and  fame — the  best 
of  legacies. 

REPRESENTATIVE   JOHN   W.    DANIEL    [DEM.],  OF   VIRGINIA,   SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  life,  in  the  rounded  fame  of  achievement,  and  in 
the  high  career  of  his  distinguished  office  John  A.  Logan  has  heard  the  Master's  call.  .  .  . 

As  said  of  him  in  the  Senate  Chamber  by  one  who  confronted  him  in  the  first  and  last 
battle  which  he  fought,  he  was  marked  by  "  grand  individuality  and  striking  chaiacteristics. " 
And  by  another  not  less  his  opponent  in  the  forum  and  the  field  :  "  No  braver  man  ever 
lived,  and  the  Almighty  Creator  endowed  him  with  many  other  and  great  virtues." 

No  glint  is  given  us  in  these  words  alone  of  his  long,  varied,  and  brilliant  services  ;  but 
they  constitute  an  epitaph  chiselled  by  the  hand  of  truth  upon  the  marble  tablet  of  enduring 
memory,  and  they  will  live  as  the  unaffected  tribute  of  sterling  men  to  one  who  was  himself 
a  sterling  man  and  leader  of  men. 

The  reason  that  Logan's  name  is  so  universally  honored  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  lived  his 
life  in  the  light,  and  had  no  cause  to  fear  the  light.  In  his  character  and  in  his  record  there 
are  no  dark  mysterious  phases.  In  an  era  fertile  in  the  production  of  distinguished  men, 
and  that  brought  men  to  the  front  according  to  the  strength  that  was  in  them,  he  stands 
upon  a  pedestal  high  and  erect,  a  clear-cut,  magnificent  individuality,  purely  American  in  its 
type,  heroic  in  its  mould,  marked  by  the  masculine  lines  of  power  in  thought  and  power  in 
action,  bespeaking  the  will  to  do,  eloquent  of  the  soul  to  dare. 

Did  he  accomplish  much  ?  Yes  ;  he  possessed  a  robust  mind,  he  knew  that  a  straight 
line  was  the  shortest  distance  between  two  points,  and  he  went  that  line,  4l1  horse,  foot,  and 
dragoons,"  from  purpose  to  object.  He  was  a  tireless  worker,  difficulties  and  dangers  did 
not  deter  him,  and  he  has  left  behind  him  lasting  memorials  of  his  work  with  sword  and 
tongue  and  pen. 

Was  he  a  great  orator?  Yes;  not  in  the  grace  of  classic  art,  not  in  the  polish  of 
rounded  period,  but  in  the  earnestness  of  his  utterances,  the  cogency  of  his  thought,  and  in 
the  power  to  persuade. 

Was  he  a  great  soldier  ?  Yes  ;  great  in  the  personal  prowess  of  the  brave  knight  who 
faces  those  not  less  brave  with  valor  that  does  not  hesitate  or  flinch  from  the  encounter,  and 
great  in  abilities  to  inspire,  marshal,  and  lead  hosts  to  battle. 

Was  he  beloved  by  his  soldiers  ?  Yes  ;  he  was  thoughtful  of  them,  he  was  reckless  of 
himself,  and  he  fought  in  front  of  them. 

Was  he  a  great  political  leader  ?  Yes ;  he  believed  in  his  own  side,  and  espoused  it  with 
enthusiasm  ;  he  stood  up  to  it  with  fidelity  whether  it  won  or  lost  ;  he  never  took  two  sides 
at  the  same  time,  or  wabbled  bet  ween  them  ;  he  was  strong  in  council  ;  steady  in  the  conflict, 
and  powerful  before  the  people. 

Was  he  respected  by  his  op),  onents  ?  Yes  ;  even  though  they  thought  that  he  was  severe 
in  his  judgments  and  bitter  in  his  expressions,  they  sincerely  respected  him,  because  they 
realized  that  in  him  was  the  upright,  fearless  spirit  that  said  its  say  and  did  its  deed,  and  left 
to  God  the  consequence.  They  respected  him  because  he  was  candid  and  outspoken,  and  did 
not  wreathe  his  sword  in  myrtle-boughs.  They  respected  him  because  they  knew  he  did  not 
carry  political  hostility  int<>  private  relations  ;  because  he  was  often  kind  and  generous  to 


566 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


his  political  opponents,  as  I  personally  know  and  am  pleased  to  testify,  and  because  he  never 
prostituted  his  public  place  to  private  gain. 

So  high  is  honesty  among  the  virtues  that  it  condones  all  errors  of  judgment.  So  splen 
did  is  courage  that  when  it  stands  by  honor's  side  it  makes  the  man  seem  godlike. 

The  man  who  has  been  laid  by  loving  hands  to  his  final  rest  was  honest  and  he  was  brave,, 
and  mankind  will  honor  his  name  and  memory.  .  . 

With  humble  spirit  I  commune  with  you  to-day  who  pronounce  blessings  upon  the  dust 
of  him  who  was  a  chief  among  your  chieftains,  and  who  won  by  his  valorous  hand  and  up 
right  heart  the  honors  paid  him  by  the  people. 

If  errors  he  committed,  may  the  good  God  forgive  them.  His  virtues  they  were  many 
and  they  were  great.  May  they  live  forever,  the  well-spring  of  pride  and  inspiration  to  all 
his  countrymen.  To  his  memory,  honor.  To  his  ashes,  peace. 

REPRESENTATIVE    LOUIS    E.    M*COMAS    [REP.],    OF   MARYLAND,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  on  the  last  evening  he  was  in  the  Senate  Chamber  I  conversed  with  John 
A.  Logan.  His  business  with  the  world  was  done.  I  recall  his  face  now,  a  noble  image  of 
the  intrinsic  Logan,  as  we  here  to-day  speak  of  his  pilgrimage  through  life. 

Sixty  years  of  life,  a  brief  section  of  swift-flowing  time,  but  in  it  for  true,  hard  labor  and 
valor  of  action  there  has  been  none  truer  or  braver  than  he.  A  farmer  boy,  at  school  in 
Southern  Illinois;  before  manhood,  a  soldier  in  our  battles  with  far-off  Mexico  eager  for 
glory-winning  honors.  A  lawyer,  a  prosecuting  attorney,  and  yielding  to  his  bent  for  poli 
tics,  a  member,  a  leader  in  the  Illinois  Legislature.  At  thirty-two,  a  Democratic  member 
of  this  House,  elected  and  re-elected  as  a  Representative  of  the  States-rights  party.  In  his 
place  here,  true  to  it,  until  convinced  that  loyalty  to  party  was  disloyalty  to  the  Union, 
when  he  closed  his  desk,  left  his  seat,  though  not  mustered  in,  fell  in  line  with  a  regiment 
marching  over  the  Potomac  yonder,  and  fought  for  the  Union  in  the  first  battle  as  a  private 
soldier.  Then,  doing  manifold  victorious  battle  as  he  went  along,  he  emerged  at  the  tri 
umphant  close  of  war,  from  among  a  million  volunteers,  the  foremost,  the  ideal  volunteer 
soldier.  .  .  . 

While  his  hand  was  still  familiar  with  the  sword-hilt,  while  the  habits  of  the  camp  were 
still  visible  in  his  port  and  swarthy  face,  he  was  returned  to  his  seat  in  this  Chamber,  a  man 
who  knew  in  every  fibre — who,  with  heroic  daring,  had  laid  it  to  heart — that  it  is  good  to 
fight  on  the  right  side.  .  .  .  He  was  the  nearest,  best  friend  of  the  volunteer,  the  peer 
of  the  highest  officer,  a  brother  to  the  humblest  soldier,  the  sponsor  of  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic,  the  founder  of  "  Memorial  Day."  Faults  and  prejudices  he  had,  but  he  was 
always  loyal  to  truth  and  duty. 

Frank,  impetuous,  decisive,  honest,  he  advocated  his  convictions  with  a  scorn  of  personal 
consequence,  in  peace  as  in  war,  whether  as  a  manager  of  the  impeachment  of  President 
Johnson,  defending  Senator  Payne,  condemning  General  Porter,  legislating  for  the  recon 
struction,  or  laboring  for  the  education  of  an  enfranchised  race. 

The  manliest  of  men,  a  marvellous  leader  of  the  people,  a  famous,  popular  orator,  a  great 
general,  a  statesman.  Unsullied  he  bore  his  crowding  honors  worthily  in  public  life,  and 
rejoiced  in  the  sweet  contentment  of  an  almost  ideal  home-life. 

The  friend  of  Lincoln  and  Grant,  with  their  greater  names  posterity  will  associate 
Logan's  heroic  face,  painted  now,  as  on  the  azure  of  eternity,  serene,  victorious.  God 
grant  that  the  light  he  leaves  behind  him  may  illumine  the  path  of  those  who  may  serve  our 
country  in  her  need  for  generations  to  come. 

REPRESENTATIVE    ARCHIBALD   J.    WEAVER    [REP.],    OF   NEBRASKA,    SAID.' 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  The  noble  traits  of  character  of  John  A.  Logan  have  been 
indelibly  stamped  upon  the  hearts  of  the  American  people.  His  whole  life  as  warrior  and 
statesman  was  dedicated  to  giving  full  force  and  significance  to  that  affirmation  of  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  "  That  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness." 

Before  the  bugle-blast  of  war  had  called  any  of  our  country's  defenders  to  the  field,  but 
when  every  movement  of  the  discontented  elements  attested  to  the  fearful  truth  that  civil 
war  with  all  its  dire  consequences  was  about  to  test  the  national  bond,  upon  this  floor,  in. 
February,  1861,  John  A.  Logan  said: 


APPENDIX. 


567 


I  have  been  taught  that  the  preservation  of  this  glorious  Union,  with  its  broad  flag  waving  over  us  as  the 
shield  of  our  protection  on  land  and  sea,  is  paramount  to  all  parties  and  platforms  that  ever  have  existed  or  ever 
can  exist.  I  would  to-day,  if  I  had  the  power,  sink  my  own  party,  and  every  other  one,  with  all  their  platforms, 
into  the  vortex  of  ruin,  without  heaving  a  sigh  or  shedding  a  tear,  to  save  the  Union  or  even  to  stay  the  revolu 
tion  where  it  is. 

This  was  but  a  patriotic  declaration  before  the  clash  of  arms,  but  in  confirmation  of  his 
entire  consecration  and  devotion  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union  \vehave  only  to  let  impar 
tial  history  bear  witness.  Not  content  to  serve  his  country  in  the  Halls  of  Congress,  away 
from  the  exposure  and  danger  of  shot  and  shell,  this  brave  man  rushed  into  the  thickest  of 
battle.  .  .  . 

In  that  contest  for  the  preservation  of  the  nation — for  right  against  wrong,  for  freedom 
against  slavery,  for  all  that  was  good  and  pure  and  noble  against  all  that  was  wicked 
and  wrong  and  oppressive,  wherein  from  the  beginning  of  the  contest  to  the  close  more  than 
two  and  one-half  millions  of  citizen  soldiers  placed  their  lives  upon  the  altar  of  their  country 
in  that  contest — we  do  know  that  John  A.  Logan  was  the  greatest  volunteer  soldier,  the 
greatest  commander  taken  from  civil  life.  He  was  the  recognized  leader  of  that  great  army 
of  volunteer  soldiers,  and  from  the  close  of  the  war  has  been  the  defender  and  champion  of 
the  cause  of  the  common  soldier  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  . 

John  A.  Logan  has  been  in  the  public  service,  almost  continuously,  for  more  than  thirty 
years,  and  during  all  these  years  of  faithful  service  his  conduct  has  been  so  pure  that  not 
even  a  suggestion  of  corruption  was  ever  associated  with  his  name.  .  .  .  His  whole  life 
was  dedicated  to  his  country,  to  human  rights,  to  making  more  firm  and  lasting  the  founda 
tions  of  this  Republic.  He  has  woven  his  name  in  history  with  illustrious  and  praiseworthy 
deeds.  Oh,  that  we  had  more  Logans  in  the  public  service  !  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    BYRON    M.    CUTCHEON    [REP.],    OF   MICHIGAN,    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  when  on  the  26th  day  of  December  last  the  intelligence  was  flashed  across 
the  land  and  under  the  seas  that  John  A.  Logan  was  dead,  to  millions  of  men  it  came  with 
a  sense  of  personal  loss  and  bereavement.  .  .  .  His  was  a  masterful  nature  that  bends 
circumstances  to  his  will,  and  brought  men  around  him  to  work  with  him  and  for  him.  It  is 
given  to  but  few  men  in  a  generation  to  become  so  positive  a  force  among  his  fellow-men  as 
Logan  was. 

Perhaps  few  men  were  ever  more  strongly  attached  to  a  party  than  Logan  was  to  his, 
but  when  it  came  to  a  question  between  party  and  country  he  knew  no  such  thing  as  party 
allegiance.  The  first  shot  that  cleft  the  stillness  of  Charleston  Harbor  as  it  boomed  across 
the  bay  against  Sumter,  severed  the  last  tie  that  bound  him  to  a  party  he  had  loved  and 
labored  for  until  he  had  reached  one-half  the  allotted  age  of  man.  In  the  fierce  heat  of  his 
patriotism  everything  that  might  hold  him  back  from  supreme  devotion  to  his  country  was 
burned  away — utterly  consumed.  He  at  once  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress,  and  returned  to 
his  State.  .  .  . 

Belmont,  Donelson,  Corinth,  Champion  Hills,  Jackson,  Raymond,  and  Vicksburg  wit 
nessed  his  valor  and  took  reflected  lustre  from  the  gleam  of  his  sword.  Resaca,  Kenesaw, 
Atlanta,  and  Jonesboro'  are  linked  with  his  fame,  and  in  large  part  owe  their  glory  to  his 
prowess.  lie  never  elbowed  his  way  to  promotion,  but  promotion  came  to  him  almost  of 
necessity.  The  eagle  of  the  colonel  gave  way  to  the  star  on  his  shoulders  after  Donelson, 
and  that  again  was  replaced  by  the  double  stars  of  the  major-general,  and  these  were  but 
imperfect  indices  of  his  growth. 

As  a  soldier  he  was  the  very  impersonation  of  intense  energy.  Men  followed  him  be 
cause  they  had  no  choice  but  to  follow  him.  He  was  first  of  all  intensely  patriotic  ;  he  was 
as  brave  as  patriotic,  and  as  magnanimous  as  he  was  brave.  He  possessed  the  confidence 
of  his  superiors,  and  the  enthusiastic  love  of  his  soldiers. 

Of  his  return  to  Congress  after  the  war  and  his  career  here  f«r  almost  twenty  years,  I 
have  not  time  to  speak.  Others  have  done  that  far  better  than  I  could.  But  during  the 
four  years  that  I  knew  him  here  it  seemed  to  me  that  his  life  as  a  Senator  and  statesman 
was  but  the  projecture  into  another  sphere  of  the  traits  that  made  him  the  splendid  soldier 
that  he  was — intense  patriotism,  unlimited  courage,  strong  virile  force,  honesty  that  was  un 
assailable,  devotion  to  duty  that  took  little  account  of  consequences  to  self.  .  .  . 

Does  anyone  doubt  that  Logan  was  great  ?  No  one  but  a  great  man  can  fill  a  conti 
nent  with  his  name,  can  hold  a  great  commonwealth  in  his  grasp,  can  bind  unknown  millions 
to  him  who  have  never  seen  his  face,  so  that  his  loss  shall  seem  to  each  a  personal  bereave 
ment.  This  Logan  did.  But  he  is  discharged  the  service  of  this  life— mustered  out  for 
promotion. 


568 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Mr.  Speaker,  the  devoted  patriot,  the  brave  soldier,  the  courageous  statesman,  the  un- 
soiled  Senator,  the  devoted  husband  and  father,  the  soldier's  friend,  the  peerless  volunteer — 
he  shall  walk  with  us  here  no  more.  The  tender  flowers  we  laid  upon  his  coffin  on  that  last, 
sad  day  of  the  old  year  have  long  since  withered,  and  their  fragrance  passed  away.  Neither 
their  loveliness  nor  their  perfume  had  power  to  hold  him  back  from  the  dissolution  of  mor 
tality  nor  from  the  corruption  of  the  grave.  And  so  with  our  eulogies  to-day.  They  will 
fade  with  the  passing  hour.  "  The  world  will  little  note  nor  long  remember  what  we  say 
here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  he  did  here."  .  .  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    WILLIAM   L.    WILSON    [DEM.],  OF   WEST    VIRGINIA,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  What  was  the  trait  in  General  Logan's  character  that  drew  and 
fastened  to  him  as  a  permanent  possession  the  favor  of  his  fellow-citizens  ?  .  .  .  The 
cap-stone  and  crowning  virtue  of  his  character  was  its  brave  and  transparent  singleness. 
Men  saw  his  robust  virtues  and  admired  them  ;  they  likewise  saw  the  faults  allied  to  them, 
and  forgot  them,  because  he  wore  them  both  upon  his  breast.  They  believed  him  to  be 
just  what  he  seemed  to  be,  nothing  more  and  nothing  less.  ...  In  this  rare  and  noble 
virtue  lay  the  germ  of  General  Logan's  hold  on  public  favor,  confidence,  and  his  ever  widen 
ing  popularity. 

.But,  sir,  General  Logan  was  not  only,  and  perhaps  not  chiefly  known  as  a  civilian  and 
Senator.  When  the  seed  of  discoid  planted,  or,  rather  should  I  say,  consciously  and  help 
lessly  left  in  our  Federal  Constitution  by  its  framers,  had  before  the  lapse  of  a  single  cen 
tury  of  national  existence,  under  the  forcing  heat  of  the  slavery  struggle,  burst  forth  in  the 
blood-red  flower  of  civil  war.  General  Logan  was  among  the  first,  and  most  eager,  to  take 
part  in  the  conflict.  Of  all  the  men  that  went  forth  from  this  Capitol,  to  range  themselves 
on  the  one  or  the  other  side  in  that  Titantic  struggle,  of  all  the  men  that  entered  either 
army  from  civil  life,  he  came  back  bringing  the  greenest  laurels  and  having  the  most  unfad 
ing  glory,  and,  in  the  more  than  twenty  years  that  have  since  elapsed,  the  lustre  of  that  mar 
tial  glory  added  much  to  his  power  and  influence  in  the  councils  of  his  party  and  of  his 
country. 

Sir,  it  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  in  the  memorial  services,  one  week  ago  in  the  Senate, 
no  heartier  tributes  were  offered  than  those  which  came  from  men  who  had  met  him,  not 
only  in  the  hot  contests  of  partisan  strife,  but  in  the  fiercer  combats  of  real  war.  They 
were  sincere  tributes  of  manly  men  to  a  manly  man. 

No  prouder  boast  was  ever  made  than  that  of  the  old  Ithacan,  when  he  said  that  his 
little  island  was  "  a  rough,  wild  nurse-land,  but  its  crops  were  men." 

Nothing  in  American  history  has  been  more  manly  and  more  pathetic  than  the  prayer 
that  mingled  so  often  with  the  dying  breath  and  dying  thoughts  of  the  successful  warrior, 
when  he,  too,  surrendered  to  a  warrior  stronger  than  himself  at  Mount  McGregor,  for  the 
complete  return  of  harmony  and  good-feeling  among  his  once-divided  countrymen.  When 
after  centuries  of  stubborn  contest  the  strife  between  the  two  orders  at  Rome  had  finally 
ceased,  that  strife  that  so  often  threatened  to  dissolve  the  state  and  quench  forever  its  rising 
star,  and  plebeian  and  patrician,  turning  from  the  bitterness  of  the  past  and  remembering 
only  its  glories,  joined  in  that  career  of  greatness  that  has  as  yet  no  counterpart  in  his 
tory,  the  old  warrior  Camillus  vowed  a  temple  to  Concoul,  and  a  later  generation  built 
that  temple,  whose  remains  are  yet  seen  in  the  Roman  forum. 

Mr.  Speaker,  was  not  the  dying  prayer  of  General  Grant  such  an  inspiration,  such  an 
injunction,  such  a  vow  ?  And  will  not  some  generation  yet  to  come,  it  may  be  sooner  than 
we  expect,  a  generation  freer  from  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the  strife  than  we  dare  to 
be,  build  a  temple  to  Concord,  and  in  it  place  the  marble  statues  of  Grant  and  Lee,  of 
Stonewall  Jackson  and  Thomas,  of  Stuart  and  Hancock,  McClellan  and  Logan,  and  others 
not  named  because  yet  among  the  living  ?  Then,  when  future  generations  of  American 
citizens  shall  come  to  view  the  temple,  .  .  .  they  will  stand  uncovered  in  that  presence 
aivl  exclaim  :  4<  Though  we  have  much  that  our  fathers  have  not,  though  we  know  much 
that  our  fathers  knew  not,  yet  in  this  august  company  let  us  admit  that  their  crops  were 
men." 

REPRESENTATIVE     WILLIAM     W.     RICE    [REP.],    OF    MASSACHUSETTS,    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  I  bring  a  tribute  from  Massachusetts  and  place  it  reverently  on  the  grave 
of  Logan.  He  had  not,  I  believe,  a  drop  of  our  blood  in  his  veins ;  I  do  not  know  that  he 
was  ever  within  our  borders  excepting  once  or  twice  briefly  in  transit.  His  manners,  his 
method  of  thought  and  speech,  his  political  ideas,  were  not  always  by  any  means  in  accord 
with  ours,  yet  I  venture  to  say  this  soldier  and  statesman  of  the  We^t,  at  the  time  of  his 


APPENDIX. 


569 


death,  held  the  first  place  in  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers  and  common  people  of  Massachusetts, 
•who  are  her  chiefest  pride. 

Few  men  in  this  age  and  country  combined  in  so  marked  degree  the  characteristics  which 
:go  to  make  up  personal  popularity.  His  massive  frame,  his  glaring  eye,  his  splendid 
strength,  his  undaunted  courage  would  have  made  a  hero  of  him  at  any  time  in  any  land. 
He  would  have  "held  the  bridge"  with  Horatius,  "in  the  brave  days  of  old;  "  he  would 
have  led,  amid  clashing  swords  and  spears,  the  wild  warriors  who  came  down  from  the 
north  to  the  sack  of  Rome  ;  he  would  have  couched  lance  in  battle  or  in  tourney  with  the 
toughest  of  Froissart's  knighls.  As  a  patriot  soldier  he  was  bravest  among  the  brave. 
At  Belmont,  at  Donelson,  at  Vicksburg,  at  Atlanta,  he  led  where  any  dared  to  follow. 
He  never  dodged  a  bullet  or  turned  his  face  from  the  front.  Had  he  been  called  to  do  it, 
he  would  have  scaled  Wagner  by  the  side  of  bhaw,  or  have  kept  his  saddle,  as  Lowell 
-did  in  the  valley,  after  his  death- wound,  to  lead  ope  more  charge  against  the  breaking  but 
still  stubborn  foe.  .  . 

But  this  was  not  all.  By  the  sword  peace  had  been  won,  but  peace  as  well  as  war  was  to 
have  work  and  triumphs  for  Logan.  For  more  than  twenty  years  he  served  in  Congress, 
making  his  way  by  force  of  will,  by  clearness  of  judgment,  by  appreciation  of  popular  in 
stincts,  and  by  honesty  of  purpose  and  action  in  such  a  degree  that  at  his  drath  his  fame  as 
a  Senator  was  scarcely  eclipsed  by  his  old  fame  as  a  soldier. 

All  his  life  he  was  a  public  man.  .  .  .  Let  the  young  men  of  the  country  be  en 
couraged  by  the  example  of  Logan  and  learn  that  there  is  no  higher  ambition  than  to  fill 
worthily  positions  of  public  trust. 

Logan  was  a  strong  man.  He  never  counted  his  friends  or  his  foes.  He  knew  his  own 
position,  and  if  he  could  not  win  others  to  it  he  was  ready  to  defend  it  alone. 

He  is  dead — dead  in  the  maturity  of  his  strength  and  the  plenitude  of  his  powers — but 
his  example  lives.  He  has  won  a  high  place  in  our  national  Pantheon  ;  his  name  will  live 
in  history  j  his  memory  is  a  precious  legacy  to  those  whom  he  has  left  behind  him.  Is  this 
all  ?  Has  the  strong  man  utterly  passed  away  ?  Stands  he  no  longer  as  a  tower  of  strength 
for  refuge  and  defence?  Not  so.  It  cannot  be.  The  bugle-call  should  not  sound  'Mights 
out  "  at  his  tomb.  His  light  is  not  out ;  though  invisible  to  us,  it  still  shines.  .  .  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    LUCIEN    B.    CASWELL    [REP.],    OF    WISCONSIN,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  God  gave  Logan  a  talent  and  force  of  character  seldom  found 
among  men.  .  .  .  Logan  was  a  natural  leader,  both  as  a  soldier  and  as  a  statesman. 
He  had  few  equals  in  either  sphere,  and  still  less  in  the  two  combined.  It  is  difficult 
to  determine  in  which  character  he  excelled  most.  But  in  either  he  served  his  country 
nobly  and  well. 

As  a  soldier  he  was  fearless,  and  he  was  as  gallant  as  he  was  brave,  as  generous  as  he 
•was  firm. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  afterward  in  the  Senate,  he  was  the  author  and  ad 
vocate  of  measures  of  great  national  interest.  He  took  front  rank  as  a  legislator,  always 
advocating  whatever  he  believed  to  be  right  and  for  the  interest  of  the  people.  If  he  erred, 
it  was  an  error  of  the  head  and  not  of  the  heart. 

When  the  late  war  broke  out  he  was  not  politically  identified  with  the  administration 
then  in  power.  ...  It  was  enough  for  him  that  his  country  was  in  peril.  Whatever 
party  could  suppress  the  rebellion  was  the  party  of  John  A.  Logan. 

The  memories  of  his  youth  when  he  inarched  with  the  old  flag  to  the  capital  of  Mexico 
revived  his  love  and  devotion  for  his  country,  and  again  he  was  found  in  the  front  ranks  of 
our  Army.  He  went  not  as  a  stranger  to  battle  but  with  a  practical  experience  that  well 
fitted  him  for  the  occasion.  We  had  generals,  trained  in  the  arts  of  war,  men  of  experience, 
educated  for  the  purpose,  men  with  commissions  and  arms  already  in  line.  But  these  were 
not  sufficient.  Our  country  called  for  volunteers.  With  them  and  the  millions  behind  them, 
everything  was  possible  ;  without  them,  nothing.  (General  Logan  was  the  representative  of 
that  element.  He  was  early  in  the  field.  Thousands  followed  him,  and  the  Union  army 
was  swollen  to  enormous  proportions.  These  were  the  soldiery  that  saved  the  Union  ; 
without  them  it  could  never  have  been  saved.  .  .  .  His  military  career  was  a  success, 
and  history  will  record  him  as  a  great  leader  of  men. 

When  the  war  was  over  he  ...  obeyed  the  summons  that  sent  him  to  the  national 
Capitol.  Here  he  made  a  record  of  which  we  are  proud,  a  record  that  places  him  beside 
the  great  commoners  whose  names  will  be  fostered  and  revered  by  generations  yet  to 
come.  .  . 


5;0  LIFE    OF  LOGAN. 

His  death  carries  sorrow  and  grief  into  the  homes  of  the  millions,  and  they  join  us  to-day 
in  these  words  of  praise.  His  great  service  as  a  soldier  in  two  wars,  his  distinguished  abil 
ity  as  a  statesman,  his  power  and  eloquence  upon  the  rostrum,  his  devotion  to  the  poor  and 
the  suffering,  have  made  him  conspicuous  and  dear  to  the  American  people,  and  he  will 
be  remembered  and  loved  by  them  as  the  great  soldier  statesman  by  generations  yet  to 
come. 

REPRESENTATIVE  JAMES  E.   O'lIARA  [REP.],  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA,  SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  If  there  was  any  one*  trait  of  the  late  General  John  A.  Logan's 
strong  character  that  appeared  stronger  than  the  other  it  was  his  great  love  for  his  country 
and  the  deep  and  abiding  faith  that  his  country  was  destined  by  God  himself  to  be  that 
country  in  which  liberty  in  its  broadest  and  most  comprehensive  term  should  find  its  greatest 
fulfilment.  .  .  . 

No  greater  example  of  love  for  one's  country  can  be  found  than  Logan's  patriotic  act 
when  he  exchanged  a  seat  upon  this  floor  for  a  common  soldier's  lot  amid  the  stern  realities 
and  severity  of  camp-life  when  the  well-being  of  his  country  was  threatened,  the  Union  en 
dangered,  ami  the  sound  to  arms  for  the  right  was  heard  all  over  the  land.  How  well  he 
kept  that  pledge  he  then  made  let  the  answer  be  given  by  the  fifty-two  well-fought  battles  in 
which  he  was  successively  engaged  from  July  21,  1861,  to  April  26,  1865.  Deeds  like  these 
will  live,  in  song  and  story  and  be  recounted  when  and  wherever  the  bards  or  historians 
gather  to  recite  noble  deeds  for  the  emulation  of  the  youth  of  this  or  any  other  land.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Speaker,  this  ceremony  is  not  solely  in  honor  of  the  dead,  for  neither  "  storied  urn 
nor  animated  bust  ;  "  but,  sir,  it  is  that  the  lesson  of  this  noble  life,  ended  so  suddenly,  yet 
filled  with  honor  and  usefulness,  may  be  emphasized  and  adorned  as  far  as  we  are  able  to 
emphasize  and  adorn  them  ;  that  the  same  love  of  country,  and  love  for  one's  fellow,  may  be 
held  up  as  a  noble  example  to  those  who  may  come  after  us  ;  and  that  posterity  may  know 
that  the  American  Republic  has  heroes  equal  to  if  not  surpassing  in  valor,  fidelity,  and 
patriotism, the  fabled  heroes  of  ancient  Greece  or  Rome.  .  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    NATHAN    GOFF,  JR.   [REP.],  OF  WEST   VIRGINIA,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  we  honor  ourselves  in  honoring  the  memory  of  John  A.  Logan.  Noth 
ing  that  we  can  say  or  do  to-day  can  add  to  nor  detract  from  the  renown  of  our  distinguished 
dead,  for  it  is  no  less  than  fame  proclaims  it,  and  it  could  be  no  greater  than  it  is.  ... 
General  Logan  was  the  idol  of  the  citizen  soldiery  of  the  war  for  the  Union,  and  he  was 
worthy  of  their  admiration,  for  he  was  as  grand  as  his  cause  and  as  true  as  steel.  It  is  not 
disparagement  to  our  grand  galaxy  of  volunteer  heroes  to  say  that  among  the  many  he  was 
the  one.  As  the  magnificent  image  of  the  Christ-God,  in  the  great  cathedral  of  Monreale, 
dominates  the  immensity  of  the  building,  as  Pallas  ruled  supreme  in  the  Parthenon,  and 
Zeus  in  his  Olympian  temple,  so  does  the  name  of  Logan  alone  transcendent  stand  among 
that  throng  of  heroes,  dominating  as  with  a  single  impulse  the  hearts  of  those  who,  neglect 
ing  all  pursuits,  abandoning  all  professions,  leaving  home,  wife,  children,  all,  of  every  creed 
and  all  parties,  marched  under  the  banner  of  the  Union  "  into  the  very  jaws  of  death"  and 
tasted  of  the  bitter  dregs  of  the  cup  of  sorrow  and  of  pain  in  order  that  republican  institu 
tions  might  not  perish  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 

General  Logan  lived  in  an  eventful  period  and  died  in  the  fulness  of  his  glory.  He  was 
an  active  participant  in  the  memorable  struggles  that  will  render  the  nineteenth  century 
famous  in  battle  and  in  history.  He  was  no  laggard  in  the  strife,  but  he  was  always  to  the 
front  with  the  banner  in  his  hands.  He  was  determined  in  his  purposes,  sincere  in  his  con 
victions,  and  grand  in  his  achievements.  Contending  for  republican  government,  he  lived 
to  see  the  Constitution  of  his  country  cleansed  of  impurities  and  firmly  established  on  the 
eternal  principles  of  truth  and  justice.  He  was  a  devotee  at  the  shrine  of  human  liberty, 
and  he  lived  to  see  all  men  free.  He  believed  in  the  education  of  the  people,  and  he  lived 
to  see  his  country  blessed  with  the  grandest  system  of  free  universal  education  that  a  propi 
tious  Providence  has  ever  permitted  the  children  of  men  to  enjoy.  With  all  the  earnestness 
of  his  impulsive  nature  did  he  love  the  starry  banner  of  our  independence,  the  emblem  of  our 
nation's  power,  and  he  lived  to  see  it  typify,  at  last,  all  that  is  great  in  human  action,  all 
that  is  grand  in  human  thought. 

It  is  not  laudation  for  us  to  say  that  in  all  these  stirring  scenes  and  wonderful  changes 
he  played  a  leader's  part  and  that  he  stamped  his  strong  individuality  on  these  pages.  Hon- 


APPENDIX. 


571 


ored  statesman,  grand  soldier,  true  friend,  honest  man,  may  your  sleep  in  the  quiet  city  of 
the  dead  be  the  rest  of  those  who, 

Sustained  and  soothed 

By  an  unfaltering  trust,  approach  their  grave, 
Like  one  who  wraps  the  drapery  of  his  couch 
About  him,  and  lies  down  to  pleasant  dreams.  .  .  . 

He  is  dead  ;  he  has  gone,  .  .  .  and  yet  he  will  live  here  for  all  time.  He  will  be 
with  us,  Mr.  Speaker,  while  we  tarry,  and  he  will  stay  after  we  have  gone.  His  is  one  of 
those  illustrious  lives  that  death  cannot  destroy.  .  .  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    EDWIN  S.   OSBORNE    [REP.],  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  we  come  to  pay  tribute  to  the  memory  of  John  A.  Logan,  whose  name 
has  rung  through  the  world  and  won  its  meed  of  praise.  Living  men  may  contemplate  his 
character  and  draw  from  it  lessons  of  purest  virtue  and  loftiest  patriotism.  His  whole  career 
was  a  bright  example  of  unselfish  devotion  to  duty.  Indeed  the  Republic  drew  profit  from 
his  life.  In  centuries  to  come,  amid  the  grandeur  of  its  power  and  the  unclouded  splendor 
of  its  renown,  the  historian  of  our  country  will  point  to  Logan  as  one  who  did  much  in  his 
day  to  save  the  Republic  from  death. 

Sounding  words  cannot  tell  the  strength  of  mind,  the  physical  courage,  the  daring  and 
fortitude  that  made  up  his  character.  When  he  led  our  flag  to  victory  and  gave  to  glory  and 
to  fame  the  fields  on  which  armies  struggled,  when  amid  the  carnage  of  the  hour  he  rode 
along  his  line,  suffering  with  pain  from  bleeding  wounds,  inspiring  his  troops  with  his  own 
brave  spirit,  until  like  a  restless  wave  they  swept  away  every  obstacle,  the  selfish  and  ungen 
erous  may  have  spoken  unkindly  of  him,  but  now  that  he  is  beyond  the  reach  of  ambition 
the  man  does  not  live  who  would  have  the  name  of  John  A.  Logan  forgotten.  His  is  a 
name  that  the  world  will  not  willingly  let  die.  He  needs  no  splendid  arches  of  victory,  no 
monumental  pile  pointing  toward  heaven  and  covered  all  over  with  the  story  of  his  deeds  to 
perpetuate  his  memory,  for  he  is  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  there  to  remain  as 
long  as  a  sentiment  of  justice  is  felt  or  a  cord  of  sympathetic  virtue  vibrates  in  a  human 
heart. 

REPRESENTATIVE   LEWIS    E.   PAYSON  [REP.],  OF   ILLINOIS,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  .  .  .  General  Logan  was  my  friend,  and  I  perform  a  sad  duty  to 
the  memory  of  one  whose  good-will  and  confidence  was  so  prized  in  his  lifetime  by  me  when 
I  attempt  to  add  a  single  leaf  to  the  garland  of  tribute  which  shall  be  rendered  to  him  and 
his  memory  this  day.  .  .  . 

His  chief  characteristic  to  me  was  his  earnestness  in  whatever  he  was  engaged.  His 
devotion  to  his  friends  was  conspicuous  for  its  intensity.  His  love  for  the  soldiers  of  the 
civil  war — his  companions  in  arms — was  best  evidenced  by  his  labors  for  their  interests  and 
by  their  affection  for  him.  His  affection  for  his  State  was  as  that  of  the  Roman  for  "  the 
city  of  seven  hills."  Duty,  honor,  and  integrity  were  active  principles  in  his  daily  life,  and 
he  squared  his  conduct  by  their  requirements.  In  his  affections  he  was  generous  and  ardent ; 
his  bravery,  his  courage  was  always  conspicuous  ;  true  in  his  nature  and  of  gentle  heart,  and 
magnanimous  in  all  his  dealings.  Patriotism  with  him  was  more  than  a  sentiment  ;  it  was  a 
deep-seated  principle.  Love  of  country,  its  institutions,  its  Constitution,  and  its  laws,  was 
his  inspiration  from  the  days  of  his  early  manhood.  To  insincerity  he  was  a  stranger  ;  to 
him  conviction  carried  with  it  the  sense  of  duty  to  follow  it  ;  and  with  his  bravery,  his 
frankness,  no  one  was  ever  in  ignorance  as  to  his  position  on  any  question.  To  such  a 
degree  was  this  carried  that  at  times  his  position  in  his  party  was  hazarded  by  fearless  asser 
tion  of  his  ideas  of  right  as  opposed  to  those  of  mere  temporary  policy  or  expediency. 

General  Logan  was  a  born  leader.  He  was  endowed  by  nature  with  all  the  attributes 
and  qualities  for  such  a  position.  .  .  .  He  had  the  aggressiveness  which  always  comes 
from  a  true  courage.  .  .  .  His  life  was  a  success.  .  .  .  He  died  the  deserved 
possessor  of  these  honors  and  left  his  family  that  best  of  heritage,  a  reputation  untarnished, 
an  integrity  unimpaired,  and  a  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  whole  people  that  the  loss  in  his 
death  was  one  common  to  all.  .  .  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    JAMES    D.   BRADY  [REP.],  OF   VIRGINIA,   SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  the  heart  that  would  not  be  sad  and  the  eye  that  would  not  be  dim  while 
memory  in  its  many  forms  clusters  around  the  dead  patriot,  soldier,  and  statesman  in  whose 
honor  the  nation's  Representatives  are  to-day  assembled  must  be  hard  and  dry  indeed. 


572 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


Amid  grief  so  deep  and  so  universal  no  words  of  mine  can  fitly  portray  the  sorrow  of  the 
volunteer  soldiers  of  the  war  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union  over  the  irreparable  loss  of 
their  grand  chieftain.  The  heart  speaks  loudest  when  the  lips  will  not  move. 

John  A.  Logan  was  regarded  as  national  property.  His  genius,  his  virtues,  his  great 
services  in  peace  and  in  war,  were  esteemed  a  part  of  the  inheritance  of  the  whole  people. 
Bold  and  direct  in  his  opinions  and  actions,  however  they  were  sustained  or  combated, 
he  was  nevertheless  admired  l>y  all  for  his  great  abilities  as  he  was  honored  and  respected  for 
his  purity  of  character.  His  fame  was  national,  and  his  loss  has  been  felt  as  national.  The 
whole  country,  not  only  his  State  which  loved  and  honored  him,  mourns  over  his  sad  death. 
The  evidences  of  genuine  sorrow  in  all  sections  of  our  country,  when  his  demise  was  an 
nounced,  indicates  a  strong  national  sympathy,  a  bond  of  union  which  political  differences 
cannot  weaken,  much  less  destroy. 

General  Logan  was  at  the  top  among  the  great  heroes  of  the  Union  during  and  since  the 
war ;  he  won  immortality  on  the  field  and  in  the  forum  ;  he  had  impressed  himself  upon  the 
age,  and  he  is  missed  as  a  shining  light  extinguished  in  the  darkest  hour  of  the  night.  .  .  . 

I  shall  not  recount  the  splendid  story  of  his  life.  His  de,eds  in  war  and  in  peace  have 
gained  for  him  imperishable  renown.  .  .  .  Alas,  John  A.  Logan,  the  foremost  general 
of  volunteers,  is  dead.  I  think  I  hear  some  comrade  say,  *'  Would  that  he  had  fallen  on  the 
battle-field  with  the  flag  he  loved  so  well  waving  over  him,  and  the  shout  of  triumph  ringing 
in  his  ears  "  No  ;  his  task  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  only  half  finished.  He  has  since 
bravely  fought  on  other  battle-fields,  and  in  the  press  of  the  continued  conflict  he  conquered 
peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  for  his  country.  His  journey  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave 
is  done.  .  .  . 

He  it  was  that  originated  the  beautiful  memorial  services  over  the  graves  of  the  soldier 
-dead.  Crippled  veterans  and  stalwart  soldiers,  aged  mothers — ye  whose  sons  were  sacrificed 
upon  the  country's  battle-fields — broken-hearted  widows,  comrades  of  the  Grand  Army  and 
Loyal  Legion,  sons  and  daughters  of  the  Boys  in  Blue,  upon  each  observance  of  that  day 
•gather  the  most  beautiful,  the  most  fragrant  flowers  of  May  and  deck  the  grave  of  John  A. 
Logan  ! 

REPRESENTATIVE     ROBERT    R.    HITT   [REP.],  OF    ILLINOIS,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  the  death  of  General  Logan  has  suddenly  removed  the  greatest  of  the 
volunteers  who  survived.  The  shock  of  surprise  and  sorrow  was  scarcely  greater  here,  where 
we  suddenly  missed  him  from  each  day's  action,  than  it  was  throughout  the  whole  country, 
so  closely  was  he  knit  to  the  hearts  of  tens  of  thousands  who  watched  from  day  to  day  all 
that  he  did — and  he  did  more  than  other  men  all  the  time.  His  abrupt  taking  off  in  the 
midst  of  greatest  activity  was  something  akin  to  falling  in  battle ;  for  there  was  no  sign  of 
coming  age  or  decaying  strength  in  his  thick  jet-black  hair,  his  keen  eye,  and  his  powerful 
frame  that  stood  four-square  to  all  the  winds  that  blow.  He  was,  as  he  looked,  a  hearty 
man,  of  sturdy,  tenacious,  Scotch-Irish  stock.  He  drew  his  blood  from  positive,  indepen 
dent  characters,  both  father  and  mother. 

The  minor  features  and  details  in  the  long  story  of  his  life  and  its  work  will  gradually  lose 
some  of  their  interest  as  those  who  have  known  him  pass  away  with  advancing  time.  But 
there  are  some  immense  facts  which  will  last  in  history  and  preserve  his  name  through  many 
centuries,  keeping  it  fresh  in  the  knowledge  of  men. 

First.  The  great  service  he  rendered  to  his  country  as  a  soldier  in  the  most  critical  period 
in  the  life  of  the  Republic. 

Second.  His  incessant  labors  as  a  legislator  for  over  thirty  years  in  behalf  of  every  meas 
ure  that  ne  believed  to  be  for  the  elevation  of  all  the  people.  He  made  a  mistake  sometimes, 
but  as  soon  as  he  discovered  it  he  promptly  changed  and  frankly  avowed  it.  His  whole  life 
was  progress.  He  wanted  to  see  the  children  of  the  poorest  man  educated.  He  encouraged 
love  of  country  and  care  for  those  who  suffered  for  it.  He  strove  to  build  up  and  develop 
every  interest  and  every  industry  that  would  tend  to  make  the  lives  of  men  comfortable,  intel 
ligent,  and  happy.  He  gave  in  his  own  life  an  example  of  spotless  integrity  as  a  public  man. 
He  was  full  of  ambition,  but  nothing  in  it  was  sordid  or  venal.  His  ambitions  were  all  noble. 
He  gave  the  best  years  of  his  life  to  the  cause  of  free  government  and  human  liberty. 

Looking  back  to-day  over  his  splendid  career,  cut  off  when  he  was  in  his  highest  usefulness, 
everyone  feels  the  great  loss  the  nation  suffered  on  the  day  when  that  incompleted  life  was 
abruptly  terminated.  There  seemed  many  years  before  him  still  to  serve  the  country  he 
loved  so  well  with  his  great  powers  matured  by  long  and  varied  experience. 


APPENDIX. 


573 


But  it  is  over.  His  work  is  done.  The  story  of  Logan's  life  will  illumine  the  brightest 
pages  of  our  history,  and  the  fruits  of  his  incessant  labors,  all  devoted  to  his  country  and  his 
fellow-men,  and  known  to  all  the  world,  will  preserve  his  name  and  perpetuate  his  influence 
beyond  his  life  through  all  the  long  hereafter. 

REPRESENTATIVE   WILLIAM    R.    COX    [DEM.],    OF   NORTH    CAROLINA,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  AND  REPRESENTATIVES  :  .  We  are  all  citizens  of  a  great  and 

glorious  country,  having  common  hopes  and  aspirations.  .  .  .  And  it  is  the  inspiration 
arising  from  the  freedom  of  our  institutions  and  the  progress  of  our  people  that  made  possi 
ble  the  successful  career  of  John  A.  Logan. 

Seldom  in  history  do  we  behold  illustrious  examples  of  success  achieved  through  indi 
vidual  efforts  in  more  than  one  special  calling,  and  thus  is  made  more  emphatic  the  blended 
triumphs  we  in  him  behold.  Without  the  heritage  of  fortune  or  the  prestige  of  an  illustrious 
name,  John  A.  Logan  sprang  from  the  loins  of  the  people  ;  he  claimed  leadership  among 
men,  and  by  industry,  integrity,  and  high  resolves  the  ranks  were  open  to  him ;  he  marched 
to  the  front,  and  held  his  position  until  the  last  dread  summons  came.  .  .  .  When  he 
believed  it  necessary  to  assert  the  light  and  expose  the  wrong,  his  blows  fell  as  unrelent 
ingly  on  the  head  of  a  party  friend  as  on  that  of  a  political  adversary.  To  maintain  a  politi 
cal  leadership  under  such  circumstances  required  commanding  talents  and  distinguished 
virtues.  .  .  . 

A  volunteer  soldier,  he  looked  not  so  much  to  the  method  as  to  the  object  to  be  accom 
plished.  He  wielded  not  the  high-tempered  cimeter  of  a  Saladin,  but  rather  the  trenchant, 
two-edged  sword  of  Richard  the  Lion- Hearted.  .  .  . 

In  writing  and  speaking  he  was  not  always  considerate  of  the  feelings  of  those  to  whom 
he  was  opposed  in  the  war.  Yet  while  they  would  have  preferred  to  applaud  his  magnanim 
ity  toward  the  vanquished,  they  are  not  strenuous  to  eondemn  the  natural  impulses  of  his. 
ardent  nature.  .  .  .  My  personal  acquaintance  with  him  was  limited,  and  I  speak  only 
from  impressions  entertained  by  those  among  whom  I  live.  From  Southern  Representatives 
with  whom  he  served  in  Congress  I  have  heard  of  his  liberality,  sincerity,  and  honesty  in 
dealing  with  Southern  men  and  measures,  and  I  was  gratified  to  know  of  this  phase  of  his 
character.  .  . 

In  conclusion  I  place  this  garland  upon  the  tomb  of  General  Logan,  and  will  add  this, 
though  he  walked  amid  temptations  his  character  was  stainless,  and  that  while  he  served  his. 
country  faithfully  he  died  poor.  It  is  pleasing  to  reflect  that  in  the  hearts  and  abundance  of 
his  appreciative  countrymen  his  family  are  not  forgotten. 

REPRESENTATIVE   GEORGE   G.    SYMES    [REP.],  OF   COLORADO,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  Many  have  denied  that  John   A.   Logan  was  a  great  man. 

.  .  .  But,  sir,  great  acquirements,  learning,  and  accomplishments  .  .  .  never  made 
a  great  man.  If,  while  General  Logan  was  battling  to  overcome  the  hardships  of  pioneer 
life  his  time  had  been  spent  poring  over  books  in  Eastern  colleges;  if,  when  the  war  with 
Mexico  broke  out  and  he  was  twenty  years  of  age  his  own  taste  or  ambition  or  that  of  his 
parents  had  sent  him  to  seats  of  learning  in  Germany,  to  be  filled  with  all  the  knowledge 
that  books  and  professors  could  impart,  instead  of  going  to  the  battle-fields  of  his  country  ; 
if,  during  the  years  intervening  between  the  Mexican  War  and  1858,  when  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  this  House  from  Southern  Illinois,  his  time  had  been  divided  between  reading 
polite  literature,  travelling  in  Europe,  visiting  art  galleries,  and  mixing  in  the  highest  society, 
and  the  remainder  of  it  only  devoted  to  the  profession  of  the  law  in  some  large  city,  it  is 
certain  he  never  would  have  rendered  the  great  services  to  his  country  in  her  time  of  need 
which  his  countrymen  now  universally  acknowledge ;  and  he  never  would  have  died  uni 
versally  mourned  as  the  champion  and  friend  of  the  American  people.  He  never  would 
have  passed  down  to  history  as  one  of  the  great  statesmen  and  the  greatest  American  citizen- 
soldier  of  his  time.  As  that  brilliant  orator  and  statesman  from  Virginia,  John  Randolph, 
of  Roanokc,  once  said  in  this  House  : 

The  talent  for  government  lies  in  two  things,  sagacity  to  perceive  and  the  decision  to  act.  Genuine  states 
men  were  never  made  by  such  training.  .  .  .  Let  a  house  be  on  fire  and  you  will  soon  see  in  that  confusion 
who  has  the  talent  to  command.  .  .  .  Who  believes  that  Washington  could  write  as  good  a  book  or  report 
as  Jefterson,  or  make  as  able  a  speech  as  Hamilton  ?  Who  is  there  that  believes  that  Cromwel!  would  have  made 
as  jjood  a  judge  as  Lord  Hale  ?  No,  Mr.  Speaker,  these  learned  and  accomplished  men  find  their  proper  place 
under  those  who  are  fitted  to  command  and  to  command  them  among  the  rest.  .  .  .  Great  logicians  and 
great  scholars  are  for  that  very  reason  unfit  to  be  rulers.  Would  Hannibal  have  crossed  the  Alps  where  there 
were  no  roads,  with  elephants,  in  the  face  of  the  warlike  hardy  mountaineers,  and  have  carried  terror  to  the 
very  gates  of  Rome  if  his  youth  had  been  spent  in  poring  over  books?  "Are  you  not  ashamed,"  said  a  philos- 


574 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


ophcr,  to  one  who  was  born  to  rule,  "are  you  no:  ashamed  to  play  so  well  upon  the  flute?  "  There  is  much 
which  becomes  a  secondary  man  to  know,  much  that  it  is  necessary  tor  him  to  know,  that  a  lir*t-rate  man  ought 
to  be  ashamed  to  know.  No  head  was  ever  clear  and  sound  that  was  stuffed  with  book-learning.  .  .  . 
After  all,  the  chief  must  draw  upon  his  subalterns  for  much  that  he  does  not  know  and  cannot  perform  himself. 

Mr.  Speaker,  John  A.  Logan  was  a  great  orator.  .  .  .  When  \ve  test  the  speeches 
of  John  A.  Logan,  delivered  on  public  and  important  occasions,  by  their  results,  we  cannot 
<1eny  to  him  the  distinction  of  being  a  great  orator  and  an  eloquent  man.  As  has  been  said 
by  Webster  : 

True  eloquence  indeed  does  not  consist  in  speech.  It  cannot  be  brought  from  far.  Labor  and  learning  may 
toil  for  it,  but  they  will  toil  for  it  in  vain.  It  must  exist  in  the  man,  in  the  subject,  and  in  the  occasion.  .  .  . 
The  graces  taught  in  the  schools,  the  costly  ornaments  and  studied  contrivances  of  speech  shock  and  disgust 
men  when  their  own  lives  and  the  fate  of  their  wives,  their  children,  and  their  country  hang  on  the  decision  of 
the  hour.  Then  word*  have  lost  their  power,  rhetoric  is  vain,  and  all  elaborate  oratory  contemptible. 
Then  patriotism  is  eloquent  ;  then  self-devotion  is  eloquent.  The  clear  conception  outrunning  the  deductions  of 
logic,  the  high  purpose,  the  firm  resolve,  the  dauntless  spirit  speaking  on  the  tongue,  beaming  from  the  eye,  in 
forming  every  feature  and  urging  the  whole  man  onward,  right  onward,  to  his  object.  This  is  eloquence  ;  or 
rather,  it  is  something  greater  and  higher  than  all  eloquence ;  it  is  action,  noble,  sublime,  godlike  action. 

Sir,  are  not  these  words  of  one  of  the  great  masters,  whose  eloquence  and  oratory  adorned 
and  influenced  both  Houses  of  Congress  for  so  many  years,  specially  applicable  to  the  ora 
tory  of  John  A.  Logan  ?  Have  we  a  man  in  this  generation  who,  at  critical  periods  in  our 
country's  history,  at  times,  sir,  when  the  fate  of  our  country  was  at  stake  and  "  the  die 
seemed  to  spin  somewhat  doubtful,"  threw  himself  into  the  breach  with  a  more  dauntless 
spirit,  with  a  more  firm  resolve  speaking  on  his  tongue  or  beaming  from  his  eye  and  urging 
him  on  with  a  more  sublime  and  godlike  action  than  John  A.  Logan?  It  is  matter  of  his 
tory  that  at  such  times  he  changed  the  opinions  and  convictions  of  thousands  of  men  by  the 
power  of  his  oratory. 

Mr.  Speaker,  he  has  passed  away,  and  we  poor  mortals  can  do  nothing  more  than  mourn 
his  loss  and  revere  and  keep  the  memory  of  his  many  virtues  for  our  own  bright  example. 
No  American  has  died  in  this  generation  who  will  be  so  universally  missed  by  all  classes  and 
conditions  of  men  as  John  A.  Logan.  The  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  soldiers  will  miss 
him  when  endeavoring  to  obtain  their  rights.  The  statesmen  will  miss  his  cool  and  unfaltering 
intrepidity  in  the  support  of  measures  for  the  good  of  our  country.  The  great  mass  of  the 
people  will  miss  and  mourn  him  when  their  rights  require  courageous  defence. 

REPRESENTATIVE    FRANK   LAWLER  [DEM.],  OF    ILLINOIS,   SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  I  have  not  awaited  the  hour  of  his  death  to  praise  John  A. 
Logan,  for  it  was  my  fortune  to  know  him,  perhaps  not  intimately  in  the  social  sense,  but 
measurably  as  we  were  brought  into  contact  and  collision  in  the  various  political  conflicts  in 
Illinois.  He  was  a  foeman  worthy  of  the  foeman's  steel,  but  withal  generous  and  consider 
ate  in  the  hour  of  victory,  submitting  to  defeat  without  murmur  or  complaint.  My  respect 
for  John  A.  Logan  augmented  into  admiration  when  the  grand  spectacle  was  presented  of 
his  graceful  submission  to  the  will  of  the  majority  expressed  adversely  to  his  election  to  the 
Vice-Presidency  in  November,  1884. 

I  have  often  instituted  a  comparison  in  my  own  mind  of  like  traits  of  character  possessed 
by  General  Logan  with  some  of  those  of  Samuel  Adams,  of  Revolutionary  fame.  I  can 
well  imagine  that  had  Logan  been  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  when  that  body 
declared  the  colonies  free  and  independent  of  England's  domination,  he  would  have  boldly 
proclaimed  with  Samuel  Adams  : 

I  should  advise  persisting  in  our  struggle  for  liberty,  though  it  were  revealed  from  Heaven  that  nine  hundred 
and  ninety-nine  were  to  perish  and  only  one  of  a  thousand  were  to  survive  and  retain  his  liberty  !  One  such 
freeman  must  possess  more  virtue  and  enjoy  more  happiness  than  a  thousand  slaves  ;  and  let  him  propagate 
his  like,  and  transmit  to  them  what  he  hath  so  nobly  preserved. 

Like  Samuel  Adams,  John  A.  Logan  combined  in  a  remarkable  manner  those  qualities 
of  firmness  and  aggressiveness  that  qualify  a  man  to  be  the  asserter  of  the  rights  of  the 
people.  Like  Samuel  Adams,  he  was  superior  to  pecuniary  considerations,  and  proved  his 
cause  by  the  virtue  of  his  conduct.  Like  Samuel  Adams,  the  service  he  rendered  his  coun 
try  in  the  national  councils  was  not  by  brilliancy  of  talent  or  profoundness  of  learning,  but 
through  resolute  decision,  unceasing  watchfulness,  and  heroic  perseverance. 

General  Logan's  military  achievements  are  written  in  living  light  upon  the  pages  of  his 
tory.  .  . 


APPENDIX. 


575 


A  great  American  has  fallen  in  the  very  plenitude  of  his  usefulness,  and  the  Republic 
mourns  the  loss,  as  it  has  mourned  the  loss  of  other  patriots  gone  before.  .  .  .  Our 
friend  died  as  he  had  lived,  honored  and  respected,  not  alone  by  the  people  within  the  broad 
boundaries  of  the  American  Republic,  but  by  man  and  woman  in  all  lands  where  liberty  or 
>the  hope  of  liberty  throbs  within  their  bosoms.  • 

REPRESENTATIVE    BISHOP    W.     PERKINS     [REP.],   OF   KANSAS,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER:  ...  It  was  in  this  Chamber  that  John  Alexander  Logan  first  be 
came  known  to  the  people  of  this  country,  and  it  was  from  this  Chamber  that  he  went  as  a 
volunteer  to  fight.  .  .  . 

From  his  first  enlistment  until  the  last  gun  was  fired  he  was  the  incarnation  of  war. 
War  to  him  was  a  terrible,  a  cruel  reality,  but  that  lives  might  be  spared,  peace  secured, 
and  tranquillity  restored,  he  would  make  war  with  the  heaviest  guns,  the  strongest  battalions, 
the  best  equipped  divisions,  and  prosecute  it  with  all  the  energy  and  earnestness  that  could 
be  given  to  human  organizations.  .  . 

But  when  the  belching  of  cannon  ceased,  when  victory  crowned  our  arms,  and  peace  was 
restored  to  our  bleeding  country,  it  saw  General  John  A.  Logan  crowned  by  the  plaudits  of 
•the  people  the  greatest  volunteer  soldier  of  the  Republic.  .  . 

At  the  close  of  the  war  when  the  armies  of  the  Republic  were  disbanded  and  martial 
strife  had  ceased,  General  Logan  returned  to  his  home.  But  there  was  no  repose  for  him. 
By  divine  right  he  was  a  leader  of  men.  At  the  forum,  in  the  council  chamber,  and  upon 
the  hustings  it  was  his  imperial  right  to  lead  as  well  as  upon  the  field  of  conflict  and  carnage, 
and  after  a  short  respite  from  public  duties  he  was  returned  to  this  Chamber  as  the  Rep 
resentative  at  Large  from  the  State  of  Illinois;  and  from  that  time  on  until  the  day  of  his 
death  he  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  figures  in  our  political  history.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Speaker,  few  men  in  American  history  have  left  such  an  impress  of  their  ii.uividual- 
ity  upon  the  public  mind  and  such  a  brilliant  record  of  grand  and  glorious  achievements  as 
General  John  A.  Logan.  .  .  . 

As  citizen,  as  lawyer,  as  soldier,  as  legislator,  as  statesman  and  orator,  as  husband,  father, 
and  friend,  we  honor  him,  and  his  glory  is  a  part  of  the  resplendent  and  imperishable  history 
of  our  country. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  old  year,  with  muffled  drums  and  drooping  flags,  General  John  A. 
Logan  was  laid  to  rest.  It  was  a  raw,  cloudy,  December  day,  and  the  snow  lay  white  on 
the  country  hills  and  crunched  under  the  feet  of  the  walkers  in  the  streets  of  the  city.  A 
dull,  gray  sky  hung  overhead  and  at  times  the  winter  rain  poured  in  freezing  torrents  upon 
the  ground.  All  nature  seemed  touched  with  sympathy  at  the  nation's  loss,  and  joined  in 
the  tears  and  sobs  of  the  mourning  multitude.  He  had  died  the  Sunday  before,  and  how 
fitting  that  this  closing  scene  in  the  soldier's  life  should  come  with  the  close  of  the  year. 
John  A.  Logan  and  the  old  year  went  out  together.  That  dark  but  handsome  face,  that 
manly  bearing,  will  be  seen  no  more  on  this  side  the  "  dark  river  "  to  whose  cold  tide  we 
are  all  hastening. 

But  his  memory  will  endure  as  long  as  the  English  language,  and  the  remembrance  of 
his  great  deeds  will  be  as  imperishable.  Honest,  incorruptible,  and  true,  tender  as  a 
woman,  brave  as  a  lion,  trusting  as  a  child,  his  life  passed  to  its  ending  without  stain  and 
without  reproach.  .  .  . 

REPRESENTATIVE    AUGUSTUS    H.   PETTIBONE    [REP.],    OF   TENNESSEE,   SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER,  in  one  of  his  most  brilliant  lectures  delivered  during  the  time  of  our  civil 
war  at  the  University  of  Cambridge,  Goldwin  Smith,  speaking  of  that  splendid  Puritan 
corps  known  as  the  Ironsides,  which  Oliver  Cromwell  organized  and  disciplined,  uses  in  sub 
stance  this  language:  "  That  splendid  yeomanry,  with  high  hopes  and  convictions  of  their 
own,  who  conquered  for  English  liberty  at  Naseby,  at  Worcester,  and  at  Marston  Moor,  in 
their  native  England,  are  now  seen  no  more.  Here  they  have  left  a  great,  perhaps  a  fatal, 
gap  in  the  ranks  of  freedom."  "But,"  he  adds  with  something  of  pride  and  enthusiasm, 
"  under  Grant  and  Sherman  they  still  conquer  for  the  good  old  cause." 

And  what,  sir,  is  that  good  old  cause  ?  Do  we  not  know  that  it  is  the  cause  of  Liberty 
against  Slavery?  That  it  is  the  cause  of  freedom  against  privileged  usurpation  ? 

"  That  splendid  yeomanry"  which  the  historian  thus  eulogizes,  transferred  over  sea,  be 
came  the  fathers  and  founders  of  this  great  Republic  of  the  West.  The  heart  and  core,  as 
we  know,  came  from  England.  It  was  re-enforced  from  Scotland  and  from  Ireland.  In 
later  years  it  has  welcomed  German  and  Scandinavian  auxiliaries.  When  the  time  came  to 


576 


LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 


sever  the  political  connection  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain,  a  hundred  years  ago, 
it  was  the  yeomanry,  informed  and  instructed  by  Franklin,  and  Samuel  Adams,  and  Thomas 
Jefferson,  and  led  and  disciplined  by  Greene,  and  Wayne,  and  Washington,  who  won  the 
independence  of  these  States  and  established  this  Union. 

And  when,  in  1861,  the  stormrof  civil  war  4<  blackened  all  our  horizon,"  it  was  the  yeo 
manry,  we  know,  who  furnished  the  volunteer  soldiers  who  filled  the  ranks  of  the  Union 
army,  and  in  the  most  desperate  of  campaigns,  in  the  direst  civil  war  of  all  time,  by  their 
persistence,  and  steadiness,  and  valor,  carried  the  starry  flag  to  victory  and  saved  to  the 
cause  of  civil  liberty  and  forthcoming  generations  this  land  of  our  love  and  devotion  ;  and 
by  universal  consent  first  of  these  volunteers  was  John  Alexander  Logan  !  .  .  .  He  re 
signed  his  seat  on  this  floor.  He  spoke  with  a  tongue  of  fire  to  the  yeomanry  of  his  district 
and  his  State.  He  rallied  around  him  a  regiment.  With  his  thousand  comrades  in  arms 
he  swore  to  maintain,  to  preserve,  and  to  protect  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
he  went  forth  to  the  dangers  of  uncertain  war  animated  by  the  very  spirit  in  which  the  angel 
of  freedom  speaks  in  the  magnificent  language  of  Whittier  : 

Then  Freedom  sternly  said,  "  I  shun 

No  strife  nor  pang  beneath  the  sun 

When  human  rights  are  staked  and  won. 
"  I  knelt  with  Zisco's  hunted  flock, 

I  watched  in  Toussaint's  cell  of  rock, 

I  walked  with  Sidney  to  the  block. 
"  The  Moor  of  Marston  felt  my  tread, 
•  Through  Jersey  snows  the  march  I  led, 

My  voice  Magenta's  charges  sped." 

It  was  to  maintain,  not  to  disintegrate ;  to  preserve,  not  to  destroy,  that  Logan  donned 
his  country's  uniform  of  blue.  With  reluctance,  and  almost  with  heart-break  he  took  up 
the  gage  of  battle.  He  knew  what  war  is.  He  knew  its  horrors,  and  all  its  blighting 
curses.  But  he  was  a  man  of  the  people.  He  was  simply  and  always  one  of  the  plain  peo 
ple  on  whom  Abraham  Lincoln  relied. 

He  was  ever  king  of  hearts.  His  comrades  loved  him  because  they  could  not  help  it. 
And,  sir,  ever  since  the  war-drum  has  ceased  to  beat  he  has  been  enshrined  in  the  very  hearts 
of  the  old  soldiers  of  the  Union.  We  loved  him  as  we  really  loved  no  other  great  soldier  of 
the  war,  and  we  know  how  he  loved  the  boys  in  blue  in  return. 

On  the  3d  of  July,  1863,  at  Vicksburg,  between  the  lines,  it  was  my  fortune,  as  it  was  of 
thousands  of  others,  to  see  the  meeting  of  Grant  and  Pemberton  when  the  terms  of  the  fa 
mous  surrender  were  agreed  to.  Accompanying  his  great  commander  was  Logan,  then  in 
the  prime  and  very  flower  of  his  magnificent  manhood.  His  long,  black  hair,  how  it  shone 
in  that  sunlight! 

I  seem  to  see  him  to-day  as  he  then  stood  on  that  open  ground  in  the  clear  light  of  that 
hot  July  sun.  His  every  unconscious  pose  and  movement  seemed  instinct  with  his  character 
and  heroic  purpose.  And  so,  sir,  he  will  ever  stand  out  in  the  clear  perspective  of  history. 
As  he  stood  that  day,  out  against  a  background  of  clear  blue  sky.  the  observed  of  all  who 
saw  that  scene,  so  forever — fit  comrade  of  his  chieftain,  Grant — 

Let  his  great  example  stand 

Colossal,  seen  of  every  land, 

To  keep  the  soldier  firm,  the  statesman  pure, 

Till  through  all  lands  and  through  all  human  story, 

The  path  of  duty  be  the  way  to  glory. 

REPRESENTATIVE     MARTIN    A.    HAYNES    [REP.],    OF    NEW    HAMPSHIRE,    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  if  I  were  asked  what  element  in  General  Logan's  character  I  most  ad 
mired,  I  should  answer  his  constancy  and  his  consistency.  It  was  his  high  distinction  to  be  gen 
erally  recognized  as  the  most  illustrious  example  the  war  produced  of  the  citizen  soldier  as 
distinguished  from  the  professional  ;  and  when  the  great  citizen  armies  disbanded  and  turned 
their  faces  so  joyfully  to  their  homes  and  the  pursuits  of  peace,  he  maintained  an  equal  dis 
tinction  as  the  soldier's  friend  in  the  legislative  councils  of  the  nation.  .  . 

There  is  in  the  hearts  of  brave  men  who  with  their  lives  in  their  hands  battle  for  their  con 
victions  a  chord  which  vibrates  with  admiration  and  respect,and  even  with  a  sort  of  affection,  for 
those  among  their  opponents  who  deal  the  hardest  blows  in  honorable  warfare.  Such  a  man 
was  Logan  the  soldier,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  and  observation  with  those  of 
us  who  wore  the  Union  blue  that  our  regard  for  the  manly,  soldierly  qualities  of  our  fallen 
chief  was  shared  in  an  almost  equal  degree  by  those  who  wore  the  Confederate  gray. 

As  he  commanded  the  admiration  of  his  comrades  in  war,  in  peace  he  won  their  love  and 


APPENDIX. 


577 


their  affection.     On  the  battle-field  he  was  their  trusted  leader.     In  the  council-halls  he  was 
their  steadfast  champion  and  friend.     .     . 

When  the  tidings  of  his  unexpected  death  was  flashed  over  the  country  it  brought  mourn 
ing  to  the  humble  home  of  many  a  soldier  to  whom  Logan  was  known  only  by  name  and  by 
reputation.  A  million  of  these,  who  never  met  him,  who  never  saw  him,  felt  that  they  had 
suffered  a  personal  loss  which  could  never  be  replaced.  It  is  a  proud  record  that  Logan  has 
left  as  a  soldier.  It  will  be  quoted  that  after  a  long  public  career  he  leaves  a  name  un 
stained  even  by  a  suspicion  of  dishonor.  But  there  will  be  no  prouder  monument  to  his 
memory  than  the  love  and  affection  which  so  long  as  life  shall  last  will  dwell  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  were  his  comrades  in  the  war  which  assured  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union  and  the 
grandeur  of  our  common  country. 

REPRESENTATIVE   JAMES    BUCHANAN    [REP.],    OF   NEW   JERSEY,  SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER,  it  did  not  seem  like  Logan  to  die.  That  well-knit  frame,  piercing  eye, 
and  elastic  step,  all  spoke  of  life  and  vigor,  and  added  years  of  activity.  But  even  as  we 
looked  with  admiration  upon  his  strength  and  vitality,  the  conqueror  came,  strength  became 
weakness,  and  life  was  death.  .  .  . 

Others  have  spoken  of  his  early  life  and  its  trials  and  triumphs,  of  his  deeds  of  valor  as 
the  citizen  soldier,  and  his  long  and  brilliant  career  as  a  statesman.  Mine  the  lot  for  a  few 
brief  minutes  to  speak  of  him  as  an  orator  and  a  scholar.  .  . 

He  had  the  best  of  all  attributes  of  the  orator,  an  intense  conviction  of  the  truth  of  his 
utterances,  and  an  earnestness  of  manner  born  of  that,  conviction.  .  .  .  This  it  was 
which  gave  him  such  power  as  an  orator.  This  it  was  which  enchained  the  attention  of  his 
fellow- Senators  and  thronged  the  halls  where  he  spoke.  The  world  will  always  listen  to  an 
earnest  and  sincere  man.  Rhetoric  and  grace  and  sweetness,  rounded  period,  and  swelling 
peroration,  all  these  please  the  ear,  but  Logan  hurled  rugged  truth,  in  impassioned  utter 
ance,  at  the  mind  and  conscience  of  his  hearers.  He  did  not  stop  to  parley,  but  thundered 
out  his  thought  and  moved  straight  upon  the  enemy's  works.  A  debate  was  with  him  no 
dress-parade,  but  a  battle  as  real  and  earnest  for  the  time  being  as  any  he  had  helped  to 
win  as  a  soldier  beneath  his  country's  flag. 

And  yet  when  the  occasion  came  he  could  be  gentle  as  a  child  and  tender  as  a  woman. 
Let  a  comrade  fall  by  the  way  and  no  tenderer  or  kinder  voice  spoke  his  virtues  than  the 
voice  of  Logan. 

Less  than  one  year  ago,  standing  beside  the  tomb  of  his  great  leader,  Grant,  he  uttered 
these  words : 

Friends,  this  noble  man's  work  needs  no  monument,  no  written  scroll,  in  order  that  it  may  be  perpetuated. 
It  is  higher  than  the  dome  of  St.  Paul's,  loftier  than  St.  Peter's,  it  rears  itself  above  the  Pyramids,  it  soars  be 
yond  the  highest  mountain-tops,  and  it  is  written  in  letters  of  the  sunbeam  across  the  blue  arch  that  forever 
looks  down  upon  the  busy  tribes  of  men. 

Logan  was  a  scholar.  Go  to  the  library  in  yonder  lonely  home.  Look  over  the  volumes- 
which  fill  its  shelves.  The  best  thought  of  ancient  and  modern  times  is  there.  The  treas 
ures  of  Greek  and  Roman  stand  side  by  side  with  the  gems  of  German,  French,  and  English, 
literature.  His  books  were  read,  studied,  mastered.  No  idle  ornaments  these.  Daily  com 
panions  of  the  master  were  they.  No  delight  so  keen  after  his  years  of  activity  in  camp  and 
field  as  to  sit  surrounded  by  these  mighty  minds  and  hold  deep  converse  with  them,  and  as, 
the  years  rolled  by  their  influence  was  shown  more  and  more  with  each  successive  utterance, 
until  his  great  "  oration  at  the  tomb  of  Grant  "  showed  how  ripe  a  scholar  he  had  become. 

Human  utterances  pass  away  with  the  occasion  and  are  forgotten.  Here  and  there  one 
survives  and  passes  into  the  world's  treasure-house  of  thought  That  oration  of  his  will 
live.  It  contains  the  seeds  of  immortality.  None  but  the  mind  of  a  scholar  could  have  con 
ceived  it,  and  wrought  it  into  form  with  its  wealth  of  illustration  and  allusion.  As  he  pict 
ures  the  Pyramids  of  Egypt,  the  Tombs  of  Mexico,  the  Sculptures  of  Yucatan,  and  the 
Mounds  of  North  America  as  mute  witnesses  of  man's  yearning  after  immortality,  we  think 
with  what  a  wealth  of  effort  these  material  structures  were  wrought,  and  forget  the  years  of 
patient  thought  and  unwearied  study  which  qualify  a  mind  to  give  to  the  world  an  immortal 
thought. 

That  patient  thought,  that  unwearied  study  was  his.  Shall  his  work  survive  the  coming 
centuries?  The  pyramid-builder  mouldered  into  dust  almost  ere  history  began,  and  his  work 
yet  stands.  So,  too,  the  child  rescued  from  k>  the  marshes  of  the  Nile  "  has  left  his  impress 
on  thirty  centuries  of  mind  and  thought.  A  yearning  for  immortality,  a  desire  to  leave  an 
impress  upon  the  thought  of  his  age,  seems  to  have  been  upon  Logan  as  he  penned  that  ora 
tion,  and  it  will  take  its  place  among  the  works  the  world  will  not  let  die.  .  .  . 


578  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

REPRESF.NTATIVE   JAMES    II.    WARD    [UEM.J,    OF   ILLINOIS,    SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  there  is  an  immortality  beyond  this  life.  The  power  of  a 

great  mind,  the  success  of  a  superior  human  intellect,  cannot  be  buried  in  death,  and  Logan 
will  live  forever  in  memory's  world.  .  .  . 

His  civil  services  began  in  1849  as  clerk  of  his  county  court ;  he  served  his  people  in  the 
Illinois-  Legislature  in  1852,  1853,  1856,  and  1857,  and  served  in  the  Thirty-sixth,  Thirty- 
seventh,  Fortieth,  and  Forty-first  Congresses,  and  in  the  United  States  Senate  from  1871  to 
1877.  Again  he  obeyed  the  people's  call  and  was  returned  to  the  United  States  Senate  in 
1879,  and  was  re-elecied  in  1885,  where  he  was  found  busy  when  the  great  summons  came, 
"Cease  from  labor." 

It  would  appear  difficult  to  add  to  this  lifetime  of  public  service.  When  the  boy  had 
barely  merged  into  the  man  he  left  home  and  its  comforts,  profession  and  its  ambition,  to 
enter  the  United  States  Army  as  a  private  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  Again  with  his  loyal 
fellow-citizens  he  volunteered  to  defend  his  country  against  internal  enemies.  He  served 
throughout  that  war,  starling  in  as  colonel,  coming  out  as  major-general.  His  -work  was 
done  amid  the  smoke  and  iron  hail  of  Belmont,  Donelson,  Shiloh,  Vicksburg,  Lookout 
Mountain,  Atlanta,  and  in  the  march  to  the  sea. 

By  the  brilliancy  of  his  movements,  by  the  chivalry  of  his  conduct,  he  unconsciously  made 
himself  the  idol  of  the  American  soldiery.  The  peer  of  the  highest,  the  friend  of  the  humblest 
in  the  land,  John  A.  Logan  was  a  model  American  citizen.  He  was  a  statesman  whose  pu 
rity  of  character  prevented  his  being  a  mere  politician.  Firm  in  his  political  convictions,  as 
he  was  in  all  his  opinions  after  due  consideration,  he  was  also  as  invincible  a  warrior  in  the 
arena  of  politics  as  when  a  soldier  in  the  field  of  actual  war,  and  as  cowardice  was  impossible 
to  him  in  the  latter,  so  neither  was  he  unjust  or  malicious  in  debate. 

Successful  or  defeated,  he  came  out  of  his  public  contests  without  the  shadow  of  malice 
or  revenge.  In  private  life  his  character  was  as  unspotted  as  in  public.  .  .  . 

Viewing  such  a  character  in  all  its  rounded  grandeur,  I  may  close  my  remarks  by  bold- 
ing  that  character  up  as  a  picture-lesson  to  the  young  men  of  our  country. 

REPRESENTATIVE   JACOB    H.    GALLINGER    [REP.],    OF   NEW    HAMPSHIRE,    SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  when  a  few  weeks  ago,  in  the  solitude  of  my  o\vn  home, 

bowed  down  by  a  ^reat  personal  sorrow,  the  news  of  the  death  of  John  A.  Logan  flashed 
over  the  wires,  I  could  not  but  feel  that  another  personal  grief  had  come  to  my  heart.  For 
every  man  in  this  nation  who  loves  liberty  and  loyalty  and  law  loved  him  in  whose  memory 
these  words  of  eulogy  are  being  spoken  to-day.  .  .  .  His  record  is  written  on  every 
page  of  the  history  of  his  country,  especially  since  the  troublous  times  commencing  in  1860. 
When  the  nation  needed  brave  men  to  defend  it  Logan  threw  all  his  energy,  strength,  and 
heroism  into  the  scale  and  came  out  of  that  terrible  struggle  with  a  record  for  bravery  and 
military  skill  equal  at  least  to  that  of  any  man  who  fought  on  either  side.  Rapidly  rising 
from  a  private  to  major-general,  he  was  the  pride  and  glory  of  the  men  whom  he  com 
manded.  .  .  . 

But  Logan  was  not  only  a  great  soldier — he  was  equally  a  great  civil  leader.  Examine 
the  long  record  of  his  public  life,  and  not  a  blot  is  on  the  page.  Earnest,  aggressive,  and 
eloquent,  his  words  always  reflected  honest  convictions  and  high  purposes.  .  .  . 

In  every  department  of  life — whether  as  soldier,  legislator,  councillor,  or  friend — in  the 
army,  in  the  Senate,  or  anywhere  among  his  fellow-men,  he  was  the  circle  of  profound  re 
spect  and  loving  admiration. 

In  my  own  State,  on  a  lofty  mountain-peak,  is  the  perfect  face  of  a  man,  formed  by  the 
rocks  without  the  aid  of  human  intelligence  or  human  effort.  Tourists  from  distant  lands 
come  to  gaze  upon  "  the  great  stone  face,"  and  go  away  with  feelings  of  awe  and  admira 
tion.  It  is  a  grand  face — grand  in  its  dignity  and  its  impressiveness — a  face  that  haunts  one  in 
after  years,  and  tells  the  story  of  nature's  grandeur  and  glory.  And  so,  too,  there  are  men 
who  tower  to  the  mountain-tops  of  human  experience  and  acquirement,  and  look  down  upon 
their  fellows  in  the  valleys  below.  Such  a  man  was  Logan — a  great,  strong,  noble  soul — 
a  natural  leader  of  men,  and  utterly  incapable  of  the  petty  meannesses  that  mar  so  many 
lives.  ... 

REPRESENTATIVE    RALPH    PLUMB    [REP.],  OF    ILLINOIS,   SAID: 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  .  .  .  from  the  sparkling  waters  of  the  Aroostook  to  the  murky  Rio 
Grande  Del  Norte,  from  the  Everglades  of  Florida  to  beyond  the  Olympic  Mountains  to  far 


APPENDIX. 

off  Alaska,  there  is  no  city  or  town,  and  scarce  a  rural  neighborhood,  where  the  thoughts 
and  emotions  of  people  have  not  been  profoundly  moved  by  the  event  we  are  here  to  con 
template.  .  .  . 

General  Logan  lived  in  a  period  of  our  national  history  replete  with  remarkable  events — 
a  period  in  which  men  in  public  life  encountered  those  crucial  tests  that  not  only  developed 
characters,  but  decided  whether  they  were  to  live  in  the  hearts  of  their  countrymen  as  bene 
factors  of  the  race,  or,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  either  entirely  forgotten  or  remembered  only 
to  be  execrated.  .  .  . 

The  shock  of  the  rebellion  revealed  young  Logan  to  himself;  it  found  him  a  politician,  it 
made  him  a  statesman.  .  .  .  He  knew  that  the  true  patriot  would  give  his  life,  if  need 
be,  to  his  country  ;  and  without  hesitation  or  delay  he  entered  the  service,  was  a  true  and 
gallant  soldier,  an  able  and  successful  commander.  .  .  . 

When  the  rebellion  had  been  (.rushed,  and  Logan  was  once  more  in  his  place  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation,  he  met  each  question  that  arose  in  the  trying  work  of  reconstruction 
in  the  same  way  that  he  decided  to  change  his  political  course — by  choosing  what  was  right, 
and  going  straight  forward  to  accomplish  it.  .  .  . 

Sir,  the  State  which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent  on  this  floor  has  furnished  her 
full  quota  of  the  illustrious  men  who  have  been  great  actors  in  the  period  in  our  national 
history  to  which  I  have  referred.  That  grandest  of  Presidents  (Lincoln)  and  that  greatest  of 
captains  (Grant)  both  matured  their  manhood  as  citizens  of  Illinois,  but  Logan,  worthy  to 
have  been  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation,  the  great  volunteer  general  of  the  war,  whose 
name  and  memory  will  be  linked  with  Lincoln  and  Grant  as  long  as  history  shall  be  read, 
Illinois  proudly  claims  as  her  son.  .  .  . 

Let  monuments  be  erected  to  his  memory,  let  orator  and  poet  chronicle  his  worthy 
deeds  ;  but  wh?n  the  marble  no  longer  depicts  to  our  eyes  his  manly  figure,  when  eloquence 
and  song  can  no  longer  charm  us  with  the  recital  of  his  noble  qualities,  coming  generations 
will  speak  of  his  worth  and  be  influenced  by  his  example. 

REPRESENTATIVE    OSCAR    L.  JACKSON  [REP.],  OF   PENNSYLVANIA,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER:  ...  we  do  not,  perhaps,  fully  realize  that  we  have  ourselves  been 
eye-witnesses  and,  in  part,  humble  participants  of  the  most  important  part  of  our  country's 
history.  For  no  matter  how  grand  or  glorious  a  future  lies  before  us, to  the  generations  yet 
to  come,  the  history  of  our  country  for  the  past  thirty  years  must  for  all  time  be  the  most 
interesting  and  important  to  the  student  and  patriot.  During  all  this  time  the  record  of  the 
life  and  services  of  John  A.  Logan  is  so  blended  with  the  history  of  our  country  that  they  are 
inseparable. 

It  is  not  that  in  any  quality  of  mind  or  capacity  for  service  he  excelled  each  and  everyone 
of  his  associates,  but  it  is  because  in  every  position  he  has  occupied,  from  the  lowest  to  the 
highest,  he  has  acquitted  himself  as  one  of  the  best  representative  citizens  of  his  age.  Since 
the  death  of  Grant,  the  great  chieftain  \\hose  soul  went  up  to  God  from  Mount  McGregor, 
no  citizen  of  the  United  Slates  was  so  well  known  as  Logan.  His  name  was  in  very  truth  a 
household  word  throughout  the  land.  His  every  act  was  open  to  inspection  and  criticism. 
How  honestly,  how  wisely,  how  modestly  he  has  borne  himself  in  every  condition  and  under 
every  circumstance  let  history  answer ;  yea,  more,  let  those  who  were  from  time  to  time  his 
opponents  be  his  judges  and  his  reputation  is  safe. 

It  was  my  fortune  to  serve  fir  four  years  as  a  soldier  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
of  which  General  Logan  was  from  the  first  a  prominent  leader,  and  at  last  its  commander. 

.  .  Long  before  he  became  its  commander  he  was  as  well  known  to  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  as  either  Grant,  Sherman,  or  McPherson.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  he  was  superior 
to  either  of  them.  But  he  was  a  real  soldier,  a  man  of  immense  force  and  power.  He  had 
the  confidence  of  the  army,  and  I  can  recall  more  than  one  occasion  when  his  presence  on  the 
field  under  fire  was,  in  my  judgment,  worth  "more  than  a  thousand  men.n  .  .  '. 

Logan  was  honored  in  his  death  by  municipal  and  civil  organizations,  by  army  societies, 
and  Grand  Army  Posts  as  few  men  have  ever  been.  From  all  over  this  broad  land  came 
resolutions  of  sincere  condolence  to  the  afflicted  family. 

Each  year  hereafter  on  Memorial  Day,  in  every  cemetery,  church-yard,  and  God's-acre 
throughout  our  country,  where  a  soldier's  grave  is  made  green,  there  will  be  a  wreath  for  him. 
In  every  neighborhood  where  they  meet  to  ik  bedeck  the  soldiers'  graves  with  flowers  and  be- 
•dew  them  with  tears,"  when  they  give  a  double  portion  to  the  little  mound  that  represents 
those  who  sleep  in  unknown  graves,  someone  "most  loving  of  them  all"  will  strew  the 
flowers  in  memory  of  the  man  who  instituted  this  beautiful  ceremony.  .  .  . 


580  LIFE   OF  LOGAN. 

REPRESENTATIVE    CHARLES    M.    ANDERSON    [DEM.J,  OF  OHIO,  SAID  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  John  A.  Logan  imbibed  from  the  wide-stretching  prairies  sur 

rounding  his  humble  home  broad  views  and  the  true  idea  of  freedom.  I  le  was  a  man  pos 
sessed  of  profound  convictions  and  of  unbending  will  if  he  believed  he  was  in  the  right. 
All  his  personal  and  intellectual  qualities  were  positive. 

In  debate  he  was  direct,  intense,  fearless.  Bold  in  the  assertion  of  his  convictions,  im 
petuous  in  their  vindication,  he  scorned  evasion  and  despised  hypocrisy. 

In  the  performance  of  duty  he  took  no  account  of  results  and  feared  no  consequences. 
He  was  familiar  with  all  the  weapons  of  debate,  and  he  at  times  wielded  the  gentle  power 
of  persuasion,  the  convincing  force  of  logic,  and  the  strong  blows  of  ridicule,  often  sweep 
ing  before  him  in  a  tempestuous  outburst  of  eloquence  all  opposition  to  the  high  resolves 
and  earnest  convictions  of  his  mighty  soul. 

If  he  lost  anything  by  neglected  education  his  great  genius  supplied  the  defect.  He 
always  had  his  armor  on,  and  Logan,  either  in  the  forum  or  on  the  battle-field,  was  ever 
ready  for  the  rencounter. 

He  was  the  advocate  of  liberty,  and  the  devoted  friend  of  the  human  race.  He  loved 
his  friends  with  unswerving  fidelity  and  never  deserted  them.  He  was  a  friend  of  truth, 
and  hated  treason  whether  against  his  country  or  his  friend. 

He  sought  to  preserve  the  Union  and  maintain  the  Constitution  ;  he  was  the  advocate 
of  the  universal  freedom  of  man.  He  labored  to  restore  peace  and  amity  between  the 
secti  >ns  of  our  country,  and  performed  his  full  share  in  healing  the  animosities  engendered 
by  the  war.  He  sought  to  cherish  industry  and  protect  labor.  He  encouraged  the  settle 
ment  of  our  vast  domain  and  the  development  of  our  resources.  He  came  from  the 
humbler  class  and  his  sympathies  were  always  with  the  poor  and  the  sons  of  toil.  He  was 
from  them  and  one  of  them. 

Along  the  highway  over  which  our  country  and  people  have  journeyed  during  the  past 
q  tarter  of  a  century  John  A.  Logan  may  be  seen  and  traced.  If  he  was  your  antagonist, 
ne  was  an  open  one,  scorning  to  attack  by  stealth  or  fight  from  ambush.  He  struck  his 
blows  in  front  and  in  daylight.  Ready  to  forgive  and  forget  a  slight  or  insult  done  him,  he 
was  as  eager  to  repair  an  injury  done  another. 

Wherever  he  was  found  he  was  stolid,  sincere,  intense,  firm,  honest,  and  courageous. 
If  he  was  a  brilliant  figure  in  the  political  arena,  he  was  none  the  less  so  in  the  military. 
It  mattered  little  to  Logan  whether  on  the  field  of  battle,  or  in  the  halls  of  Congress ; 
whether  conducting  his  troops  at  the  assault  of  Donelson,  or  maintaining  a  debate  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  ;  whether  managing  a  great  Presidential  campaign,  or  leading 
his  army  through  Georgia  ;  whether  caressing  his  loved  ones  at  home,  or  enduring  the 
privations  of  army  life  ;  whether  trudging  along  the  ranks  as  a  private  soldier,  or  riding  his 
charger  at  the  head  of  his  army. 

When  our  civil  war  burst  like  a  terrible  tempest  upon  the  nation  Logan  buckled  on  his 
sword,  rushed  to  battle  and  never  halted  until  slavery  was  dead,  freedom  reigned  trium 
phant,  and  the  union  of  all  the  States  secured.  As  resistless  against  the  foe  as  an  avalanche 
rushing  headlong  from  Alpine  heights  to  desolate  the  plains  below  he  combined  the  des 
peration  of  Charles  XII.  with  the  generosity  of  a  Caesar. 

In  peace  he  had  no  fortune  but  his  genius,  courage,  and  faith  ;  in  war,  no  friend  but  his 
valor  and  sword  ;  yet  we  see  him  measuring  arms  with  men  of  experience,  rank,  and  power, 
and  writing  his  name  high  on  the  escutcheon  of  fame,  leaving  the  world  better  for  having 
lived  in  it. 

He  is  dead  ;  dead  to  his  State,  but  he  lives  to  the  nation  ;  dead  to  the  family,  but  he 
lives  to  every  lover  of  freedom  on  the  globe. 

This  great  man  will  not  be  forgotten.  His  name  and  deeds  are  enrolled  in  the  history 
of  his  age  and  he  lives  in  the  affections  of  a  patriotic  people.  He  will  be  remembered 
while  liberty  has  a  shrine  and  freedom  a  votary.  His  name  will  be  cherished  until  the 
clouds  forget  to  replenish  the  springs,  the  fountains  to  gush,  or  the  rills  to  sing.  In  ages 
hence  his  lofty  deeds  will  "be  acted  o'er  in  the  nations  yet  unborn  and  accents  yet  un 
known." 

Mr.  Speaker,  from  the  tears  which  this  day  fall  on  the  bier  of  Logan  the  patriot,  war 
rior,  and  statesman,  there  springs  a  rainbow  spanning  our  heavens,  giving  hope  and  prom 
ise  of  the  immortality  of  the  Republic. 

The  eulogies  being  ended,  the  resolutions  offered  by  Mr.  Thomas  were  adopted  unani 
mously  ;  and,  in  accordance  therewith,  the  House  of  Representatives  adjourned. 


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